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fry IValker 

From a painting in the National Portrait Gallery 


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If 37 

7A* Mayfltwer Press, Plvmeuth, England. William Brendon & Son, Ltd. 


MADAME NECKER once remarked that there 
were three works characteristically French 
the Letters of Madame de Sevigne, La Fon- 
taine's Fables and the Memoires de Grammont. 1 
And the last-named of these characteristically French 
works was written, as we know, by an Irishman of Scottish 
extraction. It is the story of his life that the following 
pages propose to relate, it is his book " of all books the 
most exquisitely French, both in spirit and in manner " 
the phrase is Macaulay's that this essay intends to dis- 
cuss, along with his other works, less well known, but not 
less rich in that graceful wit and light irony which were 
Saint-fivremond's before him and Voltaire's after him. 

Hamilton's life was a long and adventurous one ; on a 
childhood of poverty and privation, on a dashing youth, 
followed years of responsibility and work not always 
successful, and an old age that brought with it disappoint- 
ment and bitterness ; and yet singularly little is known 
about this life, the last twenty or thirty years except ed. 
It has therefore been necessary to include an account of 
his brothers, interesting in varying degrees, to bring in 
more family history than may at first seem justified, for 
thus only was it possible to write a fairly continuous 
chronicle, and thus it is, for instance, that George Hamil- 
ton's military career in France is very fully described, 
because we know that Anthony accompanied him and 
served with him in the regiment d' Hamilton, even though 
contemporary accounts mention him only twice or thrice. 

1 Melanges, II, p. 33 (Paris, An. VI, 1798, vieux style), 


Considerable space has been devoted to the regiment 
d' Hamilton, for it seemed interesting, at a time when our 
army and the French were fighting side by side, to give 
the story of this Irish regiment serving in France, and 
although mention is made of the regiments Royal Anglais 
(horse and foot, also called Monmouth) and Douglas, much 
more might be said about them. Possibly this sketch may 
suggest to some one more qualified to undertake it a history 
of the English, Scottish and Irish regiments serving in 
France from 1671 to 1678. 

I know that some of the periods I have touched upon 
in this Life have already been very fully treated, e.g. the 
Revolution in Ireland and the exile in France ; in those 
cases I have endeavoured to be brief and to make use 
especially of less well-known sources, in order to avoid 
producing what William Beckford once described as 
" literary aliment already reduced to a caput mortuum by 
repeated ste wings." 

The introductions to the various editions of the Memoires 
de Grammont usually give some space to the life and works 
of Hamilton, but the best account of Hamilton's life is 
to be found in the Dictionary of National Biography, and 
as regards a critical estimate of his works, I have derived 
most benefit from Professor Saintsbury's article in the 
Fortnightly Review for October, 1890,* and Mr. Stephen 
Gwynn's article in Macmillan's Magazine for May, 1898. 
The only monograph that has been written on Hamilton 
is a German thesis, Antoine d' Hamilton, sein Leben und 
seine Werke, by Wilhelm Kissenberth, Rostock, 1907 
(114 pp.), and while it may satisfy a German public to 
whom Hamilton is scarcely a figure of paramount import- 
ance, the discussion of Hamilton's works is superficial and 
the biographical part brings us nothing that we do not 
know from the Dictionary of National Biography or from 
M. de Boislisle's notes in his admirable edition of Saint- 
Simon, 2 Dr. Kissenberth not having consulted or not 

1 And reprinted the year following in Essays on French Novelists. 
8 I confess myself greatly indebted to these notes. 


having been able to consult the archives of the Ministere 
des Affaires fitrangeres and of the Ministere de la Guerre, 
or any of the English manuscript sources. Moreover, the 
Hamilton brothers, especially Anthony and Richard, are 
frequently confused. 

A word of explanation is necessary to justify my use 
of the spelling Gramont and Grammont. Gramont is the 
correct spelling, and whenever I have spoken of the family 
I have used it ; but Hamilton's Memoirs were first published 
as Memoires de la Vie du Comte de Grammont, and as this 
spelling has been retained in almost all subsequent editions, 
I have found myself obliged to use this spelling when 
alluding to the work. 

In quoting Hamilton, I refer to the (Euvres completes, 
Paris, A. A. Renouard, 1812, 3 vols., and to Mr. Gordon 
Goodwin's English edition of the Memoirs, 1903, 2 vols. 

My very sincere thanks are due to M. G. Reynier, Pro- 
fessor of French Literature at the Sorbonne, who, some 
years ago, first suggested this subject to me and was always 
ready to counsel my inexperience; to Professor Saints- 
bury, Professor Sir Richard Lodge, and Professor Sarolea 
of Edinburgh University; to Mr. Tilley of Cambridge 
and to Dr. Hedgcock, formerly English lector at the Sor- 
bonne, who all gave me the benefit of their kind advice ; 
to the Marquis of Ormonde for a copy of a letter of Hamil- 
ton's in his possession ; to M. C. Magnier, Conservateur 
de la Bibliotheque de Saint-Quentin, who himself copied 
out for me a lengthy letter attributed to Hamilton ; x and 

1 This is a letter written from Tunbridge, partly in prose and partly in 
verse, as most of Hamilton's letters are. It shows the very pronounced 
influence of Voiture that is to be found in Hamilton's letters. The allusions 
to Amadis and Oriana are very characteristic of Hamilton. ' Comme il 
plait a Dieu ' is a favourite phrase of Hamilton's, and it is used in this 
letter. " Je ne vous diray rien des dehors, ils sont comme il plaist a Dieu 
qui en scait bien plus que Mr. Mansard." 

On the other hand the writer writes as a Frenchman would have written 
from England, and when all is said, the letter is coarse. Now the charge of 
coarseness can certainly not be brought against Hamilton, of whatever 
else he may be accused. I do not reproduce the letter as I do not believe 
it to be by Hamilton ; had it been by Hamilton, his reputation would have 
gained nothing from publication of the document in question. 


to Miss Symonds ('George Paston'), Baron Sackville, Mr. 
D. C. Boulger, Mr. Forde of Seaforde, Co. Down, Mr. David 
Hannay, Mr. J. D. Milner of the National Portrait Gallery, 
Mr. W. M. Nolan of Limerick and Mr. R. L. Praeger of the 
Royal Irish Academy for various information. 

I have met with much kindness in the different libraries 
where I worked. I should like, however, to make special 
mention of the unfailing courtesy shown to me at the 
Archives, both of the Ministre de la Guerre and the Minis- 
tre des Affaires fitrangeres. 

And, lastly, I owe everything to the Carnegie Trust for 
the Universities of Scotland. It was as a Research Scholar 
of the Trust that I undertook this work, it is with the 
aid of a grant that it is being published, and if anything 
has been accomplished, it is entirely due to the assistance 
of the Trust, which has done so much towards the promoting 
of original research in Scotland. 






I. FAMILY HISTORY ....... i 



HAM ........ 28 





VII. MADAME DE GRAMONT ...... 109 */ 



X. THE END 155 

I. INTRODUCTORY . . . . . . .171 









IN 1671 . ..... 2 ?7 






LAND IN 1688 ....... 28 4 








AUTHORITIES ....... 3 2 7 

INDEX ......... 337 


ANTHONY HAMILTON ...... Frontispiece 

From a painting in the National Portrait Gallery. Photo by EMERY WAI KER. 

ANTHONY HAMILTON r , r , Facing page 190 






APHONY HAMILTON was born about 1645, 
perhaps in the county of Tyrone, perhaps in 
the county of Tipperary. Not much is known 
about the first part of his life, and the scantiness 
of detail which his biographers have to acknowledge makes 
itself felt from the very beginning. It is, however, possible 
to say something about his father and grandfather and 
to explain how the Abercorn branch of the great Scottish 
house of Hamilton was at this time settled in Ireland. 

The reign of James I will be for ever memorable in Ireland 
for the Great Plantation in Ulster. The circumstances that 
led up to this measure need not be discussed here ; 
1610 it will be sufficient to say that a certain proportion 
of the escheated lands was set aside for Scottish 
undertakers, and that amongst the most important and 
influential of these undertakers was Anthony Hamilton's 
grandfather James, first Earl of Abercorn, a special favourite 
of the King's. He received in 1610 two grants of land 
amounting to 3000 acres in the Precinct of Strabane, 
county Tyrone. Of the seven other Scottish undertakers 
settled in the precinct, two were his brothers, Sir Claud and 
Sir George Hamilton, who held adjacent lands, one was 
a kinsman, Sir George Hamilton of Bynning, and another 
was his brother-in-law, Sir Thomas Boyd, all men of some 
standing and representing not a little of the power of 
Renfrewshire. 1 

1 Hill, The Plantation in Ulster, pp. 288-292. 


It had been intended originally to divide the land by lot, 
but the Lord Deputy, Sir Arthur Chichester, had wisely 
pointed out that the arrangement would prevent persons 
wishing to ' plant ' together from undertaking at all ; 
this was abandoned and the more satisfactory arrange- 
ment of establishing communities of relatives and friends 

The Hamiltons proved to be amongst the most successful 
of the undertakers, and though the Earl of Abercorn speaks 
about the ' hardnes ' of his ' beginningis in this kyngdome/ 1 
they prospered above all others in that part of the country, 2 
a prosperity which was largely due to the energy with which 
the settlers undertook their new duties. In 1611, the 
year after the allotment of the lands, when many of the 
undertakers had not yet even appeared, the Earl of Aber- 
corn had already taken up residence with his wife and 
family ; his tenants, ' all Scottishmen,' had built sixty 
houses and preparations for the building of a fair castle 
were being made. 3 In 1614 his portion of lands had 
doubled. 4 

When the Earl died in 1617 James, his eldest son, was 
about sixteen, and George, the fourth son, who was to be 
Anthony Hamilton's father, not more than eleven or 
twelve years old. 5 The family gradually seems to have 
identified itself with the cause of the Catholics, though the 
settlement was certainly intended to be a Protestant one. 
There is nothing to prove that the Earl was a Catholic, 
but his father, Lord Claud Paisley, had joined the Church 
of Rome, his brothers Sir Claud and Sir George, held the 
same faith, and his wife, Marion Boyd, on whom the educa- 
tion of the children devolved, got herself into serious 
trouble with the Privy Council of Scotland for her indiscreet 
zeal as a ' Papist.' 6 And gradually the Lord Justice of 
Ireland and others came to the conclusion that King James's 
policy of planting civilization and Protestantism in the 
county of Tyrone had not had the good effect expected 


Letters and State Papers of the Reign of James VI, p. 239. 

Stewart's MS. History of Ireland, quoted in Hanna, The Scotch Irish, 


Cal. St. P., Carew, 1603-1624, p. 77. 

Registers of the Privy Council of Scotland, X, p. 263. 

Archdall Lodge, Peerage of Ireland, V, pp. iio-m and note. 

Registers of the Privy Council of Scotland, I-IV, New Series, passim. 


from it ; the Hamiltons, very different from some of the 
settlers who had ' planted ' their estates with pious ministers 
from their county, were accused of harbouring the Papists 
ejected from Scotland and of drawing Priests and Jesuits 
to Strabane. Sir George Hamilton the elder, uncle of our 
George Hamilton, was considered a dangerous man, and 
various orders were given to remove him out of the kingdom 
if he continued to be a recusant Papist. The Barony of 
Strabane, it was said, had become the sink into which all 
the corrupt humours purged out of Scotland ran. 1 

As for George Hamilton the younger, he had in 1627 
obtained Sir Roger Hope's Company of Foot, 2 and in 
1629 3 ne married the third daughter of Thomas Viscount 
Thurles, the Hon. Mary Butler, who for fifty years was 
to be his faithful companion. Though little enough is known 
about her, it would seem that she was not unworthy of her 
brother, the Duke of Ormonde, at that time Lord Thurles. 
Six sons and three daughters were born to them James, 
George, Anthony, Thomas, Richard and John, Elizabeth, 
la belle Gramont, Lucia, married to Sir Donogh O'Brien 
of Lemineagh, and Margaret, married in January, 1688, 
to Matthew Ford of Coolgreny in the county of Wexford. 4 
According to some authorities George Hamilton was created 
a baronet of Nova Scotia in 1634 an( i a baronet of Ireland 
in 1660 ; there is some difficulty about his title, 6 but in 

1 Cal. St. P., Ireland, 1611-1614, p. 483 ; 1625-1632, pp. 499, 509-513 ; 
1625-1660, Addenda, p. 173. Hist. MSS. Comm. Reports, N.S., Franciscan 
MSS., Dublin, p. 18. 

2 Archdall Lodge, Peerage of Ireland, V, p. 117. 
8 Ib., p. 118 note. 

* Ib. pp. 119-20. 

5 Cf. G.E.C.'s Complete Peerage, under Strabane. " In Wood's Douglas 
(Vol. I, p. 6) this George Hamilton is said to have been ' cr. a Baronet of 
Ireland in 1660,' but in the first edition (1764) of Douglas's Peerage it is 
merely stated that he was created a Baronet, neither the date nor the 
kingdom being specified. In Lodge's Peerage he is called a Baronet of 
Nova Scotia, as he is also in the first edition of that work. This last is the 
earliest mention of any baronetcy, for neither in ' Crawfurd,' 1716, nor 
' Crossley ' is such a dignity mentioned. No record of any such creation 
appears in either kingdom, and it is stated in Lodge (V, 121) that Sir 
George's grandson and heir, James Hamilton, ' declined after his grand- 
father's death to use the title of Baronet, being usually called " Captain" 
Hamilton, till in 1701 he succeeded as Earl of Abercorn.' He in his 
marriage licence 24 Jan., 1683-4, is called James Hamilton, Esq. In the 
absence of any proof of creation, any recognition, or indeed any 
authentic proof of the user of this Baronetcy, the inference seems to be 
that it never existed." 


contemporary accounts, and long before the Restoration, 
he is always alluded to as Sir George Hamilton. He is 
described as a man of steady loyalty and great gallantry, 
though he suffered both imprisonment and loss of his 
commission on account of his faith. 1 

During the Rebellion Hamilton made himself very 
useful to Charles, though the precise nature of his services 
is not known, nor do we know how his property fared in 
those troublous times, except that sixteen persons were 
cruelly murdered at Doonally where Sir George employed 
some English families to work the silver mines. 2 Strabane 
Castle was also burned by Phelim O'Neill, who carried 
off Claud Hamilton's widow, Hamilton's sister-in-law. 3 
Throughout this time of stress Sir George was a staunch 
ally to Ormonde and was employed by him on confidential 
missions. 4 During Ormonde's Viceroyalty he was governor 
of Nenagh Castle. In September, 1646, Owen O'Neill, 
at the head of his Ulstermen, took Roscrea (which had 
formerly belonged to Sir George Hamilton the elder) and 
according to Carte 6 ' put man, woman and child to the 
sword except the Lady Hamilton, sister to the Marquis of 
Ormonde, and a few gentlewomen whom he kept prisoners/ 
It is on the strength of this statement, probably, that 
Anthony Hamilton's biographers have assigned to Roscrea 
the honour of being his birth-place, as Anthony was sup- 
posed to have been born in 1646. He was, however, at this 
time at least a year old, 6 but it is quite possible, of course, 
that he was born at Roscrea. Lady Hamilton was still 
living there in 1649 ; 7 Sir George may have inherited the 
property from his uncle. 

1 Crawfurd's History of the Shire of Renfrew, p. 288 ; Archdall Lodge, 
V, p. 117 ; Carte's Life of Ormonde, I, pp. 209-10 ; Hist. MSS. Comm. t 
$th Report, Appendix, p. 352. 

* Carte, I, p. 270. 

9 Archdall Lodge, V, p. 114 n. ; Hickson, Ireland in the ijth Century, 
I. P- 332. 

4 Carte, I, pp. 571, 601 ; II, pp. 23, 38 ; III, pp. 178, 179, 214. Hist. 
MSS. Comm., Ormonde MSS., New Series, I, pp. 57-58. Castlehaven, 
Memoirs, p. 79. Thirty-Second Report of the Deputy- Keeper of Public 
Records, App. I, p. 20. 

* Carte, I, p. 584. 

* In his Acte d'inhumation, dated April 22nd, 1719, he is described as 
being seventy-four years old. 

7 Thirty-Second Report of the Deputy- Keeper of Public Records 
App. I, p. 85. 


In January, 1649, * after the peace between the Lord 
Lieutenant and the Confederates, Sir George was appointed 
Receiver-General of the Revenues for Ireland, in the place 
of the Earl of Roscommon, who had died, 2 no easy post 
at a time of such financial difficulties, the multiplicity of 
receivers in no wise lightening the task. The weekly 
applotments of money, corn, bread, matches, etc., levelled 
on the counties had often to be brought in by the troops 
which Ormonde sorely needed elsewhere, and we find Sir 
George ' going abroad with some horse ' to bring in what 
he can, excusing himself for not sending his own company 
of foot to Ormonde, they being employed in the same 
way. 3 

With Cromwell's successful campaign in Ireland 
Ormonde's authority waned among the Confederates, 
and the clerical reaction and the condemnation of the 
Protestant Viceroy by the Catholic clergy were not without 
affecting the position of Sir George Hamilton, Catholic 
though he was. When Ormonde left the kingdom in Decem- 
ber, 1650, Sir George would have accompanied him with 
his family, but the clergy having unjustly questioned his 
honesty as Receiver-General, he was obliged to stay and 
clear his name, which he did successfully. 4 

In the spring of 1651 took place, at last, the event which 
had such a determining influence on the fate of the 
young Hamiltons. Sir George Hamilton left his 
country for France with his family, just as in happier circum- 

1 New Style. All the years throughout this narrative are made to 
begin in January. 

* Cal. Clarendon Papers, II, p. 36. Thirty-Second Report of the Deputy- 
Keeper of Public Records, App. I, p. 77. 

One of the letters Sir George wrote at this time to Lauderdale is pre- 
served at the British Museum : 

" MY DEAR LORD, I send this att hazard in hope itt may feind you yitt 
in holland, Itt shall onlye bee the conveyor of my most obliged service, 
with the assurance of the peace conclouded here, butt iff itt bee aprehended 
anye graette use can be made of itt elswhaer withoutt monye bieng other- 
ways provydid for, the mistaeke may prouve greatt and the inconveniense 
graeter. The bearer Byron a person of greatt honor goeth fully instructid 
of our condicioun and resoloucion. E. Lanwick hath laetlye sent collonel 
Johne Hamilton hither to Lo. Ormond from whome you nou have a letter, 
ther are good harts still in Scotland and money will get them help from 
freinds. My Lord, your most faithfull humble servantt G. HAMILTON. 
Kilkennye 26th of Janauarij 1648." (MS. 23,113 f. 24.) The last part of 
the letter is in cypher. 

8 Hist. MSS. Comm., Ormonde MSS., New Series, I, pp. 133, 136, 

4 Carte, II, p. 138, 


stances his father had taken his young family from 
Scotland to Ireland. Hamilton was accompanied by his 
wife, his seven children Anthony must then have been 
about six years old Lady Clanricarde and ' other persons 
of quality ' ; he probably encountered no great difficulty 
or danger in his departure, for Cromwell had extended 
to him the great regard he professed for Ormonde and 
particularly for Lady Ormonde. 1 In France they were 
to live for the next nine years, and it is almost unnecessary 
to add that without this boyhood spent in France, Anthony 
Hamilton would not have given us these works which make 
of him one of the minor French classics, nor would his 
brother have raised a regiment d' Hamilton for the French 

After the Restoration the Hamiltons, who so frequently 
returned to France, were considered to be as much French 
as English, and one often finds references to Monsieur 
Hamilton, M. d'Hamilton, the Count d'Hamilton in English 
letters of the time ; on one occasion the Countess of Arran, 
a cousin of the Hamiltons, mentioning the arrival of two 
of these kinsmen, remarks ' Ye Monsieurs have now 
come/ 2 

Lady Hamilton must have been glad to find some more 
peaceful abode, for during the protracted absences of her 
husband her position had been rather a defenceless one at 
home. In December, 1649, f r instance, a regiment of horse 
belonging to the Ulster army had passed through Roscrea 
and had spent two days and two nights there ; Lady 
Hamilton complains bitterly of the ravages they perpe- 
trated. Besides ' excess of meat and drink ' the troopers 
took ' whole ricks of oats, hutches full of beare and oaten 
malt,' and, not content with houses and stables, filled the 
barns with their horses, nor would they leave their quarters 
till each had received a sum of money. Not yet satisfied, 
they threatened they would undo the town, so Lady Hamil- 
ton to pacify them gave them an additional 7 and at 
length they departed, carrying with them ' liveries, saddles, 
bridles, horselocks, pots, pans, gridirons, brandirons, plough- 
irons, spades, bedding, carpets, women's gowns and petti- 
coats,' in a word whatever came in the way of these 

1 Carte, II, pp. 121, 138. 

Hist, MSS. Comm., Ormonde MSS., N.S., IV, p. 6, 


Rabelaisian gentlemen, ' and there was no restoring of it, 
unless the owners would buy it again from them/ 1 

Caen was doubtless the place where Sir George settled 
his family at first, 2 he himself being continually travelling 
about in the King's service. The Marchioness of Ormonde 
had already gone there with her family in the spring of 
1648, and Ormonde was spending a few months in quiet 
retirement with his wife and children. The two youngest 
Hamiltons, probably John and Margaret, were born abroad, 3 
possibly at Caen, and this would in a measure explain why 
Voltaire (and Voltaire alone) gives Caen as Anthony Hamil- 
ton's birthplace. 4 Later on the family lived in Paris. 

The Hamiltons, at no time well off, shared the general 
poverty and the privations of the exiles who had crowded 
to France ; moreover, Sir George Hamilton, always some- 
thing of a speculator and not averse to a good bargain 
Ormonde's mother, Lady Thurles, calls him ' that exigent 
Sir George Hamilton ' 5 in connexion with money matters 
had sustained various losses before leaving Ireland. He 
had purchased an interest in all the royal mines of Ireland 
and had done a good deal to perfect these mines, in Munster 
particularly. The Rebellion cost him 20,000, besides the 
loss of most of his workmen whom he brought from England. 
He had also supplied the army with lead and bullets at his 
own cost, for above 3000.* Nor was this all. He had 
invested what remained of his fortune in a frigate which 
he sent out for ' adventures/ but which was seized by the 
Governor of St. Malo for having captured as a prize a 
ship which was not really one, " by which," writes Sir 
George, " I am totally ruined, having no other stock of 
substance left me than what was there adventured in setting 
forth that frigate/' 7 Ormonde was just leaving definitely 
for the Continent, and Hamilton, prevented by the 
' clamours ' of the clergy from accompanying his brother- 
in-law to France, put matters into his hands, but even 

1 Thirty-Second Report of the Deputy- Keeper of the Public Records, 
App. I, p. 85. 

See especially Hist. MSS. Comm., Ormonde MSS., N.S., I, p. 201. 

Cal. St. P., Dom., 1660-1661, p. 413. 

(Euvres, XIV, p. 78 (Siecle de Louis XIV). 

Ormonde MSS., N.S., III, p. 44- 

Cal. St. P., Ireland, 1660-1662, pp. 431-432. 

Hist. MSS. Comm., Ormonde MSS., N.S., I, p. 161. 


Ormonde's help could not shorten the lengthy lawsuit 
that ensued. 1 In France attempts to fit out vessels for 
an expedition to Ireland or to send arms and ammunition 
to Scotland, with a view to ' advantaging ' himself in a 
most certain way, involved Hamilton in more financial 
losses, 2 and waiting long months in attendance on Charles 
for money towards a mission that ultimately did not 
take place, brought him to so low an ebb that he 
was forced to apply for relief to the French court 
through Jermyn. 3 

The young Hamiltons, the elder children at least, did 
not remain very long in Caen. Thanks to Ormonde, always 
mindful of his relatives' welfare, George, the second son, 
was made a page to Charles II, and James, the eldest, also 
joined the wandering court, though the precise nature of 
his connexion is not known. 4 Elizabeth was sent with her 
cousin Helen, Lady Muskerry's daughter, to Port Royal, 
where, as she herself was not ashamed to relate many years 
afterwards, the daughter of the penniless refugee was 
charitably received and sheltered during seven or eight 
years. 6 Of Anthony's doings during this period there 
remains, unfortunately, no trace whatever. That he 
received a good education while he was in France is certain. 
One wonders whether he was placed under the tuition of 
the French minister at Caen who had charge of his Ormonde 
cousins, Lord Ossory and Lord Richard Butler, and whether, 
when his mother and his aunt, Lady Muskerry, had apart- 
ments at the Couvent des Feuillantines in Paris, he attended 
M. du Camp's Academy, where his cousins had also received 
instruction. 8 He must have been a good Latin scholar 
and probably at this time learned to love the curiosa felicitas 
of the poet he always admired. 

Meanwhile Sir George was continually travelling in the 
King's interest though Lady Hamilton would fain have 

1 Hist. MSS. Comm., Ormonde MSS., N.S., I, p. 201. 

1 Ib., pp. 1 86, 189, 299, 304, 311. 

8 Ib., pp. 195, 259 ; Clanricarde Memoirs, Appendix, p. 55. 

At one time, about 1655, he seems to have been with Prince Rupert 
in Heidelberg. Ormonde MSS., I, pp. 201, 301 ; Cal. Clarendon Papers, 
III, pp. 34, 60. 

Sainte-Beuve, Port Royal, II, p. 167, V, p. 184. Sainte-Beuve says 
they came before 1655. A certain Father Callaghan, probably Callaghan 
MacCarthy, a family connexion, also became an inmate about this time. 

Carte, II, pp. 1 80, 502. 


prevented him. Sir George has to use all kinds of 
1651- su ^ ter ^ u es to circumvent her anxious solicitude. 
16 - In order to get away he has to request a few lines 
containing the King's commands to wait upon him, 
or he has to pretend that the journey is for the sake of the 
absent sons ; her ' womanish apprehensions ' have to be 
allayed before he can get away. 1 In the summer of 1651 
he was sent to Clanricarde in Ireland. 2 In 1654, a ^ the 
suggestion of Middleton who had invaded Scotland, he was 
despatched thither to dispose his Hamilton kinsmen to 
union in the King's service, but only arrived after Middleton 
had been defeated. 3 

Back in Paris he set out with Ormonde to 
accompany the little Duke of Gloucester to Cologne, 4 
and the next two years find him travelling to and from 
Cologne, where the wandering court was established, now 
at Antwerp, now at the Hague, now at Breda, now at 
Brussels, now back in France and now at Bruges, whither 
the court had migrated. 5 In 1655 he was to have gone 
on a new expedition to Scotland to relieve Middleton, but 
he does not seem to have been sent eventually. 6 

A little later Charles, who was taking various steps to 
raise an army of his own in the Low Countries and was 
planning a further expedition to Scotland, despatched Sir 
George Hamilton and his brother-in-law, Lord Muskerry, 
to Madrid to find out whether it would be agreeable to the 
King of Spain that the Irish now in Spain and those who 
would come over from the French should be sent immedi- 
ately into Ireland. Sir George, leaving various 
1657 debts behind him at Antwerp and at Bruges, bor- 
rowed more money for the journey, and finally 
arrived with Lord Muskerry in May at Madrid, where 
Arlington, then Sir Henry Bennet, was established as the 
King's agent. Repeated expressions of friendship and 

1 Hist. MSS. Comm., Ormonde MSS., N.S., I, pp. 301, 302. 

2 Ib., p. 191. 

8 Ib., pp. 299-304, 311 ; Cal. Clarendon Papers, II, pp. 306, 309, 310, 
314, 378, 457 ; Nicholas Papers, II, p. 183 ; Firth, Scotland and the Pro- 
tectorate, pp. 141-143. 

4 Nicholas Papers, II, pp. 151, 166. 

5 Ib., Ill, 36; Cal. Clarendon Papers, III, pp. i, 9, 11, 34; Thurloe 
State Papers, IV, p. 298 ; Scott, Travels of the King, pp. 97, 114, 248. 

* Nicholas Papers, II, 116, 129, 138, 140, 183, 195 n. 


affection were not hard to obtain from the Spanish court, 
but beyond this the court would not go, and after five 
months of waiting they were given an evasive answer. 
Meanwhile, they had lived in the greatest poverty, they 
had nothing to hope for from Paris, they pressed the King 
for the funds without which they would be driven ' to quit 
the designe they were upon/ but Charles was living on 
borrowed money and the Chancellor was owing for every 
piece of bread he had eaten ; had it not been for Sir Henry 
Bennet, writes Sir George, they would have starved, a 
kindness which Anthony Hamilton ill repaid by remarking 
that Arlington, although unsuccessful in his master's affairs, 
had not misspent his time in Spain, " for he had perfectly 
acquired in his exterior, the serious air and profound 
gravity of the Spaniards, and imitated pretty well their 
tardiness in business/' 1 Bennet was badly off himself, 
he had hired ' a quarter of a house ' and set up the King's 
arms though he had not ten pistols left. Into this house 
Muskerry and Hamilton moved, depending upon him for 
their maintenance whilst pursuing their fruitless errand. 
' A great cordial in this sad time ' was the news given 
to Hamilton that Charles took a personal interest in his 
sons James and George. 

In July of the next year the two envoys returned, stopping 
for a space in Paris, where Ormonde, a short time ago, on 
his way back from England, had lain concealed 
1658 in Lady Hamilton's apartment at the Feuillantines. 
Then they joined the court at Hoogstraeten, a 
melancholy company ; the country round about was 
desolated by constant warfare, Dunkirk had just been 
lost to France and England by the Spanish army in which 
were fighting some royalist regiments, Charles was em- 
bittered by family quarrels, money was a commodity con- 
spicuous by its absence, and no one knew whether ' the 
Spaniard ' was going ' to answer their design ' by giving 
them men or not. 2 

But better times were at hand. Scarcely eighteen 
months later Pepys could write, " Everybody now drinks 

1 Memoirs of Count Grammont, ed. Gordon Goodwin, I, p. 138. 

2 Cal. Clarendon Papers, III, passim ; Carte, II, p. 180 ; Hist. MSS. 
Comm., MSS. of the Marquis of Bath, II, p. 123. T. Ross to Col. 
Gervase Holies, a letter which gives a vivid account of the state of 


the King's health without any fear/' 1 " The same 
people," says Anthony Hamilton, recalling the events 

of his youth, " who by a solemn abjuration 
1660 had excluded even the posterity of their lawful 

sovereign, exhausted themselves in festivals and 
rejoicings for his return." 2 

1 Diary, I, p. 83. 

2 Memoirs of Count Grammont, I, p. 90. 



IT was in the beginning of 1661 that Sir George Hamil- 
ton brought his wife and younger children to England. 
His elder sons had already preceded him. The King 
was pleased to remember his faithful services. His 
old lands were restored and n$w lands were allotted him ; 
his grant of all the mines of Ulster was renewed ; he was 
to enjoy for life all the penalties and forfeitures 
1661 accruing to the Crown by reason of ploughing, 
drawing, harrowing and working horses by the tail. 1 
But in spite of these and other royal favours, the Hamiltons 
were continually in financial difficulties ; in fact, Sir George 
was once actually arrested for debt in 1665, but having 
been set free by the Lord Chamberlain of the Household, the 
debt did not trouble him much, nor did the letters which 
Ormonde and the Lord Chamberlain despatched after him 
to Ireland. 2 Practically nothing more is known about him 
beyond the fact that he continued in the King's service, 
employed on ' the King's special affairs/ 3 and that he 
squandered what little fortune remained to him in experi- 
ments that were to put him in possession of the philosopher's 
stone. 4 

The family, the six sons and three daughters, lived for 
some time in a large comfortable house near Whitehall, 
so Anthony relates. The Ormondes were there constantly 
and all that was best in English society, for the Hamiltons 

1 Cal. St. P., Ireland, 1660-1662, pp. 246, 431-432 ; Archdall Lodge, 
Peerage of Ireland, V, p. 118. 

1 Cal. St. P., Ireland, 1669-1670, Addenda, 1660-1670, p. 671. 

8 Cal. St. P., Dom., 1664-1665, p. 455. 

4 Madame, Correspondance, II, 105. Madame says she had this story 
from Madame de Gramont. 



seem to have been an attractive family according to the 
standard of the times brave, handsome, lively, very witty, 
keeping an open house in spite of their poverty and withal 
arrogant, scornful of the bourgeois and with the proper 
contempt for the bourgeois morality. Of his own doings 
Anthony never makes any mention, though the intrigues 
of James and George form a considerable part of his story. 
One fancies, however, that one catches a glimpse of him as 
one of the authors of the Princess of Babylon's discomfiture, 
familiar to readers of the Grammont Memoirs. Elizabeth 
Hamilton's little counsel which helped to plan out the 
affair was composed of one of her brothers and a sister, 
" qui se divertissaient volontiers aux depens de ceux qui 
le merit aient." One cannot but identify this mischievous 
brother with the writer of the Memoires de Grammont, 
though it must be confessed that he did not limit his witti- 
cisms there to those alone wl^ deserved them. One imagines 
that he was always very g^d friends with this sister, but 
three or four years his senior, so like him in temperament, 
so quick to see men's failings, and so ready to hold them 
up to ridicule. 1 

Whatever Sir George may have been about, the younger 
generation, James and George at any rate, plunged deeply 
into the pleasures of life. They intrigued with Lady Castle- 
maine, they flirted with Miss Stuart, they ogled the maids of 
honour, they made love to other men's wives, they ranked 
amongst the best dancers at court, they dressed in silk and 
lace, they went to Tunbridge and to Newmarket, they 
accompanied the court to Bath, they played fast and lost 
heavily, they drew swords at the slightest provocation 
and they were, of course, gens d'honneur, no less than 
Arran, Jermyn, Talbot and Killegrew. 2 

As is only natural, the most outstanding of the Hamilton 
brothers at this time is the eldest, James. It is late before 
Anthony comes into his own. James Hamilton seems to 
have been a typical Restoration Cavalier, a gentleman of 
mirth and fashion, to use Macaulay's phrase. " He was 
the man who of all the court dressed best/' says Anthony ; 

1 A less well-known story of a divertissement aux dtyens des autres is 
told by Sir John Reresby, Memoirs, p. 5 1 . 

2 Memoirs of Grammont, passim ; Pepys, IV, p. 18 ; Hist. MSS. 
Comm. Report, Twelfth Report, Appendix, Part VII, pp. 62, 85 ; the Karl 
of Egmont's MSS., p. 10. 


" he was well made in his person and possessed these 
happy talents which lead to fortune, and procure success 
in love ; he was a most assiduous courtier, had the most 
lively wit, the most polished manners and the most punctual 
attentions to his master imaginable ; no person danced 
better nor was anyone a more general lover," 1 a description 
which somehow reminds one of Sir Fopling Flutter's character 
of a compleat gentleman. 

The accomplished James Hamilton was certainly fortu- 
nate enough, no doubt by virtue of these happy talents ; 
he was among the intimates of Charles, who heaped pensions, 
favours and grants of land on him, 2 employed him as his 
private messenger to the French court, especially to Madame, 
and occasionally as an envoy extraordinary to other 
courts, 3 appointed him Ranger of Hyde Park, 4 groom 
of the Bedchamber, 5 Provost Marshal-General of Bar- 
badoes 6 and obtained the hajad of one of the Princess 
Royal's maids of honour for him, 7 not to mention a 
discarded mistress, when he himself did ' doat ' on Mrs. 
Stuart only. 

Like most favourites James Hamilton was not without 
his enemies ; citizens such as Pepys and Mr. Alsopp, the 
king's brewer, classed him with Lauderdale, Buckingham 
and a few others who led away the King so that none of 
his ' serious ' servants and friends could come near him. 8 
Arlington and Ralph Montague, when the latter became 
ambassador to the French court, were displeased at the 

1 Memoirs of Grammont, ed. Gordon Goodwin, I, p. 94. 
1 Cal. St. P., Dom., 1664-1665, p. 53 ; Ellis Correspondence, I, p. 79 ; 
Cunningham, Story of Nell Gwyn, p. 207. 

Hist. MSS. Comm., MSS. of J. M. Heathcote, p. 78 ; Twelfth Report, 
Appendix VII, p. 56 ; Fifteenth Report, Appendix, Part II, p. 12 ; Various 
Collections, II, p. 139 ; R.O. St. P., Foreign, France, 130, ff. 15, 16 ; Cal. 
St. P., Dom., 1670, pp. 391, 421, 455. Affaires Etrangeres, Memoires et 
Documents Angleterre, Vol. 26, passim (these are the ninety- three 
letters written by Charles to Madame, his sister. A number of them were 
taken across by James Hamilton. They are printed in Mrs. Cartwright's 

4 Cal. St. P., Dom., 1660-1661, pp. 270 and 368. His name survives in 
Hamilton Place, formerly Hamilton Street. Cf. Notes and Queries, Feb., 
1908, p. 94 ; Cal. St. P., Dom, 1663-1664, pp. 564, 572 ; Thornbury, 
London Old and New, Vol. IV, pp. 380-381. 

6 Cal. St. P., Dom., 1664-1665, p. 49. 

Cal. St. P., Colonial, America and West Indies, 1661-1668, p. 493. 

7 Cunningham, Story of Nell Gwyn, p. 206. 

8 Diary, IV, pp. 49-50. 


influence he exerted over Charles's favourite sister Madame ; x 
the Earl of Antrim and his friends disliked him as a sup- 
porter of Ormonde, 2 while Cominges, the French ambassador 
at the English court reproached him with meddling in 
French affairs " Amilton, jeune homme sans experience, 
cabale centre la France." 3 

The matter which roused Cominges 's resentment deserves 
a brief mention. With the Restoration the question of 
precedence at the Entrees of the ambassadors had become 
a very important one. Readers of Pepys will remember 
the fight that took place at the entry-in-state of the Swedish 
ambassador in September, 1661, between the French and 
the Spanish ambassadors, and how it was decreed that the 
ambassador of the Most Christian King should henceforth 
precede the ambassador of his Catholic Majesty. The 
entree of the English ambassador in France gave rise to a 
difficulty of somewhat diffeigit type. The French insisted 
that all the coaches of the ranees of the Blood should go 
next to the King's and should precede that of the English 
ambassador. Charles proposed as an expedient that Holies 
should have an audience without a public entry, but Louis 
refused. Feeling ran high in England. Precedents existed 
for the ambassador's precedence to the Princes of the 
Blood and Charles vowed that he would not bate an ace 
of what his predecessors had enjoyed. 4 

" L' affaire que nous avons present ement dans cette 
court," Lionne is informed by Cominges, the French ambassa- 
dor in January, 1664, " se rend tous les jours de plus 
1664 difficile accomodement, le Roy n'en est plus le 
maistre et le Conseil se trouve si presse par les cris 
publics qu'il ne faut pas esperer qu'il change de resolution, 
ni qu'il admet aucun autre temperament que celuy de ne 
point faire d'entree, ... les raisons que nous pouvons 
alleguer pour ne pouvoir I'admettre les rendent plus en- 
venimez centre nous, croiant que nous ne voulons nous 
prevaloir de la cession du Roy catholique que pour en tirer 

1 Hist. MSS. Comm., MSS. of the Duke of Buccleuch at Montague 
House, I, pp. 421, 424, 426. 

2 MSS. of the Marquis of Ormonde, N.S., III, pp. 89-90, 119, 138-139 ; 
Carte, II, p. 294. 

3 Aff. Etr., Mim. et Doc. Angleterre, Vol. 29, p. 234. 

4 Hist. MSS. Comm., Ormonde MSS., N.S., III, p. 134, Jan. 5th, 1663-4. 


des consequences centre tous les autres Roys. Vous seriez 
estonn de voir le Roy de la Grande Bretagne assiege par 
des gens de vingt ans qui ne luy parlent d'autre chose que 
de Tinjustice que Ton veut luy faire et du joug honteux 
que Ton veut imposer a la Nation/' (What follows is in 
cypher.) " Entre tous ces conseillers d'estat de nouvelle 
impression le S r Amilton, beau frere du chevalier de Grand- 
mont, a ralie force gens de la chambre basse de mesme 
aage et de mesme capacite qui ont veu le Chancellier Heyden 
pour faire valoir leur zele impertinent et on les escoute 
sans oser ou ne vouloir les remettre a leur devoir." 1 

Cominges has nothing but contempt for these political 
adventurers, the forward young men led by the Sieur 
Amilton. According to him they are light-headed flatterers 
who have no knowledge of affairs nor would have any 
participation in them were it not for the impudence with 
which they interfere, without being asked to do so. It is 
amidst the pleasures of the table and the hunt that they 
propound their devices, that they unfold the most hidden 
mysteries of politics and that they deliberate upon peace 
and war, a cabal which though not widespread is not 
without being influential, for the ladies have their say 
in it. 2 The audience finally took place in March without 
a public entry, thanks to the intervention of Madame. 

James Hamilton's marriage to Elizabeth, daughter of Sir 
John Colepeper or Culpeper, which has been alluded to, 
took place as early as 1660 or i66i. 3 As the lady was a 
Protestant, James Hamilton left the Church of Rome 
shortly before his marriage, to the great sorrow and anger 
of his devout mother who had prayed much for the spiritual 
welfare of her headstrong boy ' Jamie.' 4 It was Ormonde 
who broke the news to her, very gently and kindly, in a long 
letter, begging her not to think hardly of her son who had 
taken this step in a sincere desire for salvation. 6 Lady 
Hamilton did not, however, share her brother's good opinion 
of James. " I must confess," she replies in a letter that 

Aff. Etr., Cor. Pol. Angleterre, Vol. 82, f. 11, Jan. 28th (N.S.), 1664. 
/&., f. 13, Feb. 4th (N.S.), 1664. 
Cunningham, Story of Nell Gwyn, p. 206. 
Hist. MSS. Comm., Ormonde MSS., N.S., I, pp. 201, 301. 
Carte Papers, Vol. CCXXXII, ff. 11-12, quoted in Burghclere's Life 
of Ormonde, I, pp. 525-526. 


incidentally throws an interesting light on the fairly austere 
upbringing the Hamiltons seem to have had, as long as 
they were with their mother, " I was never more afflicted 
or surprised then when I found in your letter the unworthi- 
ness of James, who I know too well to believe from him that 
he had any other dislike to the religion he has left, then 
that he could not profess it liveing so great a libertin as he 
did ; and the assurance he had that it would be an obstacle 
to his marriage with Mrs. Culpeper, for whom he had this 
unhappy affection about four years ago ; and at that time 
did he resolve to become an apostat, rather than not have 
her. He has a dear bargaine of her, if she be so unfortunat 
as to be ingaged to him, and I am confident that she would 
never have much satisfaction in on(e) that has forsaked 
God for her. I am most certaine that it was no apprehension 
of being out of the way of salvation made him thus base. 
He has no such tender conshience as you will finde in a 
little time/' 1 When one remembers the account that 
Anthony gives of his brother in the Memoirs, one is inclined 
to think that his mother had formed a rather better estimate 
of his character than his uncle had. 

Not long after James Hamilton's marriage, another 
marriage took place in the Hamilton family, one which 
was to count for a good deal in the Hamiltons' subsequent 
connexion with France. There comes upon the scene that 
strange figure whom Anthony's Memoirs have invested 
with a peculiar glamour, the Chevalier de Gramont, 2 
adventurer and nobleman, the ' hero ' of Saint-Evremond, 
the vieux sacripant of Saint-Simon. To give an account of 
his life 3 would require a volume in itself, as Saint-Simon 
has already remarked. Born in 1621 and possibly a descen- 
dant of Henri IV, whose character he recalls after a fashion, 
he was first intended for the Church, but speedily preferred 
the army. He was present at the siege of Trino with that 

1 Carte Papers, Vol. CCXIV, p. 192, quoted in Burghclere, I, p. 527. 

* Although the name is given as Grammont in the first and most 
subsequent editions of the Memoirs, and although one finds in letters and 
papers of the time Grammont, Grandmont, Gramond, as well as Gramont, 
the last only is the correct spelling. The name is not, as it is often stated 
to be, a corruption of Grandmont, but comes from the Spanish Agramunt. 
A different family, the Grammonts of the Franche Comte, spell their name 
with two m's. 

8 An excellent article on Gramont is given by M. de Boislisle in the I4th 
Volume (Appendix IX) of his admirable edition of Saint-Simon. 


very delightful Malta in 1643, l when Hamilton's Memoirs 
take up his story, and as the aide-de-camp of Conde, then 
Due d'Enghien, he was at Fribourg, Paris, Nordlingen and 
Lens and in no wise seems to have deserved the reputation 
for cowardice which some of his contemporaries emphasize. 
He was Conde's premier ecuyer 2 from 1648 to 1651, and 
remained with him when he went over to the enemy until 
1654, when he thought it advisable to make his peace with 
the court. 

At court Gramont was liked by the King, whom he 
amused, and disliked by Mazarin, whom he amazed by his 
insolence. 3 He moved in the society of the Precieuses the 
Grand Dictionnaire mentions him as the chevalier Galerius ; 4 
like the rest of the courtiers he wrote gallant verses 5 to the 

1 The late Mr. Vizetelly in his edition of the Memoirs gives the date as 
1639. As a matter of fact Trino was taken a first time in 1639, but by the 
Spaniards under the command of Prince Thomas de Carignan who, recon- 
ciled with France in 1642, wrested Trino from Spain again in 1643. 

1 Gramont's appointment as premier icuyer to Conde was not without 
political importance, as will be seen from the following account : " Au 
milieu de tant d'epines qui environnoient M. le Cardinal Mazarin, 
il cut une faible consolation qui luy causa quelque calme. II appr6hendoit 
autant la bonne intelligence de Monseigneur (Gaston d' Orleans) et de 
M. le Prince (Conde) que la liaison de 1'un et de 1'autre avec les frondeurs 
et le parlement et il les vit sur le point de se brouiller ; ils gardoient 
pourtant les apparences quoique le cceur f ut blesse, car ce dernier se voulant 
rendre comme egal au premier empietoit toujours quelque chose et Mon- 
seigneur luy faisoit sentir qu'il s'offensoit de ses entreprises. M. le Prince 
voulut avoir un premier ecuyer comme son Altesse royale et donna cette 
charge a M. le chevalier de Gramont. Monseigneur logeait au chateau 
neuf de St. Germain oft cet officier nouveau se presentant en carrosse pour 
entrer dans la cour, les gardes le refuserent. II dit qu'il entroit dans le logis 
du Roy et eux qui avaient leur ordre et que Ton avait instruits repliquerent 
que la Reyne faisoit ce qui luy plaisoit au Palais Royal et au logis du Roy, 
mais que pour luy entreprenant une chose nouvelle chez monseigneur, elle 
luy seroit refusee. II se retira fort pique et M. le Prince le fut encore 
davantage sans se plaindre. . . . Ces pointilles estoient des presages de 
tempeste." (Nicholas Goulas, Memoires (Paris, 1879, 3 vols.), II, pp. 392- 

3 " M. le comte de Gramont parloit au roi de quelque chose qui s'etait 
passe du temps de la guerre de Paris. Le roi demanda, ' Quand cela 
arriva-t-il ? ' M. de Gramont lui repondit, 'Sire, c'est du temps que 
nous servions votre Majeste contre le Cardinal Mazarin.' (Menagiana, II, 

P- 35-) 

4 Somaize, Le Dictionnaire des Precieuses (ed. Ch. L. Livet, Paris, 1856, 
2 vols.), I, p. 236. 

* e.g. the following lines addressed to Madame de Fiesque, known at 
that time as Madame de Pienne : 

Marquise de Pienne, mon co3ur, 
J 'admire si fort votre belle humeur 
Que je n'ay point de plaisir plus parfait 


lady of his casual choice, and, on the whole, managed to 
divide his time equally between the gaming-table and the 
court beauties, with rather more success in the first case 
than in the second, for, if he chose to honour or to persecute 
certain ladies with his assiduities, 1 it was chiefly, if not 
entirely, for the sake of the displeasure he gave his unlucky 
rivals. All this was well and good, as long as his rivals 
were his peers, but when Gramont, ' insolent en prosperite/ 
chose to cross the paths of a royal rival, the results were 
rather disastrous. 

Ordered away from court, Gramont betook himself to 
England, where, it would seem, he had already been in the 
lifetime of Cromwell. He had, moreover, already met the 
chief personages of the English court in France, and had 
even, on one occasion, danced with the Duke of York and 
the Duke of Buckingham in the same ballet. 2 There had 
also just come to London an old friend and faithful admirer 
of his, Saint-Evremond, exiled for his imprudent letter on 
the Peace of the Pyrenees, and destined to exert, through 
Gramont, a fairly marked influence on Anthony Hamilton. 

Gramont arrived in London on the I4th of January, 1663, 
and the day after his arrival the Ambassador Cominges 

Que votre cabinet. 

J'ose vous supplier, 

Ma reyne Gilette, 

Que de la moquette (her furniture was covered with 

' moquette ' ) 
Je sois chevalier. 
Si vous me faites cet honneur 
Je seray toujours votre serviteur 
Et je lairray Madame de Maulney 
Avec que son Mary. 
Si vous voulez m'aimer 
Belle Marquise, 
Je veux employer 
Tous mes benefices 
Pour votre service 
Jusqu'a un denier. 

(Airs et Vaudevilles de Cour, Paris, 1665. See also Recueil de 
Sercy, Paris, 1653, I, p. 31, and Recueil des Portraits et Eloges, Paris, 
1659, II.) 

1 The Princess Palatine, Madame d'Olonne, Madame de Villars, Madame 
de Fiesque, Madame de Mercosur, the celebrated Marion Delorme and 
doubtless many others. Memoir es de Grammont, passim ; Mme de 
Motteville, Memoires (Paris, 1855), IV, p. 70; Bussy Rabutin, Histoire 
Amoureuse dss Gaules, II, p. 533 ; Primi Visconti, Memoires, pp. 159-160, 

2 Benserade, (Euvres (Paris, 1697, 2 vols.), II, pp. 62-65. Balet Royal 
de la Nuit. 


is able to inform Louis that the exile is admitted to all the 
pleasures of the King and is on intimate terms with 
' Madame de Castelmene/ 1 The irresistible chevalier 
apparently came and saw and conquered. His brother-in- 
law gives us one interesting reason for his popularity. So 
far, says Hamilton, the French who had appeared in London 
were of the kind that despised everything not like themselves 
and thought they introduced the ' bel air ' by treating the 
English as strangers in their own country. " The Chevalier 
de Gramont, on the contrary, was familiar with everybody : 
he gave in to their customs, eat of everything and easily 
habituated himself to their manner of living, which he 
looked upon as neither vulgar nor barbarous/' 2 

How the exile spent his days is set forth in the pages of 
the Memoirs. Well aware that he was a conspicuous and 
brave figure at court, the chevalier left nothing 
1663 undone that might add to the legend already then 
gathering round his name. The ladies he honoured 
with his attentions " aux heures permises et un peu aux 
dff endues," Cominges remarks 8 received perfumed gloves, 
pocket looking-glasses, apricot paste and other such articles 
from Paris every week, not to mention the diamonds and 
guineas procured nearer home. The King was presented 
with a magnificent coach. To the pleasure parties on the 
Thames the chevalier contributed delightful surprises such 
as " complete concerts of vocal and instrumental music 
which he privately brought from Paris," or banquets which 
likewise came from France and which surpassed the King's 
collations. A pension from Charles was gracefully refused, 
though the chevalier had nothing to live on but what he 
made at cards. No wonder Gramont was ' le seul etranger 
a la mode/ 

His mentor and philosopher, Saint-Evremond, is loud 
in his praises of him, the one thing he has to criticise is 
a rather dangerous admiration for Elizabeth Hamilton. 
Saint-Evremond much prefers the shallow attentions paid 

1 Aff. Etr., Corr. Pol. d'Angkterre, Vol. 79. f. 119. (This and 
other extracts from Cominges's correspondence were printed in Lord 
Braybrooke's edition of Pepys and are reprinted in Wheatley's edition 
(Vol. X, 288-303). They were made from copies, not the originals, preserved 
at the Bibliothdque Nationale, then Bibliothdque du Roy.) 

* Memoirs, ed. Gordon Goodwin, I, p. 98. 

* Aff. Etr., Corr. Pol. Angleterre, Vol. 79, pp. 214-215 (undated but 
written towards the middle of Feb., 1663). 


to a Mrs. Middleton or to a Mrs. Warmestry. The descrip- 
tion of Elizabeth by her brother is well known, 1 and the 
Hampton Court portrait by Lely, one of Lely's best, con- 
firms all he says. In Paris, when she had scarcely left 
school, she had become one of the attractions of the Queen- 
Mother's court at the Palais Royal and made a deep impres- 
sion there on Sir John Reresby, who described her as the 
finest woman in the world and thought seriously of marrying 
her. 2 The Duke of York could not conceal his admiration, 
the Duke of Richmond and the Duke of Norfolk were 
unsuccessful suitors, the two Russells, Jermyn, Richard 
Talbot and Lord Falmouth aspired in vain to her hand, 
so her brother relates. 3 Gramont alone found favour in 
her sight, a man with no fortune to speak of, at least twenty 
years her senior and not of an attractive exterior. Only 
ten years after this marriage he is described by a contem- 
porary as " un vieillard au nez d'arlequin, bossu, dissipateur, 
facetieux et maussade." 4 It says much for his wit and 
elegance that Elizabeth Hamilton and her no less fastidious 
brother were drawn to him. 

Hamilton describes Gramont as being very much in love 
with Elizabeth, as very reluctant to leave her when his 
sister the Marquise de Saint-Chaumont somewhat over- 
hastily informs him that there is nothing to hinder his return 
to France ; it requires all Miss Hamilton's powers of per- 
suasion to make him go and when he finds out that his 
presence is not yet desired in France, he is more than glad 
to hasten back to England ; the Memoirs are most careful 
to emphasize this. And yet, just about this time, the 
mystery begins to gather round Gramont 's relations with 
Elizabeth Hamilton. On the 8th of September Charles 
tells his sister Madame, that he is doing his best to 
find a rich wife for the Chevalier de Gramont, who 

1 Curiously enough, an abstract of this description is preserved amongst 
some genealogical matter at the Bibliotheque Nationale, Departement des 
IVJanuscrits, Cabinet des Titres, Vol. 345, dossier 8904, f. 30. 

2 Reresby, Memoirs, pp. 43, 45-47, 50. As he, however, forsook Eliza- 
beth Hamilton for ' Mistress Brown ' he is of course not mentioned in the 
Memoires de Grammont any more than Gramont's forgetting to marry 
the lady who eventually became his wife. 

8 For the Duke of Richmond's admiration cf. Hist. MSS. Comm., 
Reports on MSS. in Various Collections, Vol. VIII, p. 65. Cf. also Aff. Etr., 
Corr. Pol. Angleterre, 79, p. 215, where Cominges describes 'Mile 
d'Amilton ' dancing with the King. 

4 Primi Visconti, Mdmoires, p. 52. 


begins his journey to France on the next day or the day 
following. 1 

A few days before or a few days afterwards Cominges 
informs Louis that Gramont has cast his eyes on a beautiful 
young demoiselle of the house of Hamilton, niece to the 
Duke of Ormonde, adorned with all the grace of virtue 
and nobility, but so little with mere material wealth that, 
according to those who give her most, she has none. " I 
think, " he continues, " that at first the chevalier did not 
mean to go so far in this business, but, be it that conversa- 
tion has completed what beauty began, or that the noise 
made by two rather troublesome brothers may have had 
something to do with it, certain it is that he has now de- 
clared himself publicly. 2 If Cominges's letter precedes that 
of Charles, then it is strange that Charles who had just 
given his consent to the Gramont-Hamilton marriage, 3 
should nevertheless consider Gramont's ' declaration ' as 
not binding and should look out a rich wife for him ; if 
Charles's letter is the earlier in date, then it might seem 
as if the two ' troublesome brothers/ alarmed by the 
chevalier's sudden departure for France, had delayed his 
expedition and exacted a public engagement. If there is 
any truth in the well-known, often quoted and much dis- 
cussed anecdote of the chevalier overtaken on his way to 
Dover, immemor amorum, by the two brothers and forced 
to return with them, one might be inclined to assign 
the above date to the incident. 4 The unnecessary pains 

1 Aff. Etr., Mem. et Doc. Angleterre, Vol. 26, Letter 7. (This and 
all the other letters of Charles quoted are printed in Mrs. Cartwright's 

1 Ib., Corr. Pol. Angleterre, Vol. 80, f. 73. I have utilized M. 
Jusserand's translation (A French Ambassador, pp. 94-95). Cominges has 
unfortunately not dated this sheet of Court News. As a rule he dates his 
letters very carefully O.S. and N.S. at the end of his letter, and his date. 
(N.S.) is always entered by the recipient, presumably for the sake of con- 
venience, at the left-hand top corner of the first sheet of the letter. This 
letter is endorsed le 13 septembre, 1663 ; it would therefore seem that it 
was written on the ^ Sept. M. Jusserand dates it August in his book. 

8 Cf. Cominges's letter just quoted. 

4 And from the correspondence of Cominges it would seem that the 
anecdote is not without some foundation. According to the brothers 
Fran9ois and Claude Parfaict (Histoire Generate du Thi&tre Frartfois [1734- 
1749, 15 vols.], Vol. IX, pp. 254-255) the anecdote first appeared in print 
in 1732 in a collection of stories entitled **+Ana ou Bigarrures Calotines, 
I, p. 1 8. Saint-Simon (XIV, p. 264) says : " Le chevalier de Grammont 
s'alla promener apres en Angleterre et y epousa Mile Hamilton dont il 
etait amoureux avec quelque eclat et que ses freres qui en furent scandalises, 
forcerent d'en faire sa femme, malgr6 qu'il en cut." A very garbled version 


Hamilton took to prove that if the chevalier went to France, 
it was only after consulting his mistress, would confirm this 
hypothesis. But there are difficulties in this theory, for 
according to the anecdote the chevalier returned and at once 
married the lady whom he had so lightly abandoned, 
whereas the marriage only took place in the end of Decem- 
ber and amidst circumstances which would completely 

of the anecdote is given by the Abbe de Voisenon (CEuvres, IV) and one 
hardly recognizable in a manuscript preserved at the Bibliotheque Sainte 
Genevieve (MS. 3208, L'aventure du Chevalier de Grammont). In the 
apocryphal ' Letters supposed to have passed between M. de St. Evremond 
and Mr. Waller,' Saint-Evremond is made to tell the story. " Though 
Grammont," he says, " believed himself that he intended absolutely to 
espouse the fair Hamilton, yet when everything seemed to be settled and 
the critical event drew near, the Daemon of Gallantry took up his part. 
He played the character of Hymen and rendered it so insupportably 
ridiculous that Grammont could no longer bear the idea of marriage. The 
time appointed for the nuptials was at hand. The Lover flew upon the 
wings of the wind to the coast of France. This Desertion was received 
with proper indignation. A brother of the fair Hamiltons, a youth about 
sixteen or seventeen, pursued and overtook him almost as soon as he had 
arrived. ' Grammont,' said he, ' you blush to see me. You have reason. 
You know me well. Return this moment with me to England and do your- 
self the honour to espouse my sister. If that is an Honour you chuse to 
decline I am the youngest of seven brothers, and if I fall by your hand, 
know that there are still six living whose Arms are stronger and more 
experienced than mine and who scorn as much as I do to survive the 
Honour of a sister.' The Count stood silent for a while and smiled upon 
the beardless champion. But it was not a smile of contempt. I have 
heard him say that he never felt the Sense of Honour more strongly as at 
that moment. The Phantom of false Gallantry disappeared. ' Let us 
return,' said he, ' my brave Friend. I deserve not the Honour of being 
allied to your family but I will hope to be indebted for it to your kind 
intercession.' " (Vol. I, pp. 26-28.) 

The exaggerations are obvious. The brothers were only six in number, 
and at the time of the marriage, John, the youngest, could not possibly 
have been sixteen or seventeen ; this was the exact age of Anthony. 

The incident is supposed to have furnished Moliere with the plot of his 
Manage Ford, first performed in 1664. There is, however, no direct 
proof of this, and as M. Paul Mesnard says in his Introduction, " II faut 
e"tre bien determine a chercher partout un sujet de rapprochement pour en 
trouver un ici entre le bourgeois Sganarelle, grossier et maladroit et le 
brillant et spirituel chevalier." (Moliere, Ed. des Grands Ecrivains, Vol. IV, 
p. 8.) 

In connexion with this anecdote there is an extraordinary statement 
made in the Dictionary of National Biography. The author of the article 
on Elizabeth Hamilton relates the inevitable anecdote and explains : 
" The story is told in a letter from Lord Melfort to Richard Hamilton, 
dated 1689 or 1690," a statement which has been copied by the Cambridge 
History of English Literature, M. Boislisle's edition of Saint-Simon (Edition 
des Grands Ecrivains} and many other works. In 1689 and 1690 Richard 
Hamilton was Lieutenant-General of King James's Irish Army and Melfort 
Secretary of State. They were not on particularly good terms, and besides 
Melfort had more serious things to discuss in the letters he sent to London- 
derry than to relate to Richard Hamilton, twenty-five years after it 
happened, an event which, if known to anyone, must have been known to 


justify one in placing the anecdote there. 1 The wedding 
present from Charles was a jewel brought from the Earl 
of St. Albans for 1260. 2 

During the next few months Gramont, though paying 

several visits to France, continued to live in England 
1664 very much taken up with his young wife and not 

a little jealous of a handsome cousin, Lord Arran, 
no doubt. 3 On the 7th of September (N.S.), their 

Richard Hamilton. What gave rise to the above statement is the fact 
that when Melfort's letters were printed in the Appendix to the 8th Report 
of the Hist. MSS. Comm., the editor remarked that these letters were not 
only important from an historical point of view, but interesting as being 
addressed to the brother of the author of the Memoires de Grammont, the 
anecdote then follows (p. 493a) and the hasty reader failed to see that it 
was only a part of the editor's introduction. 

1 On the 2oth of December (N.S.) Cominges, describing the delight with 
which Gramont received the good news of his recall, mentions that he is 
making his plans to leave in four days and that perhaps he will introduce 
a fair English lady to the French court. (Aff. Etr., Corr. Pol. Angleterre, 
80, f. 132 ; Pepys, X, p. 298.) On the day fixed for the departure, 
Dec. 24th (N.S.), Cominges relates that the chevalier's journey has been 
delayed for a day and that he leaves numerous debtors behind him, but 
will attend them when he returns to explain about the matter of Miss 
Hamilton ' qui est si embrouill6 que les plus clairvoyans n'y voient goute.' 
(Aff. Etr., Corr. Pol. Angleterre, Vol. 80, f. 135.) A week later, on the 
3ist of December (N.S.), Cominges informs the King that the marriage of 
the chevalier and the conversion of Lady Castlemaine were made public 
on the same day, and Pepys (III, p. 388) hears for certain on Dec. 22nd 
(or Jan. ist, N.S.) that my Lady Castlemaine is turned Papist. The 
marriage had been brought about with wonderful despatch between 
Dec. 24th and Dec. 3ist, probably on Dec. 3oth. (Aff. Etr., Corr. Pol. 
Angleterre, Vol. 80, f. 147.) " Le mariage du chevalier de Gramont 
et la conversion de Madame de Castlemaine se sont publics en mesme jour, 
et le Roy d'Angleterre etant pri6 par les parents de la Dame d'apporter 
quelque obstacle a cette action, il repondit galamment que pour l'ime des 
Dames il ne s'en melait point." Some commentators have imagined that 
this last statement referred to Miss Hamilton and that the relatives of the 
bride-elect were opposed to the marriage. Cominges is, however, clearly 
speaking about Lady Castlemaine's relatives. Elizabeth Hamilton's 
brothers were determined that she should marry Gramont. Lescure, in 
the Introduction to his edition of the Memoirs (1876), makes the quotation 
serve his purpose by changing it to " Le Roi etant prie par les parents de 
la dame d'apporter quelques obstacles a cette union r6pondit galamment 
que pour V amour des dames il ne s'en me'lait point." 

A note preserved at the Bibliothdque Nationale, D6p. des Manuscrits, 
Cabinet des litres, Vol. 345, dossier bleu Hamilton 8904, f. 8, says 
that E. Hamilton married the chevalier de Gramont ' par contrat du 9 
decembre, stile d'Angleterre,' but the more reliable letters of the French 
Ambassador put this out of the question. 

* Cal. St. P., Dom, 1663-1664, p. 438. 

8 Aff. Etr., Angleterre, Mem. et Doc., Vol. 26, letters 30, 31, 40; 
Corr. Pol. Angleterre, Vol. 82, p. 34 (Cominges to Lionne Jf Jan., 
1664 a despatch printed by M. Jusserand on p. 224 of his book ' M. le 
Chevalier de Gramont est arrive depuis deux mois,' is wrongly given instead 
of ' depuis deux jours '). Pepys, X, p. 299. 


first child, a boy, was born, 1 ' handsome like the mother 
and gallant like the father/ Two months later the Gramonts 
left England for France, 2 and Charles recommended them 
warmly to Madame. The peculiar talent of the Count 
for thus the chevalier was now styled would always make 
him welcome in England, and the Countess he' considered 
as good a creature as ever lived. 3 

The Gramonts were well received in France ; the Count 
was probably welcomed back with rather mixed feelings 
by some at court, too much in fear of his merciless wit to 
show their dislike openly, but the belle Anglaise who had 
been able to fix the attentions of the fickle chevalier was 
an object of interest. Madame soon admitted her to her 
intimacy and told Charles that she was really one of the 
best women she had ever known in her life. 4 Possibly the 
relationship between the Gramonts and the Comte de 
Guiche had something to do with this. The Comte de 
Guiche, a son of the Marechal de Gramont, the half-brother 
of our Gramont, had ventured to raise his eyes to Madame 
Henriette and employed his youthful English aunt as an 
intermediary when Madame refused to have anything to 
do with him. Finally, Madame consented to meet De 

1 Pepys, X, p. 300 (Cominges' correspondence). The boy died in Sep- 
tember, 1671. (R.O. Si. P., Foreign, France, Vol. 132, f. 14.) Two 
daughters were also born to the Gramonts, Claude Charlotte and Marie 
Elizabeth, the latter in December, 1671. (Bibliotheque Nationale, Manu- 
scrits, Pidces originates, Vol. 162, dossier 3645.) 

* Gramont took across with him 16 horses (Cal. St. P., Dom., 1664- 
1665, p. 37). Forneron in his Louise de Keroualle (p. 17) and Vizetelly in 
his edition of the Memoirs (Vol. II, p. 166 n.) remark that Gramont was no 
judge in the matter of horses, that, according to Algernon Sidney, ' he is 
such a proud ass that he neither knows what is good nor will believe anyone 
else.' This statement of Sidney's (Letters of the Hon. Algernon Sydney to 
the Hon. Henry Savile in the year 1679, London, 1742, pp. 57-58) does 
not, however, refer to Gramont but to ' the Duke de Gramont's Esq. ' whom 
his master had sent to England to purchase some horses. 

3 Letters 42 and 43,. Aff. Etr., Mem. et Doc. Angleterre, Vol. 26, Letter 
43 (Oct. 24th, O.S. [1664]), is the well-known letter from Charles, first 
printed in the Appendix to Dalrymple's Memoirs (II, pp. 26, 27). The 
year is there wrongly given as 1669 and has misled countless annotators 
of the Memoires de Grammont, from Sir Walter Scott downwards. 1669 
has been taken to be the terminus ad quern of the Count's stay in England, 
his marriage has been placed in 1668, and Cunningham (in the Appendix 
to his Story of Nell Gwyn) bases his whole proof of the correctness of the 
chronology of the Memoirs on the fact that the Count came to England 
in 1663 and left in 1669. The year in which this letter was written, 1664, 
is easily fixed by the date of the preceding letter (Oct. 23rd, 1664) to which 
Charles alludes. 

4 Cartwright, Madame, p. 218. 


Guiche at the Gramonts' house, but the rather pitiful little 
love story was soon brought to a close. The Comte de 
Guiche was persuaded by his father to leave the court, 
and though he lived some years longer, he never saw Madame 
again. 1 At the special request of Charles the Gramonts 
had their apartments for a short time in 1667 at Monsieur's 
court, though Monsieur, suspicious by nature and possibly 
aware of the role that the Gramonts had played between 
Madame and De Guiche, disliked Gramont and consented 
merely in order to be agreeable to his brother-in-law. 2 Some 
months before, in February, 1667, 8 the Countess had been 
made dame du palais to the Queen Marie The*rese ; it is not 
altogether easy to see how she could be attached to one 
court and hold a kind of office at another. 

The English who came to Paris naturally sought out the 
Gramonts. Lady Anne Palmer, Lady Castlemaine's eldest 
daughter, was guided about in Paris by Madame de Gramont, 
and they were ' all day long at shops buying everything 
that is fine/ the youthful Lady Anne being so pleased with 
this aspect of the capital that she had scarcely time to see 
a play. 4 Again when Lady Sunderland, ' my Lady Am- 
bassadrice/ made her visit to court, the Master of the 
Ceremonies conducted her first to the lodgings of Madame 
de Gramont, where, by order of the Queen, dinner was 
provided for her previous to her entry. 6 It was Gramont 
who presented the future Duke of Marlborough to Louis. 
Lord Sunderland had really undertaken to do it, but Colonel 
Churchill and two brother officers, also serving in the 
French army, had missed the opportunity by delaying over 
their dinner and not appearing at the appointed hour, 
though Sunderland had warned them that Louis was a 
king of ' not over easy accessed The three officers were 
disappointed and very unreasonably displeased with Lord 
Sunderland, and though the latter offered to present them 
some other time, they returned to St. Germain the very 
next day and got Gramont to perform that office, somewhat 
to the disgust of Sunderland. 6 

1 Cartwright, Madame, passim ; Mme de La Fayette, Henriette d'A ngle- 
terre, pp. 95-97- 

8 R.O. St. P., Foreign, France, Vol. 123, f. 244, Monsieur to Charles, 
October, 1667. 

8 Bussy, Lettres, I, p. 17. 

* R.O. St. P., Foreign, France, Vol. 135, f. 60. October, 1672. 

6 Ib., Vol. 136, f. 124. March, 1673. Ib. t f. IQI, March, 1673. 


The Comte de Gramont had returned from his exile with 
very warm feelings, it would seem, for the country in 
which he had sojourned, and he always identified himself 
with the English interest. When war broke out between 
England and Holland in 1665, he was ' the most English 
of men/ so Henrietta tells her brother, and she wonders 
that he does not get into trouble a thousand times a day 
for so warmly espousing the English cause ; it was he who 
brought her the news of the victory off Lowestoft that 
June, and the news made him almost ' mad with joy/ 1 
When France, as an ally of the Dutch, declared war against 
England in 1666, Gramont still championed the English 
interest to such an extent that he ran the risk, so he tells 
Arlington, of being made to return to the country he 
esteemed so much. 2 And so on. A very slight part of the 
close connexion between English and French aristocracy 
in the seventeenth century is due to the Hamilton-Gramont 
marriage ; an extremely slight part, it is true, but still it is 

1 Cartwright, Madame, p. 217. 

* Hist. MSS. Comm., Buccleuch MSS. at Montagu House, Vol. I, p. 491. 



WHILE Gramont frequently came to the English 
court in various capacities, one of the Hamil- 
tons was becoming known at the French 
court through his connexion with the French 
army. This was the second son, George Hamilton, without 
doubt the ablest and the best-beloved of the six brothers, 
' that valiant and worthy gentleman/ as Evelyn calls 
him. 1 Kind-hearted, modest and unassuming in spite of 
his achievements, he had none of James's frivolity, Anthony's 
cynical contempt for humanity or Richard's blustering 
swagger. He had been page to Charles, it will be remem- 
bered, when the court was still in exile, after the Restora- 
tion he gave up this office, and some time afterwards 
entered the King's Life Guards. Readers of the Memoirs 
will recall his intrigues with pretty Mrs. Wetenhall and his 
admiration for Miss Stuart ; they will also remember 
that he finally married one of the Duchess of York's maids 
of honour, la belle Jennings, the most handsome young 
lady in England, according to the Ambassador Courtin, 
and sister of Sarah, the future Duchess of Marlborough. 
The marriage took place in 1665, 2 and was a very happy 

This marriage too, like James Hamilton's, involved a 
change of religion, but this time it was the bride who 
changed, becoming a Roman Catholic. 3 From the point 
of view of worldly prosperity it would have been better 

1 Diary, II, p. 387. 

* Wolseley, Life of Marlborough, I, p. 161. Charles gave Hamilton a 
pension of 500 at the time. Cunningham, Story of Nell Gwyn, p. 208. 
8 Evelyn, Diary, loc. tit. 



if George Hamilton had followed his brother's example ; 
for, in spite of, or rather because of, the King's leanings 
to the Church of Rome, it was a hard time for Catholics. 
If Nonconformists were odious to the people, Papists were 
incomparably more so. The King's cautious attempts to 
favour Popery under the cover of toleration for Protestant 
Dissent had nevertheless excited suspicion and put Parlia- 
ment on its guard. When Charles claimed the power of 
dispensing with the provisions and penalties of the Act of 
Uniformity, the Houses replied not only by the Conventicle 
Act, but also by requiring Charles to issue a proclamation 
banishing all Jesuits and Catholic priests. This was in 
1663. With the great fire, feelings became still more bitter, 
for the blame was fastened upon the Catholics. Again, if 
the Dutch advanced into the mouth of the Thames in 1667, 
the Catholics were equally to blame, Sir Edward Spragge, 
the Vice-Admiral in command of the squadron there, being 
an ' Irish Papist ' and places of importance having been 
put ' out of faithful men's hands into Papists'.' 1 The procla- 
mation against Priests and Jesuits was renewed. All laws 
against Papists were strictly enforced, and the Commons 
obtained the disarming of all who refused the Oaths of 
Allegiance and Supremacy. 2 

It therefore became necessary to cashier all Roman 
Catholics serving in the Royal Guards, and, on the 28th of 
September, 1667, on the ground that they refused 
1667 to take the Oath of Supremacy, they were dismissed. 
There was nothing open to these men in England, 
so the most of them chose to leave the country. Charles 
had declared that they should have leave to go abroad 
whither they pleased, and little groups of ten or twelve 
banded together to seek their fortune beyond the seas, in 
France or Flanders, there meaning to ' earn their bread 
by their swords ' until His Majesty had occasion for their 
further service. 3 

Amongst those who had been turned out of the army 
was George Hamilton. He was approached secretly and 
given to understand that he and his men would be welcome 
in the French service, 4 for Louis, who had invaded the 

1 Cal. St. P., Dom., 1667, pp. 206-207. 

* /&., pp. 220, 231, 251, etc. 

8 Ib., 1667-1668, pp. 28, 54, 82, no ; Arlington Letters, I, p. 185. 

4 Arlington Letters, loc. cit. 


Spanish Low Countries which he claimed to be the inherit- 
ance of his wife, needed men. He had just granted a three 
months' truce, but was not the man to rest upon that. Two 
other regiments were going to France at this time, 1 one 
under the command of Colonel Henry Staniers, the other 
the so-called Scottish Regiment which had been brought 
to France in 1633 by Sir John Hepburn and had finally 
passed into the hands of Lord George Douglas. 2 When 
France declared war against England in 1666 Charles sent 
for this regiment, but ' the People murmuring at them and 
complaining of the Government for imploying Papists ' 
Lord George Douglas was given permission to return to 
France. 8 

Hamilton was naturally very glad to accept the offer 
made to him, though it gave rise to some jealousy at the 
English court and to not a little bitterness at the Spanish. 
Ruvigny, the French Ambassador, informed Louis that the 
' affaire Amilton ' was making much noise and was taken 
to be a kind of declaration. 4 As a matter of fact, an under- 
standing with France was the last thing Parliament wanted, 
the triumphal progress of Louis had been watched with 
jealousy ; moreover, both the Dutch and the Spanish were 
contemplating alliances with Charles and could hardly view 
this step with equanimity. The Spanish Ambassador, the 
Conde de Molina, and the Baron de Tlsola, Austrian 
Ambassador, hastened to Charles, complained of Hamilton's 
plans, and drew his attention to the fact that Louis was 
giving money and lending ships for that purpose. They 
gave him notice of all these proceedings, they said, so that 
he, Charles, might put a stop to them if all this were being 
done without his permission, or, if he had authorized it, 
then Spain ought to have the same advantages as her 
enemy and should be given at least half of Hamilton's 

Charles replied that as for Hamilton and his men, all that 
he knew was that he had given them leave to seek their 
fortune where they could find it, that having turned them 

1 R.O. St. P., Foreign, France, Vol. 123, f. 199, Saint Albans to 
Arlington, Sept. I7th, 1677. 

a Francisque Michel, Les Ecossais en France, II, pp. 305-18. 

8 Savile Correspondence, p. 22 ; Arlington Letters, loc. cit. 

4 Aff. Etr., Corr. Pol. Angleterre, 89, p. 265, Ruvigny to Louis XIV, 
Sept. . 1667. 


out of his Guard, he was unwilling to proceed with any 
further severity towards them by constraining them to 
serve against their liking, that if he, the Spanish Ambassa- 
dor, could prevail with them to go to Flanders, they should 
have passports accordingly given them. 

The Ambassador and his ally next proceeded with 
their complaints to the Duke of York and spoke to him 
with great vehemence, for Charles had not allayed their 
suspicions. As a matter of fact Charles was quite aware 
of the offer made to George Hamilton and had even charged 
Ruvigny to thank Louis for his kindness and especially for 
the name, les Gendarmes Anglais, which Louis was going 
to give the new regiment. 1 

The Dutch, too, wished to secure the men leaving the 
English service and sent most favourable offers, promising 
to treat the men well ; only, they were not all to be sent 
over at the same time but in little groups so that all ' eclat ' 
might be avoided. This news caused Ruvigny to hurry in 
his turn to Charles to ask him whether he knew anything 
of the manoeuvres of the Dutch. Charles replied in the 
affirmative, but said that the men did not wish to take 
service with them. 2 

Meanwhile Louvois was counselling haste, since the 
Spanish Ambassador was leaving nothing undone to secure 
the debris of the English troops, 3 and Ruvigny was urging 
these would-be French regiments to prepare with all possible 
speed to leave the country for fear that Parliament, which 
was to meet about the middle of October, should prevent 
their exodus, especially as L'Isola was doing everything 
in his power to bring this about. 4 Ruvigny 's suspicions were 
not without foundation, for, a few days later, some Members 
of Parliament came to see Arlington, complained of the 
permission given to the Scottish regiment and to the Re- 
formed Guards and intimated their intention of speaking 

1 Ib. t pp. 343-345, Ruvigny to Louis, Oct. f y , 1667 ; Arlington 
Letters, loc. cit. 

2 /&., pp. 285-286, Ruvigny to Louis, -f * P .~ , 1667. 

3 vjct. 

3 R.O. St. P., Foreign, France, 123, f. 188, Louvois to St. Albans, 
Sept. 13, 1667. 

4 Aff. Etr., Corr. Pol. Angleterre, 89, p. 292, Ruvigny to Louis, 


to Charles about the matter before Parliament assembled 
to beg him to send these troops rather to Flanders. 1 

When Parliament met it directed that no more men or 
horses were to leave the kingdom. 2 This, of course, was a 
serious thing for George Hamilton ; he tells Louvois that 
he has the greatest difficulty imaginable in completing his 
company, and that the order of Parliament has virtually 
put a stop to his endeavours. 3 Ruvigny advised him to 
postpone his preparations for a while, but Louvois re- 
marked that he could, it seemed to him, send men across 
daily in very small groups and buy them horses in France, 
adding quite kindly that he thought George Hamilton 
would find French horses just as suitable as English ones. 4 

On the ist of February, 1668, at last, and aided by a 
new gift of five hundred pistols from Louis, George Hamilton 
managed to sail from Dover to Ostend, with one hundred 
men and horses ; eighty-three more horses were got across 
in spring. 5 He can therefore hardly, as is sometimes said, 
have led his company to the war in the Franche-Comte^ 
which Louis, still at war with Spain, had overrun. In his 
pass, dated January 14, he is for the first time styled Sir 
George Hamilton, and would thus seem to have been 
knighted by Charles before his departure, though there is 
no record of the matter. 6 

It is more than likely that Anthony accompanied him to 
France at this time, since we know that the two brothers 
served there together. Anthony was now between twenty- 
two and twenty-three years old ; Catholics, as we have 

1 Aff. Etr., Corr. Pol. Angleterre, 89, p. 358, Ruvigny to Louis, 
W Oct., 1667. 

* Guerre, 245, No. 241. George Hamilton to Louvois, fJNov., 1667. 

* Ib. 

4 Ib. , Vol. 207, No. 316, Louvois to Hamilton, Dec. 14, 1667. 

6 Cal. St. P., Dom., 1667-1668, p. 207 ; Guerre, 202, f. 178, Louvois 
to Hamilton and Louvois to Ruvigny, Jan. 13, 1668. 

6 Cal. St. P., Dom., 1667-1668, p. 167. His father did not die till 1679, 
nor was he the eldest son, so that his title was in no wise inherited. As 
for Anthony, who is so often styled ' Count ' Hamilton, there is no evidence 
whatever to show that he bore this title during his lifetime. Like all his 
brothers he is called ' M. d' Hamilton ' ; he could not well be called ' M. 
Hamilton ' as he was ' noble.' Sourches, it is true, styles all the Hamiltons 
indifferently as ' les comtes d'Hamilton,' and the Hamilton, be it Anthony 
or Richard, who danced in a ballet, is called ' le comte d'Hamilton ' by 
the Dictionnaire des Thedtres, but it is far more significant that Berwick 
should in 1713 speak of Anthony as plain ' M. Anthony Hamilton.' (Hist. 
MSS. Comm., Stuart Papers, I, p. 267.) It is the early publishers of 
Hamilton's works who are mainly responsible for the title of count. 


seen, had no prospects in the Army possibly Anthony 
was amongst those who were dismissed ; money he had 
none to lead a leisurely existence at court ; three of his 
brothers had some kind of occupation James, the Protes- 
tant, held an appointment in the King's Household ; George 
had accepted service in the French army ; and Thomas, 
Anthony's junior, had entered the Navy in 1666 or earlier. 1 
So Tony Hamilton, as his friends called him, probably 
buckled on his sword, bid farewell to Whitehall and its 
Etheredges, Sedleys and Killegrews, and returned, a gentle- 
man adventurer, to the country in which he had spent his 
youth ; not perhaps with much enthusiasm for soldiering, 
a profession in which he never shone, but certainly with 
no reluctance to mingle once more with the courtiers of 
Paris and Saint-Germain. He took with him the memories 
of the court which he was later to describe, of the ' inex- 
pressible luxury and prophaneness, gaming and all dissolute- 
ness and as it were total forgetfulness of God,' 2 to use the 
words of a less indulgent judge than Hamilton ; the scandals 
he had witnessed and watched with the impressionable 
interest of youth were to live again, though not the disasters 
that had befallen his country without moving the dissolute 
aristocracy the Fire, the Plague and the humiliating war 
with the Dutch. 

The soldier portrait of Anthony Hamilton preserved at 
the National Portrait Gallery, must have been painted not 

long after this ; it is less attractive than the better 
1668 known one of Anthony in his old age. The calm, the 

dignity, the penetrating gaze, the sphinx-like smile 
are hardly yet discernible ; handsome, dashing, extremely 
complacent and with a touch of that scornfulness which 
is properly his, it is probably a true likeness of what he was 
before the years of misfortune. 

English, Scottish and Irish regiments were by no means 
an unknown thing in France. Saint-Louis had had a small 
bodyguard of Scottish archers, an institution which was 
kept up by the other kings, and these Gardes du Corps 
Ecossais took precedence of all the other companies com- 
posing the Maison du Roi, though by the time of Louis XIV, 
they were Scotch in nothing but the name. Charles VII, had 

1 Charnock, Biographia Navalis, I, p. 310. 

2 Evelyn, Diary, III, pp. 144, 145. Evelyn is, of course, alluding to a 
somewhat later period, but his words are none the less applicable. 



created the Gendarmes Ecossais, who ranked immediately 
after the household cavalry. The nominal captain was 
always a Scottish noble of very high birth until in 1667 
Louis honoured the Gendarmes Ecossais by becoming 
himself their captain. 1 Various other regiments had 
served for shorter periods and had mostly been disbanded 
by this time. 2 

When George Hamilton arrived in France, where his men 
were considered fine and well built, Louis incorporated 
those who were Scotch in the Gendarmerie Ecossaise and 
formed the others into the Compagnie des Gendarmes 
Anglais. Their uniform 8 was similar to that of the Gen- 
darmes Ecossais, who, as the older company, were to take 
precedence. Louis himself was Captain and George Hamil- 
ton was ' Captaine-Lieutenant.' 4 Their standard showed 
the sun towards which eight eaglets were soaring, with the 
motto, ' Tuus ad te nos vocat ardor/ a kind of flattery not 
distasteful to the Roi Soleil. 6 

Very soon after his arrival in France George Hamilton, 
in the hope that Charles would never require " gans qui 
valient si peue que moy," as he says, applied for and obtained 
permission to become a French citizen. 6 One would like 

1 Fieffe, Troupes etrangeres au service de la France, I, pp. 33-35, 169- 
175-176, etc. 

1 Susane, Histoire de I'ln/anterie Francaise, I, pp. 191 seq. ; V, pp. 285- 
288, 294. 

3 " L'uniforme de ces deux compagnies etait : habit, doublure et pare- 
ments de drap rouge, bord6 d'argent sur le tout, les manches de 1'habit 
galonnees d'argent, veste cramoisie, culotte de la couleur de 1'habit, bottes 
4 revers, chapeau bord6 d'argent, boutons argent6s, cocarde noire. La 
premiere (the Gendarmes Ecossais) avait une bandouillere de soie jaune, 
le ceinturon et les ornements chamois, tandis que le violet avait et6 affecte 
a la seconde. Les armes 6taient le mousqueton, 1'epee et les pistolets. 
Equipage du cheval : Rouge, bord6 d'argent avec le chiffre de la compagnie 
brod6 du meme metal." (Fieffe, I, p. 173.) 

4 Daniel, Histoire de la Milice Francoise, II, pp. 247, 248. In connec- 
tion with the formation of this regiment General Susane (Historic de la 
Cavalerie Francaise, I, p. 251) has the following interesting remark : " En 
agissant ainsi, le roi avait, croyons-nous, la pensee de rappeler la suzer- 
ainet6 de la France sur 1'Angleterre, et ce serait dans la meme intention 
qu'il aurait impost aux deux compagnies suivantes les titres de Gendarmes 
bourguignons et Gendarmes flamands, qui rappelaient le retour a la 
couronne d'anciens apanages qui en avaient et6 detaches." 

* Daniel, II, p. 257. A reproduction of this and the Scottish standard 
is to be found in the Appendix of Mouillart's Regiments sous Louis, 
XV (1882). The uniforms there shown are those worn by the gendarmes 
in the middle of the eighteenth century. 

R.O. St. P., Foreign, France, 124, f. 48, March 22nd, 1668 ; Cal. St. P. 
Dom., 1667-1668, p. 277. 


to be able to quote this letter to Arlington in full, for the 
light it throws on his affectionate loyal nature. The services 
of the English Gendarmes seem to have given Louis satis- 
faction. 1 About a year after they came to France they 
were reviewed, along with the King's other Guards, at the 
Bois de Boulogne in the presence of the King, the Queen 
and the whole court. The King commended them highly 
and gave Hamilton a pension of two thousand crowns a year 
beside his pay. 2 On another occasion hearing that Hamilton 
was in great financial difficulties as the Hamiltons usually 
were and about to set out to England to try to obtain the 
pension given to him by Charles after his marriage, he sent 
him six hundred pistols and told him it was to help in his 
journey, and that he hoped the King of England would do 
his part and that between them they might help him to 
subsist. 8 

The society of their sister, Madame de Gramont, now 
dame du palais, must have done much to make the Hamil- 
tons' stay in France pleasant. They were very much 
attached to her, and, moreover, through her position and 
the marked favour of Louis which both she and her husband 
enjoyed, she could exert her influence in behalf of her 
brothers, particularly the younger ones who stood more in 
need of it than George. Just about this time there occurs 
an amusing episode in her husband's extraordinarily varied 
career, which, as it is relatively unknown, may be set 
forth here briefly. 

Confronted by the Triple Alliance, England, Holland 
and Sweden, Louis made peace with Spain at Aix-la- 
Chapelle in May, 1668, and Europe enjoyed quiet for a 
brief space. The Triple Alliance had not, however, the 
loyal support of Charles, who disliked the Dutch, and a 
secret alliance with France and Catholicism was sought 

1 The only complaints brought against them were by Conde, who 
objected to their hunting in the grounds of Chantilly, and by one M. de la 
Garde, who accused them of a similar offence. Guerre, 231, f. 129, Louvois 
to Hamilton, Feb. i2th, 1669 ; 235, f. 32, the same to the same, Oct. 4th, 

2 R.O. St. P., Foreign, France, 126, f. 23, Feb. I3th, 1669. Cf. Perwich 
Papers (Royal Hist. Soc. Publ.), pp. 20-21. 

8 Hist. MSS. Comm., Buccleuch MSS. at Montagu House, I, p. 459 
Jan. I9th, 1670. Of the possible loss of this pension Hamilton remarks 
earnestly on one occasion, " Ce me serait un coup et plus a crindre qu'auqun 
que me puice doner les imperiaux." ( R.O. St. P., Foreign, France, 138, 
f. 32, August 25th, 1673.) 


after. This alliance, securing to Louis the co-operation 
of Charles in a future war with the Dutch, was brought 

about, it will be remembered, by Madame through 
1670 the Treaty of Dover in June, 1670, a treaty signed 

only by the Catholic members of the Cabal Ministry 
and Arundel, since it contained an article referring to the 
King's conversion and the subsidy offered in return by the 

Amongst those who came with the Duchess of Orleans 
to Dover were the Count and the Countess de Gramont ; 
they with their train of three women, one squire, two 
valets, two pages and four footmen, formed part of the 
suite d'honneur. George Hamilton and his wife were also 
to have accompanied her, but they are not mentioned in 
the final list preserved amongst the French papers at the 
Record Office. 1 

Shortly after Madame's return to France her tragic and 
mysterious death took place. Its suddenness gave rise 
to the belief that she had been murdered, and at the post- 
mortem examination, James Hamilton, who had so often 
brought her letters from her brother, was present. 2 As 
for Gramont, he had not accompanied Madame on her 
return journey, but had remained in England. He was 
to have come away, somewhat reluctantly, in the end of 
June with his brother-in-law, James Hamilton, on his way 
to Florence to carry ' compliments of condolence ' from 
Charles to the Grand Duke of Tuscany, 8 and had received 
a parting gift of 1000 from Charles. The present was 
originally to have taken the shape of a jewel, but the 
Count must have hinted that ready money was more 
acceptable. 4 When, however, the news of Madame's death 
came, Gramont changed his plans. Henry Savile relates 

1 R.O. St. P., Foreign, France, 129, ff. 189, 240; Daniel de Cosnac, 
Memoir es, I, p. 417. 

* Mrs. Everett Green, Lives of the English Princesses, VI, Appendix 
No. 2, p. 586. 

* For James Hamilton and the Grand Duke of Tuscany see Magalotti, 
Travels of Cosmo the Third, Grand Duke of Tuscany (London, 1821), p. 195 ; 
Steinman, Althorp Memoirs (privately printed at Oxford, 1868-1869)* 
Addenda, pp. 4, 5 ; Hist. MSS. Comm., isth Report, Appendix, Part II, 

. 12 ; Various Collections, II, p. 139 ; R.O. St. P., Foreign, France, 130, 
. 15, 16 ; St. P., Dom., 1670, pp. 391, 421, 455. In Cartwright's Madame 
(p. 382) it is stated that James Hamilton was present at Madame's funeral 
service, but he was in Italy by this time. 
4 Cal. St. P., Dom., 1670, p. 296. 


that Gramont had ' made a shift to find arguments ' for 
staying on in England, ' and at last will not go/ 1 So he 
was left in London and watched the development of affairs 
with some curiosity : the French Embassy surrounded by 
a howling mob, the rioters bent on visiting what they con- 
sidered to be Henrietta's murder on the first Frenchman 
unlucky enough to fall into their hands, the coming and 
going from court to court, Monsieur's envoy coldly received, 
Arlington demanding a declaration of war, the Marechal de 
Bellefonds despatched by Louis, and Buckingham beside 
himself with anger, for Buckingham continued to show his 
resentment longer than the other Ministers, because by 
that means, so the Ambassador Colbert de Croissy suggests, 2 
he hoped to gain popularity. 

When finally Buckingham became pacified Gramont took 
to himself the credit of having brought about this change 
of feelings. " Vous scaurez done, Monsieur," he informs 
Lionne, " que la mort de Madame ayant mis M. de Bouquin- 
kam dans un emportement extraordinaire il fut plus de 
quatre jours sans voir M r I'Ambassadeur et jugeant que cela 
feroit du bruit et n'avanceroit pas leurs affaires je le ramenay 
le mieux que je pus et fis tant par mes agremens et mon 
eloquence que je le conduisis moy-mesme chez M r 1'Ambassa- 
deur." 3 

From having been the most violent enemy of the French 
Buckingham now passed to the other extreme and insisted 
on an offensive treaty being made with France for of the 
treaty that Madame had negotiated at Dover, he, of course, 
as a Protestant, knew nothing. He now offered to go to 
France to reply to the compliments of the Marechal de 
Bellefonds and to bring about closer relations between the 
two nations, and since it was, after all, necessary to have 
some treaty in which the Protestant Ministers of the Crown 
could participate, the mission took place, to the infinite 
amusement of the initiated, with Gramont as Buckingham's 
companion ' gouverneur,' Gramont calls it, and he tells 
Lionne full of pride that it is at Charles's request. In fact, 
Gramont feels he is the man of the hour, the diplomatist 
who has brought England and France together and who 

1 Savile Correspondence, p. 25. 

* Aff. Etr., Corr. Pol. Angleterre, 99, f. 231, July 7th, 1670 (N.S.), to 

8 /&,, f. 245, July 1 2th, 1670, 


would delight in provoking a rupture between England and 
Holland. Van Beuninghen, the envoy of the Grand Pen- 
sionary, is ' furious ' at the projected expedition, so Gramont 
notes with satisfaction, 1 and he proceeds to treat him with 
a studied insolence which he considers a further diplomatic 
achievement. On one occasion, " Aprs tous nos com- 
plimens " the story is told by the Count himself with great 
complacency in one of his rare letters " je luy dis M r de 
Vanbeuning, vous souvient-il lorsque vous me disiez a 
Paris que ces Messieurs (the English) toient des mise'rables 
et que les Holandois les bateroient partout ; avec son 
esprit il fut embarasse', se mit pourtant a lire, et me dit 
qu'il avoit veu a Amsterdam M r le grand M 1 de Ragny. 
Je luy dis que je luy croyois mais qu'il ne faloit pas changer 
de discours. II s'en alia en me disant que je ne changeois 
pas et que j'estois aussy mauvais qu'a Paris, voila ses 
propres mots, c'estoit au cercle assez proche du Roy devant 
quelques Anglois qui estoient avec nous qui ne regardrent 
pas de bon ceil le Ministre extraordinaire lorsque je leur 
disois qu'il assuroit a Paris que les Holandois les batteroient 
tou jours." 2 

Gramont and his prote'ge', as he was pleased to consider 
him, left London in the beginning of August. 8 He doubtless 
shared in the royal entertainments with which the Duke 
was honoured and probably felt that the Duke's zeal in 
negotiating the mock treaty was in no little measure due 
to his influence. 

When Buckingham was about to return, Colbert de 
Croissy, the Ambassador in England, heard that Gramont 
intended to accompany him. He was not a little dismayed, 
for Gramont, it would seem, had not been all that could 
be desired during his stay in London. Colbert had not 
thought it necessary, at the time, to trouble Lionne, but 
now he regretted his indulgence. For some unknown reason 
Gramont had tried first of all to sow dissension between 

1 Aff. Etr., Corr. Pol. Angleterre, 99, f. 245, July I2th, 1670, to Lionne. 

1 Ib., f. 220, July ist, 1670, to Lionne. 

* En depit du vieux Saint Alban 

Et d' Arlington et d'Haliface 
Et d'une nymphe encore a seduisante face 

II enleva le Buckingham. 

Hamilton, (Euvres, I, p. 12. Hamilton was not aware that the opposi- 
tion of Arlington was feigned in order to increase the Duke's desire. The 
nymph is, of course, Lady Shrewsbury, 


Colbert and Arlington, but finding his efforts of no avail, 
he had tried, ' with all the skill imaginable/ to bring about 
a rupture between Colbert and Buckingham, and might 
have succeeded had not a chance meeting in the park of 
' Richemont ' cleared up the misunderstanding between 
the two. Colbert had thereupon taken the Count to task, 
with the result that the latter bore him a grudge for some 
time. 1 

Arlington, too, was no less anxious that the Count, 
' capable de nous brouiller tous,' should be made to stay 
in his own country. 2 But it was too late now ; Gramont 
was already on his way to England, Louis having somewhat 
reluctantly permitted him to go. When, however, Louis 
heard of Gramont's misdeeds, he at once sent a letter for 
him to Colbert which the latter was to use if Gramont made 
himself at all disagreeable. 

" ST. GERMAIN, le zAfjour de septembre, 1670. 
Mons. le Comte de Gramont, je vous fais cette lettre 
pour vous dire qu'en quelque temps elle vous soit rendue 
par le S r Colbert mon Amb eur en Angleterre, mon intention 
est que vous partiez de Londres sans delay pour revenir 
en France toutes autres affaires et considerations cessantes 
a quoy m'assurant que vous ne manquerez de satisfaire, 
je ne vous la feray plus expresse, pliant sur ce Dieu qu'il 
vous ayt," 3 etc. 

No necessity, however, arose for using the letter. Gramont 
had evidently come back in a better disposition ; as a 
matter of fact, a quarrel which had taken place between 
him and Buckingham on the eve of their departure, had 
rather a sobering effect on him. Louis had presented the 
Duke with some very fine horses, and Gramont, who con- 
sidered himself privileged to say anything he liked, remarked 
that if a stranger in England had commended any of the 
horses in the King's stables, the King would have sold them 
to him as dear as he could, but would never have presented 
them. The Duke was naturally indignant and Louis 
was not less displeased at Gramont's indiscretion, saying, 
so it was reported, " you have lost my favour once through 

1 Aff. Etr., Con. Pol. Angleterre, 99, f. 310, Sept. i$th, 1670, to Lionne, 

2 Ib. 

8 Ib,, i. 332. 


your disrespect, have a care of doing it a second." 1 The 
Countess de Gramont managed to reconcile them, outwardly 
at least and for the sake of appearances, but not even 
Arlington's intervention could bring the two friends to a 
good understanding again and Gramont left England 
about three weeks after his return with Buckingham. The 
treaty which Buckingham had so energetically promoted 
in Paris, the traite simule, as it was styled by the initiated, 
was almost completed and Gramont was to have taken it 
to France if it had been ready in time. 2 

In spite of the present of 1000 which Charles had given 
him earlier in the year, Gramont considered that the King 
was still somewhat in his debt, so, in a month or two, he 
proceeded to pen the following curious long-winded letter 
to Arlington : 

" Le mareschal de Gramont quy connoist bien nostre 
Cour m'a dit quil ny auoit pas grande chose a faire pour 
les courtisans sils n'estoient recommande's par certaines 
puissances ; et qu'il estoit persuadez que sy le Roy 
d'Angleterre vouloit parler au Roy en faueur de la Comtesse 
de Gramont et de moy, que nos affaires en yroit mieux. 
Je luy ay respondu que cestoit assure* que le Roy d'Angle- 
terre auoit asses de bonte pour faire les choses quy pourroient 
servir a me faire du bien. ' Je vous conseille,' me dit-il 
dy trauailler auec empressement, et ne laisse*s pas perdre 
cette ocasion quy me paroist fauorable.' II fault a ce 
quon dit que le Roy parle a Mr. Colbert, Ambassadeur, 
afin quil escriue ici Tamitie quil a pour moy, et combien 
les interestz de la Comtesse luy sont cher par Thonneur 
qu'elle a de luy apartenir et par les services que luy ont 
rendu tous ces (ses) proches, et par la tendre amitie' que 
Madame auoit pour etie. 

" Enfin, mon cher Milor, c'est a vous a faire que la chose 
reussisse autement pour vostre amy. Je vous prie de dire 
au Roy quil est oblige* a quelque chose de plus pour moy 
que pour les autres, puisque toute la France c'est (sait) 
bien que je pris autement ces (ses) interestz durant la 

1 R.O. St. P., Foreign, France, 130, f. 121, Sept. i6th, 1670, Francis 
Vernon to ? Williamson. 

AS. Etr., Corr. Pol. Angleterre, 99, f. 325, Lionne to Colbert, Sept. i7th, 
f. 3586, Colbert to Lionne, Oct. 2nd ; f. 365, the same to the same, Oct. 
6th, 1670. 


guerre (de) Holande et que je failly a estre chasse*. Con- 
clusion, il fault que M. Colbert escriue ici apres que le Roy 
luy aura parle dans des termes trespressantz, et que le Roy 
vostre maistre enuoye vostre lettre a son Ambassadeur 
dans le meme sens, adressante au Roy. II a de lesprit ; 
il tournera cela comme il voudra. Encore une fois, le Roy 
y est oblige par tous les services que je luy ay rendu. 

" Mon petit neueu Mr. de Lauzun espouze dimanche la 
grande Mademoiselle. Vous croires peut estre que je suis 
deueuus foux de vous mander cela, mais il ny a rien de sy 
vray. Cela fait un grand bruit icy. Jay dy toutes les 
particularites a vostre Ambassadeur, quy vous le mandera. 
Ne dittes pas que c'est moy quy vous a mande* cette 

" Pour le Milor Arlinton." 1 

The letter seems to have brought him some help ; 2 in 
any case Gramont was soon back in England as envoy 
from the French court, 3 and could claim in person, very 
much more effectively than in any letter, the reward due 
to his merits. 

1 Hist. MSS. Comm., MSS. of the Duke of Buccleuch at Montagu 
House, I, pp. 490-491 (Dec. i6th, 1670). 

8 Ib., p. 495, Jan. 28th, 1671. 

8 Charles had sent Lord Bellasis to Dunkirk to compliment Louis on 
his arrival there, and the Marquis de Vergest and Gramont carried back 
compliments in return (Cal. St. P., Dom., 1671, pp. 212, 236, 271). On 
this occasion Evelyn met Gramont at dinner at ' Mr. Treasurer's/ but he 
records nothing beyond the mere fact (Diary, II, p. 322). 



PREPARATIONS diplomatic and military for 
war with the United Provinces were going on all 
this time in France, ever since the signing of the 
Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle in 1668. The allies 
and possible allies of the Dutch were skilfully detached. 
Instead of disbanding the regiments which with the peace 
had become unnecessary, Louvois kept them on, increased 
them in size and raised new regiments. For the war in the 
Spanish Low Countries Louis had had 72,000 men at his 
disposition ; on the 1st of February, 1672, their number 
was 120,000. l Of the 87 cavalry regiments 9 were foreign, 
one of them being the English regiment of Sir Henry Jones 
which, after the death of Sir Henry in 1673 was given to 
the Duke of Monmouth, and known by his name or also 
as Royal Anglais 2 (not to be confused with the Duke's 
regiment of foot, Royal Anglais). Of the 58 infantry regi- 
ments 12 had been raised in other countries, two of these 
in Ireland by George Hamilton and Went worth Dillon, 
fourth Earl of Roscommon, one in Scotland, Lord George 
Douglas's regiment, already mentioned ; and one in Eng- 
land, the above regiment of the Duke of Monmouth. 3 

According to the Treaty of Dover Charles had agreed to 
furnish 6000 men and to support them in the French army 
in the case of war with Holland ; one of the secret articles 

1 Lavisse, Histoire de France, VII (Part 2), p. 238 and note. 

1 R.O. St. P., Foreign, France, 136. In his Histoire de la Cavalerie 
Franfaise, III, p. 250, Susane says that the regiment ' Johns ' was raised 
on Nov. 9th, 1672, but by this time it had been at least a year in existence. 
Cf. St. P., Dom., 1671, p. 532, and Guerre, 294, No. 106, Bussidre to Louvois, 
Aug. 1 6th, 1672. 

8 Lavisse, op. cit., p. 308 ; Cal. St. P., Dom., 1671, pp. 278, 572, 575 ; 
1671-1672, pp. 6, 316, 391 ; Guerre, 271, No. 19, Colbert to Louvois, 
Feb. ist, 1672. 



annexed, however, reduced this number to 4000 if the 
circumstances of Charles did not permit of his sending 
the larger number. The traite simule signed on December 
f, 1670, retained both the articles referring to the 
6000 and 4000 men respectively. 

But as the time for fulfilling this promise drew near 
Charles, hampered by his eternal financial difficulties, 
begged Louis to relieve him of his obligations ; the money 
that would have been required for the maintenance of these 
auxiliary forces would be used towards the improving of 
the fleet, and, if Louis wished, Charles would raise 8000 
or 10,000 men in England, to be, of course, supported 
by Louis. Louis consented to set him free and availed 
himself of his offer of men to the extent of 2000. These 
were the men brought over by Monmouth ; the regiment 
d' Hamilton, however, and probably also the regiment de 
Roscommon were raised at Louis's expense. A third 
treaty signed at Whitehall on February -&, 1672, declared 
in a secret article that Charles was free of all obligations 
for the year 1672, but would be expected to furnish men, 
as stipulated, in the year following, as long as the war 
continued. 1 

To return to the regiment d'Hamilton, in June, 1671, 
Charles directed the Lords Justices of Ireland to permit 
Hamilton to raise a regiment of foot in Ireland of 
1671 1500 men besides officers for the service of the Most 
Christian King, and since it was not convenient for 
the matter to be made public, the said levies were to be made 
and men transported with all the secrecy possible. 2 Accord- 
ing to the articles signed by George Hamilton in April, 1671, 
the regiment was to consist of fifteen companies of 100 men 
each, all the men to be of proper age and strength, well 
clothed and armed only with a good sword and belt. On 
landing in France the officers and men were to take an oath 
that they would do the King good and faithful service against 
all except the King of Great Britain. In the event of a 
rupture between the said King and Louis, the latter promised 
to allow the regiment to march to any port and embark. 3 

1 Mignet, Negotiations, III, pp. 192-193, 198, 259, 264-265, 653-654, 

* Cal. St. P., Dom., 1671, pp. 311-312. 

* Ib., p. 312. For the full French text of the capitulation see 
Appendix I, p. 277. 


In this regiment Anthony and his younger brother 
Richard served, as well as their relative, Gustavus Hamil- 
ton, 1 the defender of Enniskillen, and the gallant Sarsfield. 2 
Their youngest brother, John, never served in France, 
though this is often stated to have been the case. 3 In 
spite of all researches very little is known of Anthony's life 
up to the Revolution in Ireland, but here, at least, can be 
recounted an act of gallantry on his part. Both George 
and Anthony Hamilton were in Ireland in the summer of 
1671, when their men were being got together. On the 
iQth of May, between two and three o'clock in the morning 
a fire broke out in the storehouse of Dublin Castle, and the 
whole building eventually burned down to the ground. 
In order to save the castle itself the Lord Lieutenant 
ordered the storehouse and some adjoining buildings to be 
blown up, and for this purpose Anthony Hamilton and his 
cousin, Lord John Butler, rashly entered the burning place 
and at great peril to their lives brought out a barrel of 
powder with which they demolished the buildings through 
which the fire could have spread. 4 

By September the regiment was ready to embark. An 
Irish correspondent praises the men and informs Joseph 
Williamson, Arlington's secretary, that George Hamilton's 
diligence and discreet conduct have been extraordinary, 
and that their greatest fanatics pay him great respect for 
his civil carriage to all sorts of people. 5 

With whatever secrecy the raising of these troops may 
have been carried on, the Conde de Molina, the Spanish 
ambassador, heard of it, just as he had heard of the Gen- 
darmes Anglais in 1667, and again expressed his displeasure. 
He even wrote, in August, to the Spanish resident at Paris 
that he had caused the permission granted for the raising 
of men in Ireland to be revoked. 6 Louis' intentions were 
not known, but the growth of the French army could not 
but be a menace to Spain, and in particular to the Nether- 
land possessions. Yet though Charles may have led the 

Guerre, 269, No. 158, Louvois to Gustavus Hamilton, Nov. I4th, 1672. 

Avaux, Negotiations, p. 519. 

Sourches, Memoires, III, Appendix VIII, p. 516. 

Cal. St. P., Dom., 1671, p. 256. 

Ib., p. 468. 

R.O. St. P., Foreign, France, 131, f. 192, to Arlington, August 9th, 


Ambassador to believe that his wishes would be carried 
out, no stop was put to the raising of the regiment and 
a month later he was still complaining of the levies. Charles 
assured him that Hamilton had no express licence, and 
Arlington coldly told him that he must not think it strange 
if a gentleman who had been the King's page abroad and 
had lost his employment at home for being a Roman Catho- 
lic should have some more than ordinary connivance from 
his friends and relatives in Ireland, and, taking the matter 
in the worst sense he could give, it would not amount to 
the breech of any article between the King, his master and 
the Crown of Spain. 1 

Louis, according to an anonymous authority, considered 
Hamilton's regiment very good, especially the officers, 
who were all men of good birth, fine stature and fort mag- 
nifiques. 2 George Hamilton served at the head of this 
regiment during the following campaigns, though the 
Compagnie des Gendarmes Anglais still belonged to him 
as well. 

In March, 1672, war was at last declared against Holland 
by England and France. The rendezvous of the French 
king's troops was Charleroi, where they met in the 
1672 beginning of May. Perwich, the English agent in 
Paris, relates about this time that Louis was so ill 
satisfied with the regiment d' Hamilton as to order its being 
left in garrison in Liege. 3 If this was really the case, the 
disgrace can only have been of short duration, for, according 
to the very reliable Chronologic Militairef George Hamilton 
and his regiment joined the French army after the famous 
passage of the Rhine in June, where Gramont's nephew, 
the young Comte de Guiche, showed such bravery, and 
where Conde received a wound which, slight as it was, 
incapacitated him for the time being. Hamilton was not 
therefore present at the taking of the Rhine fortresses of 
Buderich, Orsay, Rheinberg and Wesel, but Gramont was 
with the King, and it was he who was sent to the com- 
manders of Orsay and Rheinberg, to invite them to capitu- 
late ; just as he had been sent to Dole in the Franche 

1 Arlington Letters, II, pp. 332-333, Sept. 7th, 1671. 
* Bibliotheque Nationale, Cabinet des litres, Vol. 345, dossier bleu 
Hamilton, 8904, f. 39. 

3 Perwich Papers, p. 220. 

4 Pinard, Chronologic Militaire, VI, p. 429. 


Comte in 1668. l While Turenne remained to take Arnheim 
and the towns on the Yssel, Louis with his army, including 
now the regiment d'Hamilton, 2 proceeded to Utrecht, 
which fell on the 20th of June. 3 

The Dutch, ill prepared and taken by surprise, had made 
a poor defence. Now, as a last resort, the dykes were cut 
so that the province of Holland might at least be saved, 
and the country between Utrecht and Amsterdam being 
under water there was little more to be done for the present. 
Louis, therefore, rejecting the Dutch offers of peace, with- 
drew from the Republic, but left a small army, which 
included the regiment d'Hamilton under the Marechal de 
Luxembourg, and from the autumn of that year till the 

1 Pellisson, Lettres Historiques, I, pp. 105, 114 ; JR.O. St. P., Foreign, 
France, 134, f. 32 ; Saint Maurice, Lettres sur la Cour de France, II, pp. 310, 
312 ; Rousset, Histoire de Louvois, I, pp. 135-136. 
Grammont dedans la ville 
Capitules diligemment, 
Car tout vous est facile. 
Ou comme amant, 
Ou comme amant, 
Ou comme habile. 
Tout est utile. 
Tout se rend a votre agrement. 

(Bibl. Nat. MS., fr. 12618, p. 177.) 

* R.O. St. P., Foreign, France, Vol. 134, f. no, George Hamilton to 
(Williamson), June 29th, 1672. 

8 Amongst the Englishmen who accompanied the army was Sidney 
Godolphin, Envoy Extraordinary, and from his pen we have a most 
interesting account of Louis and his officers. The letter is directed to 

" From ye Camp within 2 daies march of Utrecht. June 28, '72. 
Instead of talking to you of y fl conquests of y e Army w* 11 in themselves 
are vast (yet little if you saw y pitifull defence that was made by y* 
Dutch) I will entertaine you w th y greatnesse of y* court here w* 11 in my 
opinion is at least as considerable. For, my Lord, 'tis not to be imagined 
y infinite number of brave and knowing officers that are about y King 
nor what a world of young Gentlemen of Quality there are in y Army 
perpetually ready to seek all occasions where 'tis possible to get any 
reputation or learne any experience ; besides that y King himselfe does 
really distinguish very well of men's merits and seldome fails to reward 
those that deserve it before they expect it ; hee is very carefull to provide 
for y* convenience and for y e subsistance of y e souldiers and very 
painful in his own person, alwayes marching on horseback in y heat 
and in y rain, all this that I say is really due to him and more of this 
kind, yet I am of opinion that if y* Prince of Conde had not been hurt, 
y e Army had been yet farther advanced then it is, y e Army when y e 
King commands in person seeming most commonly but to receive these 
places w^ before had yielded upon y e summons of y e Prince of Cond6 or 
M. de Turenne." (R.O. St. P., Foreign, France, 134, f. 93, June 28th, 1672.) 


spring of the following Hamilton's men were stationed in 
Zutphen on the Yssel. 

Life was not altogether easy for George Hamilton. 
Letters came to him from Louvois, reproaching him that 
most of his soldiers had neither shoes nor swords, reproach- 
ing him for the disorderly conduct of his regiment, " your 
soldiers steal everything that comes near them." To make 
good all the losses the double of what the soldiers' thefts were 
worth was to be taken off the captains' pay. 1 One of his 
men killed a burgher of Zutphen ' by mistake.' 2 A captain 
of the regiment d' Hamilton and another of the regiment 
de la Vallette came to blows. 3 Difficulties arose from the 
fact that Louvois had ordered a Frenchman to preside over 
a council of Irish officers that was to judge one of the 
soldiers. " These gentlemen," Louvois is informed by the 
Comte de Montauban, " have declared that no one under 
any consideration could preside over their councils. They 
are not easy to deal with in the matter." 4 Dissensions were 
rife in the regiment itself. Gustavus Hamilton, at this time 
a captain, like Anthony Hamilton, quarrelled with the 
Lieutenant-Colonel Dongan. 5 George Hamilton suspended 
Dongan temporarily for refusing to apologize in presence, 
of the officers of the garrison ; 6 some of the officers, however, 
took Dongan's part and the regiment continued for some 
time to be divided into factions, an unsatisfactory state of 
affairs. 7 

Recruits had not to be raised this winter as George 
Hamilton had been given the choice of 400 men out of the 
regiment de Roscommon. The King on granting Hamilton 

1 Guerre, Vol. 269, pp. 235, 297, 299, Oct. 24th, 28th, 29th, 1672. 

Guerre, Vol. 269, p. 121, Louvois to Montefranc, Nov. nth, 1672. 

Ib., Vol. 303, p. 94, Louvois to Gaffard, April 6th, 1673. 

Ib., Vol. 333, No. 120, March i4th, 1673. 

A brother of the Earl of Limerick (Avaux, Negotiations, p. 520). 

" Cela fera trds grand bien au corps qu'il ay le temps de ce remetre 
1' esprit dens 1'asiet ou un homme le doit avoir qui est a la test d'un nouveau 
regiman. . . . Son absence pour quelque temps fera du bien au regiman 
que vous veres par le soin des capitains assurement en estat de vous donner 
tout sorte de contentement, les hommes estant trds bons et les compagnies 
fort complectes et quent les habits que iay commande a Paris seront arrives 
et que jatans au premier jour, il y aura deux bons batallons et bien en estat 
de servir." (Guerre, 333, No. 266, George Hamilton to Louvois, March 3oth, 
1673 ; cf. Vol. 294, No. 387, Gaffard to Louvois, Sept. 25th, 1672 ; Vol. 
269, p. 158, Louvois to Gustavus Hamilton, Nov. 4th, 1672 ; Vol. 303, 
p. 104, Louvois to George Hamilton, April 6th, 1673.) 
7 Cf. Fitzgerald, Irish Popish Plot, p. 5. 


permission remarked publicly that he had never seen any 
regiment of foreigners subsist so well and in such good 
order as Hamilton's. 1 

Great preparations were being made for next year's 
campaign. A story is told that Corneille having asked the 
King to honour a new play, Cleodate, with his presence, 
received the following answer " Corneille, il faut songer a 
la guerre." 2 The Orange reaction had been strengthened 
by the murder of the De Witts, and the most grim resistance 
was to be expected from William, now the undisputed 
head. The Grand Elector of Brandenburg and the Emperor 
had with the States-General formed a first Coalition against 
France. The war was no longer a mere affair with the 

In spring Louis ordered Hamilton's regiment to the 

Rhine, to join Turenne's army which had been fighting 

the imperial troops and the troops of the Grand 

1673 Elector the whole winter. Conde* was sent to Utrecht 

and Louis proceeded to Maestricht. Little enough 

was done by the French in that summer of 1673 except 

the taking of Maestricht by Louis. 

By the end of May Hamilton and his men reached Turenne, 
who thought the regiment very good and in good condition 
for service. 8 George Hamilton writes very contentedly 
from the army in June ; his one regret is their enforced 
idleness, but he foresees great things when the time for 
action comes ; they are only 21,000 or 22,000 men, it is 
true, but the finest troops in the world, and, moreover, 
" la iuste confience que nous avons en nostre generale nous 
rend ie croy invincible/' he concludes enthusiastically. 4 

July still finds them in as great a calm as if they were 
in Paris, awaiting eagerly news of the enemy's army, and 
yet, what interests the Hamiltons even more, is the Duke 
of York's conversion and its possible consequences. 6 Monte- 
cuculi with the Imperial army began to move in August, 
and the desire of the French to engage in action was 

1 R.O. St. P., Foreign, France, 134, f. 181, Godolphin to Arlington, 
August 1 2th, 1672, and f. 190, Perwich to Williamson, August 26th, 1672. 

* R.O. St. P., Foreign, France, 135, f. 149, Francis Veraon to William- 
son, Dec. 7th, 1672. 

8 Turenne, Lettres el Mimoives, II, p. 282. 

4 R.O. St. P., Foreign, France, 137, f. 127, George Hamilton to William- 
son, June 22nd [1673]. 

* Ib. t f. 234, July 25th. To Williamson, probably. 


indescribable, and nevertheless the elusive and cautious 
enemy always managed to avoid battle. 1 

England in the meantime was waging war on the sea 
with no great glory. The battle of Southwold Bay in 1672 
was, if anything, a Dutch victory, and in the summer of 
1673 the Anglo-French fleet was again defeated. While 
George, Anthony and very likely also Richard Hamilton 
were fighting or waiting to fight for France, Thomas Hamil- 
ton, the sailor, was serving in the English navy, along with 
the eldest brother James, who acted as one of the Lords 
Commissioners for Prizes, and latterly as colonel of a regi- 
ment of foot which was carried on board the Royal Charles. 
His work as a Lord Commissioner was hampered by a 
number of disadvantages, he complains of the ' intolerable 
crowd ' on his ship and the fact that they had not a single 
boat to send with men to board the prizes nor a place in 
which to examine a prisoner or to keep their papers. Being 
at sea he also found it very difficult to recruit his regiment, 2 
but he served his country cheerfully until he received a 
fatal wound on May 28th at the naval fight of Schonvelt, his 
leg being shot off. He was struck down so near Prince 
Rupert that those who saw him fall called out that the 
Prince was slain. 

After two or three days he was sent on land by a yacht, 
but he died on the 6th of June and was buried on the 
day following in Westminster Abbey. 3 According to the 
surgeon of another ship, the surgeon of James Hamilton's 
regiment had refused to obey orders to go on board ship, 
and Hamilton had died for want of sufficient medical 
attendance. 4 The Duchess of Ormonde, his aunt, who was 
with him in his last hours, relates that he " showed the 
greatest patience in the pain that he endured that was 
possible for a man to do and said nothing that was ill in his 
ravings but of the business of the sea and would be silent 
when he was desired." His death was a great sorrow to 

1 See Appendix II, p. 279, for an interesting letter of George Hamilton's 
describing their vain endeavours to make the Imperialists fight on Sept. 12. 

2 Cal. St. P., Dom., 1671-1672, passim ; 1672, pp. 74, 156, etc. ; 1673, 
pp. 182, 279, 280. 

3 CaL St. P., Dom., 1673, p. 309 ; Letters Addressed to Sir Joseph 
Williamson (Camden Soc. Publ.), I, p. 17 ; Camden Soc. Miscellany, VIII, 
p. 22 ; Cunningham, Nell Gwyn, p. 207. 

4 Cal. St. P., Dom., 1673, p. 570. 


all his relatives, particularly the Ormondes, and many 
others mourned in him a friend generous and ready to 
serve all those who needed his kindness. 1 

Madame de Gramont was overwhelmed with grief at the 
news of her brother's death, and, like George Hamilton, she 
wrote to Arlington begging him to do his best for the 
widow and children. " Je says que vous aves Tame belle/' 
she adds diplomatically. 2 In any case a good pension for 
life was settled on Elizabeth Hamilton and her sons. 3 

In August a second coalition was formed against Louis. 
The latter part of 1673 was not very favourable to Turenne, 
partly on account of Louvois's failing to send sufficient 
reinforcements, partly on account of Turenne 's plans being 
upset by the treachery of the Bishop of Wiirtzburg, who 
opened his gates to the Imperial army. The Prince of 
Orange outmanoeuvring Conde was able to join Montecuculi 
and took Bonn. All this time the English, Scottish and 
Irish regiments had given Turenne satisfaction, 4 while the 
letters the officers write home from France emphasize how 
very kind and considerate Turenne is to them. 6 

In England the war and the French alliance were rapidly 
becoming more and more unpopular. Was it not highly 
scandalous to the Protestant religion, asked the English, 
that the King of England, king of a Protestant religion, 
should stand obliged to make war with a Protestant state 
till they would grant a free toleration of the Popish religion, 
restore the Church lands to the Popish clergy, erect public 
churches for Popish idolatrous worship and admit Papists 
to an equal share in the Government ? 6 The marriage of 
James to a Catholic princess increased the hostility. The 
Cabal had fallen, and Danby, now the leading Minister, 

1 Ormonde MSS., Ill, p. 452. 

1 R.O. St. P., Foreign, France, 137, f. 210, July I3th, 1673. Cf. George 
Hamilton's letter. Vol. 138, f. 32, August 25th, 1673. The Comte de 
Gramont received congratulations from his friend Bussy (Correspondance, 
II, p. 270). 

8 Cal. of Treasury Books, 1672-1675, p. 163. There were three sons, 
James, who became 6th Earl of Abercorn, George, who fell in the battle 
of Steinkirk, and William, captain of an Infantry regiment, who was 
murdered in Ireland in 1686. (Ormonde MSS. (N.S.), VII, pp. 439, etc.) 

4 Turenne, Lettres et Mtmoires, II, pp. 339, 351. 

5 R.O. St. P., Foreign, France, Vol. 138, f. 92, Crofts to Arlington, f. 84, 
G. Hamilton to Williamson, Sept. 2ist, 1673 ; ff. 99-100, Lord Arlington 
to Williamson, Sept. 28th, 1673. 

Cal. St. P., Dom., 1673-1675, pp. 128-134. 


was an enemy to France. On February igth, 1674, Charles 
was compelled to make peace with the Republic, in spite 
of his engagements with Louis, to whom the loss of the 
English alliance was a serious matter, confronted as he was 

by a second hostile coalition. England and the 
1674 Republic were pledged not to aid each other's 

enemies, but Charles did not withdraw his troops 
serving in France, and though the Prince of Orange pressed 
him to do so, he assured the French Ambassador that he 
would leave them, whatever instance was made to him by 
the Dutch, by Spain or by the Parliament. 1 

1 Dalrymple, Memoirs, II, p. 108. 



BEFORE peace had been made with the Republic 
Charles had sent in January a warrant to Lord 
Essex, the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, directing him 
to permit George Hamilton to raise 600 foot soldiers, 
adding that if there were " any Felons or others in any 
of the Gaoles convicted and designed to be transported 
to forraine Plantations/' Hamilton might have as 
1674 many of them as he liked. l Both George and Anthony 
Hamilton, the latter a captain in the regiment, were 
in Ireland in February and March raising men to be shipped 
from Waterford in vessels that Louis was sending across. 8 
According to a doubtful authority 8 they had difficulties 
enough to contend with ; upon information to the Lord 

1 B.M. Stowe MSS., Vol. 204, f. 28. 

1 Ib., f. 88. 

8 Fitzgerald, Narrative of the Irish Popish Plot. Fitzgerald has a good 
deal to say about the regiment d'Hamilton. He knew most of the officers 
who had come across in March, 1674 (he gives the date as 1673, which is 
obviously O.S.), to raise recruits, viz. Captain David Macnamara, Captain 
John Lacy, Captain Con O'Neale (a son of Owen Roe O'Neill), one Mac- 
mahan and Lieutenant Hurly. He asked Lacy " whether there was any 
probability of the French invading Ireland, to which Lacy replied that if 
the Dutch were once subdued the French would establish the Roman 
Catholic religion in all the northern part of Europe, and as far as he could 
understand by Marshal Turenne the same laws were to be established in 
Ireland as in France. He also gave Fitzgerald an account of the Irish 
who were being trained in France, and said that welfare in Ireland did 
greatly rely on the success of their forces in France, and that he did much 
admire that any person of quality that did understand the design of that 
war should stand so much in their own light as to slip so good an oppor- 
tunity and so just a cause, being altogether to destroy heretics." 

The same was confirmed to him by Captain O'Neale, who said that " he 
did prevail with a great many young gentlemen to venture their fortunes 
abroad, and that he did believe if they did generally know in Ulster how 
the game was playing for them, that there would be hardly any left in 
the whole country, but would all go unanimously to France " (pp. 5-6). 
The whole narrative is written with the fevered imagination of the Popish 
plot tracts. 



Deputies of Ireland special orders were sent to secure the 
officers and to stop the men, which obliged the officers 
to return to France alone. There is, however, nothing in 
the French archives to confirm this, and the letters that 
George Hamilton wrote at this period contain no allusion 
to any such misfortune. 1 

Hamilton with his recruits joined Turenne about the 
middle of May. Turenne's army, which included the regi- 
ments of Monmouth, Douglas, Hamilton and Churchill, 
was to fight the Imperialists, and the Duke of Lorraine on 
the Rhine, Conde was to oppose William in Flanders, while 
Louis proceeded to the Franche-Comte, which he again 
took easily. Conde was semi-victorious in the battle of 
Seneffe. Turenne's campaign is, of course, the only one 
which concerns this narrative. It was to be a much more 
eventful campaign than that of 1673. 

With a small army Turenne crossed the Rhine at Philipps- 
burg, and on the i6th of June scattered an army of Im- 
perialists at Sinzheim before Bournonville had arrived with 
the main forces. George Hamilton was at the head of his 
own regiment and of Royal Anglais (or Monmouth). A 
curious little incident took place during the day. After 
the city and the castle had been taken, the fight was con- 
tinued with great violence on a plateau. The forces were 
all drawn up in readiness to meet the enemy's charges, 
when Turenne, the beloved general, passed on his way to 
examine a narrow gorge where he had posted some dragoons. 
Hamilton's Irish and English seeing him come shouted and 
threw their hats in the air and some even discharged their 
muskets ' en signe de joye/ which demonstration, by the 
way, hastened on the enemy's attack. The different 
' Relations ' of the battle are full of praise for Hamilton 
and Douglas. 2 

The Palatinate was cruelly ravaged that summer. Five 
towns and twenty-five villages were burned, 3 but by this 

1 Cf. also Turenne, Lettres et Memoires, II, pp. 460, 479, from which it 
would appear that everything had gone on normally. Fitzgerald, writing 
from memory, probably misdated the event, viz. March, 1673-1674, instead 
of March, 1674-1675, when regulations were much more stringent and the 
recruits for the regiment d' Hamilton were really dispersed. 

2 Gazette de France, 1674, pp. 600, 609, 628, 650-652. 

3 De Quincy (Hist. Mil., I, p. 396) makes the English soldiers chiefly 
responsibfe for the burning of the Palatinate. Cf. Courtilz deSandras Vie 
de Turenne (1685), pp. 363-364. He is by no means a reliable authority, 
but was probably in Turenne's army at the time. 


time the number of the Imperialists had increased so con- 
siderably that Turenne was forced to recross the Rhine. 
Bournonville entering Alsace and taking possession of 
Strasbourg, Turenne fought him at Entzheim, near by, 
on the 4th of October. Turenne had taken possession of a 
small village called Holtzheim and left Douglas and de 
Lorges there. The enemy's army was massed about Entz- 
heim. Between Holtzheim and Entzheim there lay a small 
wood. It was round and in this wood that the battle raged 
the whole day long, though Turenne's army was worn out 
by a march of forty hours across fields sodden with rain. 
Monmouth's foot and Churchill's regiment, led by the young 
colonel, were there from the beginning. As the struggle 
grew hotter in the wood other regiments, Anjou, Turenne, 
Bretagne, Hamilton, etc., were sent in. George Hamilton's 
men slaughtered a battalion of Bournonville's in a hand-to- 
hand fight, felling down the enemy with the butt end of 
their muskets. The regiment was cruelly shattered ; George 
and Anthony were both wounded, 1 George in three places, 
and his horse was shot under him ; for one moment the 
regiment d' Hamilton gave way and fell back on the re*gi- 
ment d' Anjou and the enemy pressed forward, but the 
Marquis de Vaubrun led the men on again. Three times 
the wood was taken from the French and three times it was 
recaptured. They fought till night separated them and the 
Imperialists retired to Strasbourg. The action was not 
decisive. " Monsieur d' Hamilton," writes Turenne, " a 
fait tout ce qui peut s'imaginer," in fact he was heard to 
say that if Hamilton had not been wounded, victory was 
theirs in that very moment. 2 

The Imperialists receiving continual reinforcements, 
there now follows that memorable march of Turenne's in 
wintry weather, away from the enemy in Alsace into 
Lorraine, southwards down the western slope of the Vosges, 
eastwards across the trouee de Belfort and up again north- 

1 R.O. St. P., Dom., Car. II, 361, No. 247, Oct. 5th, 1674. Churchill to 

1 Turenne, Lettres et Mtmoires, II, p. 587 ; R.O. St. P., Dom. f Car. II, 
361, No. 248, Duras to the Duke of York. Oct. 6th. For the above battle 
see the Gazette de France, 1674, especially pp. 1066-1067, 1077, 1088-1091, 
1095 ; R.O. St. P., Foreign, France, 139, f. 121 (Liste des morts et blesses) ; 
the letters from Churchill and Monmouth (which are calendared) ; Turenne, 
Lettres et Memoires, II ; Hist. MSS. Comm., 4th Report, p. 238 ; 7th 
Report, App., p. 4920. Cf. also Legrand Girard, Turenne en Alsace, and 
Des Robert, Les Campagnes de Turenne en Allemagne. 


wards into Alsace to the utter consternation of the enemy 
scattered in their quarters throughout the province. Turenne 
defeated them at Mulhouse on the 2Qth of December and at 
Turckheim on January 5th. 

George and Anthony Hamilton did not, however, take 
part in these operations, though their regiment doubtless 
did. The time for raising their recruits had come 
1675 again and obliged them to go to England in the 
end of December. 1 With them came their brother- 
in-law Gramont, though not engaged on any such serious 
business. "He is doing his duty," Ruvigny, the French 
ambassador, tells Pomponne ; " he is winning money and 
will bring the King a portrait of Madame de Portsmouth 
which she wishes to send to His Majesty/' 2 As Ruvigny 
remarks elsewhere, Gramont's expedition was truly a 
' joly voyage ' he arrived from Paris with a hundred pistols 
in his pocket, he left two months later with five thousand. 3 

Immediately on his arrival George Hamilton went to 
see Charles to obtain his consent for the raising of 500 
men in Ireland. A proclamation had been issued on the 
25th of April, 1674, forbidding subjects to enlist in the 
service of any foreign power without licence, 4 and later on, 
in November, a circular letter had been sent to the Lord 
Lieutenants of the maritime counties requiring them to 
seize and secure all persons who enlisted or caused others 
to enlist in foreign service. 5 

Charles replied that according to the treaty with Holland 
he ought not to permit any levies, but that Hamilton 
could see to his recruits, provided it was ' sous main et a 
la derobee,' and provided that he embarked them from a 
port where there was no castle or garrison. He was espe- 
cially cautioned that stringent orders had been given to 
imprison all soldiers who attempted to take service abroad. 
Moreover, the Dutch Ambassador, if he heard of the pro- 
ceedings, ' would loudly complayne/ and Parliament, which 
was sure to demand the withdrawal of the English troops 
serving in France, was to meet in April, irritated by a 
prorogation of more than a year. 

1 Cal. St. P., Dom., 1673-1675, pp. 479, 484. 

2 Aff. Etr., Corr. Pol. Angleterre, 115, p. 214, Feb. 4th, 1675 (N.S.). 

3 Ib., p. 390, March nth, 1675. 

4 Cal. St. P., Dom., 1673-1675, p. 230. 

5 Ib., p. 414. 


Hamilton had previously arranged with Louvois for 
ships to be sent to Waterford in March, but as there was 
a castle in Waterford, it now became necessary to change 
this plan. The Duke of York himself suggested Dingle 
as being a very good port without a garrison or anything 
' that might incommode,' and accordingly Louvois was 
asked to send the ships there on the I5th of March, Style 
d'Angleterre, when the recruits were to be there ' infallibly.' 1 

George Hamilton did not himself go to Ireland, as his 
affairs, so he said, required an early return to France. He 
left in the very beginning of March, but Anthony was put 
in charge of the difficult expedition, and with him was his 
younger brother Richard, who must have entered the 
French service some time before. They waited on Lord 
Essex, the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, brought him George 
Hamilton's thanks for his kindness to the officers the year 
before and were very well received. Lord Essex was given 
to understand from England that Charles wished him to 
favour the undertaking in every way. 2 

In spite of all this royal protection things did not go 
smoothly. "It is impossible to be more unfortunate than 
we have been in what we have undertaken for the service 
of His Majesty," writes Anthony Hamilton to Ruvigny in 
some distress. All had been well at first. Nine hundred and 
thirty good men had been brought together at Dingle. The 
men were well disciplined by the officers, so that no dis- 
orders were committed in the country round about, and 
everything was carried on as carefully as possible to prevent 
news of the proceedings reaching the Lord Lieutenant 
officially from outsiders and thus compelling him to take 
action. Hamilton expected the French ships on the 8th 
of March, but they did not appear. For a fortnight the men 
were kept waiting and still there was no sign of the ships. 
Anthony Hamilton borrowed a thousand crowns for their 
subsistence. Finally, on March 27th, he saw himself com- 
pelled to disband them until the ships should come. He 
himself seems to have gone away. All of a sudden, in the 

1 Essex Papers (Camden, 1890), pp. 304-305 ; Guerre, 467, No. 4, 
G. Hamilton to Louvois, Jan. 6th (O.S.), 1675. On the 2$th of Jan. (O.S.) 
Hamilton wrote another letter in case the first was lost. Ib. No. 12, Louvois' 
reply is in Vol. 422, No. 220, Feb. I3th (N.S.). 

* B.M. Stowe MSS., Vol. 207, ff. 70 and 176, George Hamilton to Lord 
Essex, Jan ipth (O.S.) and Feb. 2oth (O.S.), 1675. 


first week of April, the French ships arrived unexpectedly 
at Kinsale. Instead of the men being quickly and quietly 
marched there, Hamilton had first to send orders to the 
officers to reassemble the men. The presence of the French 
ships became known and created a great sensation. The 
officers were arrested at Essex's orders. Essex had given 
them all possible connivance, " not seeming to believe y 6 
news for a Packett or two," but at last, " when it was too 
much y 6 publick discourse/' he was obliged to take measures. 

News of the disaster was sent to Anthony Hamilton, and 
he hastened to Dublin, where he obtained orders for the 
release of the officers on making himself responsible for 
them. Borrowing more money from Ruvigny, he made 
them get as many men together as they could, to be em- 
barked under cover of night, in spite of the strict watch 
kept at all the ports. That they did finally manage to set 
sail was only due to the fact of Lord Essex's sending word to 
the Earl of Orrery to give the recruits time to make good 
their escape, for new and urgent complaints had been sent 
to Essex. 1 

What blame, if any, attaches to Anthony Hamilton is 
hard to determine. The French ships, not arriving at the 
appointed time or at the harbour chosen, put him into an 
exceedingly difficult position ; on the other hand, he ought 
probably not to have left the officers as he seems to have 
done. 2 

The campaign of 1675 was not a very favourable one 
to France though it began well. Louis proceeded to Flanders 
and took a number of towns, which prevented a junction 
of the Imperialists and the Spanish. Conde and William 
moved warily about each other. Turenne was, as before, 
fighting the Imperialists in Alsace. George, Anthony and 
Richard Hamilton, with their regiment and the regiments 

1 Guerre, 467, No. 92, Anthony Hamilton to Ruvigny, April i3th (O.S.), 
1675 (this letter is given in full on 281, 282, infra, Appendix III); ib. 
No. 103, Ruvigny to Louvois, April 29th, 1675 ; Aff. Etr., Corr. Pol. 
Angleterre, 1 1 5, p. 61 9, Ruvigny to Pomponne, April 28th, 1675 ; CaL St. P., 
Dom., 1675-1676 ; p. 56, Essex Papers, p. 313. 

2 George Hamilton had arranged for ships to arrive on the I5th of 
March, whereas Anthony expected them on the 8th. There may have been 
some later change in the arrangements so that Anthony Hamilton was 
quite justified in expecting them earlier ; but even if there was a mis- 
understanding on his part the ships were more than a fortnight behind 
the time. In fact Essex says they were twenty days late. (Essex Papers, 
P. 3*3-) 


of Monmouth, Churchill and Douglas, were serving in his 
army. George Hamilton had been made a brigadier on the 
I2th of March, in recognition of his services. 1 

On the 2yth of July Turenne had drawn close to Monte- 
cuculi's army. The Imperialists seemed unwilling to engage 
in action, and towards midday Turenne was under the 
impression that they were retreating. At two o'clock the 
Comte de Roye noticed the advance of a column of German 
infantry, and despatched Saint-Hilaire to Turenne to inform 
him of their approach. Hardly had Saint-Hilaire returned 
when de Roye sent again, this time the Due d'Elbeuf, to 
ask the general for more infantry and to request his presence. 
Turenne sent him two battalions, but said, as if moved by 
a kind of presentiment, that he would remain where he was. 
A third message was carried by George Hamilton. Turenne, 
yielding, asked for a horse and rode off with Hamilton. This 
is the account given by Saint-Hilaire the younger, 2 brother 
of the above-mentioned Saint-Hilaire, who, with his father, 
was an eye-witness of Turenne's death. The rest of the 
story may be told in Madame de Se*vigne"s often-quoted 
words, though she makes Turenne meet Hamilton on the 
way. " II trouva M. d'Hamilton pr6s de 1'endroit ou il 
alloit qui lui dit, ' Monsieur, venez par ici ; on tirera ou 
vous allez '- -' Monsieur/ lui dit-il, ' je m'y en vais : je ne 
veux point du tout etre tu6 aujourd'hui ; cela sera le 
mieux du monde.' II tournait son cheval, il aperc.ut Saint- 
Hilaire, qui lui dit, le chapeau a la main : ' Jetez les yeux 
sur cette batterie que j'ai fait mettre la.' II retourne deux 
pas, et sans etre arret, il re$ut le coup qui emporta le bras 
et la main qui tenaient le chapeau de Saint-Hilaire. . . . 
On crie, on pleure, M. d'Hamilton fait cesser ce bruit la 3 
et oter le petit d'Elbeuf qui e'toit jete' sur ce corps. . . . 
On jette un manteau, on le porte dans une haie, on le garde 
a petit bruit ; un carosse vient, on 1'emporte dans sa 
tente : ce fut la ou M. de Lorges, M. de Roye et beaucoup 
d'autres pensrent mourir de douleur." 4 

1 Chronologic Militaire, VI, p. 430. 

2 Memoires, I, pp. 207-208. 

* Cf. Ramsay, Histoire de Turenne, II, p. 583. " Le saisissement de ceux 
qui le virent tomber fut inexprimable : Hamilton qui scut mieux se 
posseder que les autres, jugeant de quelle consequence il etait de derober 
a la connaissance des soldats un accident si funeste, jeta promptement un. 
manteau sur le corps et Ton tint d'abord ce malheur secret." 

Lettres, IV, pp. 97-98. 


Amongst the soldiers who mourned for their ' father/ 
none were more sincere than the English. Madame de 
Sevigne relates elsewhere 1 that they told M. de Lorges, on 
whom the command devolved for a space, that they would 
continue this campaign in order to avenge Turenne, but 
thereafter they would return to their own country as they 
could obey none but M. de Turenne. 2 

Meanwhile the Imperialists had taken new courage and 
the French army retreated to the Rhine. Near Altenheim, 
on the ist of August, they turned to face the enemy and 
fought them desperately. Two days before the Imperialists 
had already attacked the rearguard, but had been repulsed 
by the Chevalier de Boufflers and George Hamilton. 3 This 
time the regiment d' Hamilton was posted with five other 
regiments to defend the crossing of a stream, and during 
three hours they held their own against 6000 or 7000 of the 
enemy until the latter fell back. According to De Quincy, 
author of the voluminous Military History of the Reign of 
Louis XIV, the English and Irish soldiers accomplished 
wonders, 4 and Madame de Sevigne exclaims warm-heartedly, 
" Les Anglois surtout ont fait des choses romanesques." 5 

Conde, leaving his own command to the Marechal de 
Luxembourg, had now joined Turenne's army and guided 
it very prudently during the rest of the campaign. By 
September the Allies evacuated Alsace. At Treves, how- 
ever, Conde had been utterly beaten in the beginning of 
the month. 

In October Louvois directed George Hamilton to see 
to his recruits for the next campaign. 6 Louvois was giving 
him no easy task, as a brief summary of certain past events 
will show. Intense hostility marked our relations with 
France. Parliament had met on the isth of April after 

1 Ib., p. 52. 

2 The day after Turenne's death eight marshals, ironically known as 
la monnaie de Turenne, were appointed. It was on this occasion that 
Gramont wrote to the newly appointed Marechal de Rochefort : " Mon- 
seigneur, la faveur 1'a pu faire autant que le merite. Monseigneur, je suis 
votre tres humble serviteur. Le Comte de Gramont." (Sevigne, IV, 12.) 

3 De Quincy, Histoire Militaire, I, p. 447. 

4 Ib., p. 448. 

5 Lettres, IV, p. 3 1 . The 'King was extremely satisfied with the conduct 
of the regiment d'Hamilton. Guerre, 427, Nos. 179 and 286, Louvois to 
Hamilton, August i2th and isth, 1675. 

6 Ib., Vol. 429, No. 130, Oct. 7th, 1675. 


a prorogation of more than thirteen months. Its assembly 
was watched with some anxiety by France. Foreign Powers 
had come to realise the important role played by Parliament, 
and their envoys, particularly Ruvigny, had liberal grants 
towards the bribery of members. 

In the House of Commons it was at once moved that all 
the English forces in the French service be recalled and 
none be permitted to go over into that service in future. 
Ruvigny urged Charles to reply very firmly, if he did not 
on this occasion declare his intentions clearly and resolutely, 
he must not doubt but that the House would undertake 
even greater things. 1 On the 5th of May (O.S.) the King 
was addressed for a Proclamation to recall his subjects, 2 
and, greatly to Ruvigny's displeasure, Charles's answer 
on the 8th did take the shape of a Proclamation command- 
ing the immediate return of all subjects who had gone into 
the service of the French king since the last treaty of peace 
with the States-General, and forbidding all subjects to enter 
the said service in future. Those of his troops, however, 
who had been in the Most Christian King's service before 
the last treaty, he could not, he considered, recall without 
derogation to his honour. 8 

On the loth the Commons debated on his answer, 4 they 
thought it a ' very ill ' one, and said that if they thanked 
the King for it they would be thanking him for sending 
men into France. Nevertheless, thanks to Ruvigny's 
liberality no doubt, when the question whether a further 
address should be made to the King was put and the tellers 
differed in their account, both parties, about equal in 
number, thought themselves wronged, and a scene of inde- 
scribable disorder ensued, which is carefully reported to 
France by Ruvigny, " ils sont venus jusques a se pousser 
les uns les autres, se cracher au visage et mettre la main sur 

1 Aff. Etr., Corr. Pol. Angleterre, 116, flf. 24-25, Ruvigny to Pomponne. 
May A> 1675. 

1 Grey's Debates, III, p. 104 ; Commons Journal, IX, 330. 

* Grey, III, 116 ; Commons Journal, IX, p. 333 ; Cal. St. P., Dom.. 
1675-1676, p. 125 ; Aff. Etr., 116, i. 30, Ruvigny to Pomponne, 
May ft. 1675. 

4 It is interesting to note that in the debate some exception was claimed 
for the ' Scotch Guards ' (but the r6giment de Douglas is meant) as a 
thing ' particular in this nation ' and as having been in France for sixty 
years at least. All the rest, however, were to be obliged to return. ' Some- 
times we are forced to be quit of the Irish, now we must recall them.' 
(Grey, III, 119). 


la garde de 1'epee." 1 The further address was moved next 
day, but not presented ultimately on account of prorogation. 
The resolution for an address to recall all the English 
troops was defeated by one vote. What would have hap- 
pened had the resolution been carried Ruvigny cannot 
foresee, but he assures Pomponne that there was a talk of 
giving Charles 2,000,000 provided only he would make 
war with France. 2 

The proclamation in its original form was published on 
the igth of May (O.S.), but recruits continued all the same 
to pass into France. The Commons remonstrated with the 
King. 3 But a dispute between the Houses on the right of 
appeal to the Lords arose and in June Charles prorogued 
Parliament till October. On the Qth of November (O.S.) 
the Lords agreed to join with the Commons in asking the 
King to renew his proclamation, but meeting with the 
Commons next day they fell out because the Commons 
had ordered those who disobeyed the proclamation to be 
punished, and, as Ruvigny explains to Pomponne, the 
Lords held that the Commons could inflict no penalties. 4 
In any case Charles had promised Ruvigny as far as his 
promises went that he would not issue another proclama- 
tion recalling his subjects from the service of France. 5 

The tension between the Houses on the subject of appeal 
became so great and all business being impossible, Parlia- 
ment was prorogued, very fortunately for France, on 
November 22nd (O.S.) for fifteen months to February, 
1677, Charles claiming the French subsidy promised to 
him if he would dissolve Parliament, since this would relieve 
France of the risk of hostile action on the part of England. 
The payment which was not strictly due, Parliament having 

1 Aff. Etr., Corr. Pol. Angleterre, 116, ff. 33-34, Ruvigny to Pomponne, 
May , 1675. A full description of the disorder is also given in Grey, 
III, pp. 128-129, whereas the Commons Journal passes it over in silence. 
Cf. Essex Papers (Camden, 1913), pp. 9-11 and Schwerin's despatch in 
Orlich's Briefe aus England, p. 24. 

z Aff. Etr., Corr. Pol. Angleterre, 116, f. 37, Ruvigny to Pomponne, 
May $$, 1675. 

3 /&., ff. 57, 59, 79, the same to the same, June 3, 6 and 13 (N.S.). 

4 Aff. Etr., Corr. Pol. Angleterre, 117, f. 76, Nov. J-, 1675. " Ne 
s'opposant pas, ce seroit consentir a une esp^ce de jurisdiction qu'ils ne 
veulent pas souffrir." Commons Journal, IX, pp. 362-367, 371 ; Grey, 
III, pp. 334-336. 

6 Aff. Etr., Corr. Pol. Angleterre, 117, f. 8 1, to Pomponne, Nov. f, 


been only prorogued, was nevertheless a profitable invest- 
ment for Louis, especially as Charles entered into a defensive 
agreement with him, in spite of his engagements with 
Holland and the fact that he was posing as mediator. 

It was therefore easier than it would have been a few 
months ago to raise men for France, and George Hamilton's 
task, though not a simple one and requiring the utmost 
tact and vigilance, was not quite so impossible as it had 
seemed at first. He was to raise noo men, 1 and while 
Anthony or possibly Richard remained in Toul with the 
regiment, 2 he proceeded to England in the end of December 
with his usual companion Gramont, 3 and then on alone 
to Ireland, returning to France again in April, rather 
delayed on account of bad weather but otherwise success- 
ful. 4 Recruits kept going to France all through spring, 
in spite of protests from the Allies' envoys. 5 

What exactly brought Gramont to England again is 
not known, but Charles banteringly professed to treat him 
as the envoy of the Duke Mazarin and as a pleni- 
1676 potentiary charged with negotiating a reconciliation 
between the Duke and his wife, the beautiful Hortense 
who, according to popular rumour, was about to land in 
England. Gramont entered into the spirit of the thing 
and with his usual wit and raillery proceeded to act the 
part of envoy to that curious monomaniac, and when the 
duchess really arrived in England, he assumed a kind of 
guardianship over her just as he had on one occasion done 
it in the case of the Duke of Buckingham. 6 

The campaign of 1676 was not an important one. The 
fighting on the sea was more remarkable. Louis with his 
army went to Flanders, Conde had retired from active 
service, Luxembourg had succeeded Turenne in his com- 
mand of the army in Alsace. The Hamiltons were with 

1 Bibl. Nat., Pieces Originates, Vol. 1472, No. 19 (a receipt for the neces- 
sary funds signed by George Hamilton and dated Dec. n, 1675). 

* Guerre, 431, No. 560, Louvois to M. d'Hamilton, capitaine au regt. 
d'Hamilton, Dec. 26th, 1675. 

8 Aft. Etr., Corr. Pol. Angleterre, 117, f. 107, Ruvigny to Pomponne, 
Dec. f, 1675 ; Cal. St. P., Dom., 1675-1676, p. 491. 

4 Guerre, 473. No. 59, Louvois to Hamilton, April 3rd, 1676 ; Cal. St. P., 
Dom., 1676-1677, p. 71 ; Essex Papers (Camden, 1913), p. 41. 

6 Orlich, Briefe aus England, p. 59. 

6 Aif. Etr., Corr. Pol. Angleterre, 117, ff. 107, 115, 117, etc. ; Vol. 118, 
i. 19, Ruvigny to Pomponne ; Perwich Papers, p. in. 


him, George Hamilton having been made Marechal du 
Camp or Major-General in February. 1 The English Parlia- 
ment, as we have seen, did not meet this year. 

In May Luxembourg was expecting some reinforcements 
from Flanders, and, fearing that the Duke of Lorraine might 
cut them off from him, he marched to meet them. Near 
Saverne Lorraine attacked his rear-guard, commanded by 
George Hamilton, but was driven back after a fierce combat, 
in which Hamilton and his regiment fought with all possible 
bravery, though the Imperialists spread a report that all 
the English and Irish in the French service had surrendered. 
In the moment of victory George Hamilton fell. 2 This was 
on the ist of June, 1676. Pellisson, writing from the 
camp of Neer Hasselt, whither he had accompanied Louis 
as historiographer royal, describes the universal regret 
with which the news of ' Amilton's ' death was received, 
and remarks that he has scarcely ever known of a person 
on whose merit people were more agreed and who was 
praised for such dissimilar qualities great gentleness, 
modesty, courage, audacity and firmness. " Le Roi y perd 
et le connait bien," he concludes his very sincere apprecia- 
tion. 3 Charles and the Duke of York were no less grieved. 4 

The Compagnie des Gendarmes Anglais, serving in 
Flanders under Louis, was still in George Hamilton's pos- 
session, though he had been intending to sell the charge, 5 
preferring the regiment which bore his name. 6 It was 
now sold and the King ordered La Guette, Hamilton's 
successor, to pay the widow 10,000 crowns, and besides 
this she was to receive a pension of 2000 crowns. 7 
The regiment d'Hamilton, it was supposed, would go 
to one of the brothers, 8 but as Charles and the Duke 

1 Pinard, Chronologic Militaire, VI, p. 430. 

* Gazette, 1676, pp. 433, 456; Guerre, 508, No. 114, Luxembourg to 
Louis, June 2nd, 1676. 

3 Lettres Historiques, III, p. 112. 

4 Orlich, Brief e aus England, p. 58, " Inzwischen wird Mylord Hamilton 
. . . seiner sonderbaren Tapferkeit wegen vom Konige und vom Herzoge 
von York iiber alle Massen beklagt." 

6 Guerre, 375, No. 72, Louvois to Hamilton, Oct. 3rd, 1674. 

6 Bibl. Nat., Cabinet des Titres, Vol. 345, dossier bleu Hamilton, f. 39. 

7 Pellisson, op. tit., p. 120. AfL Etr., Corr. Pol. Angleterre, 119, f. 48, 
Courtin to Pomponne, July , 1676. Gradually Frenchmen were 
admitted among the Gendarmes Anglais, and when the company was dis- 
banded in 1788 it was entirely French. Fieffe, Troupes Etrangeres, I, p. 174. 

8 Hist. MSS. Comm., 4th Report, p. 245. 


of York requested Louis to give it to the Lieutenant- 
Colonel Dongan, Gustavus Hamilton's old adversary and 
no particular friend of the Hamiltons', their wish was 
gratified. l 

As for poor Lady Hamilton, she was overwhelmed with 
grief and distracted with worries. 2 She was left with six 
young children. 3 She had no fortune whatever ; the 10,000 
crowns she had received for the Gendarmes Anglais were not 
sufficient to pay the debts her husband had left. 4 George 
Hamilton had been very anxious for his wife to be made 
dame du palais like his sister, Madame de Gramont, as then, 
he said, he could go away to war with a lighter heart, know- 
ing that if he fell, she would be secure in an honourable 
appointment, but his request had not been granted. 5 After 
Hamilton's death Charles repeatedly urged the Ambassador 
Courtin, Ruvigny's successor, to entreat the King his 
brother to do all that was possible for the poor widow, 
adding that he himself did what he could, but that Courtin 
must know how unsatisfactory his ' affairs ' were, and 
Courtin, in turn, desired Charles to ' reflect ' on the con- 
tinuous and enormous expenses the King, his master, had 
to bear. Charles, always liberal where titles were con- 
cerned, raised Lady Hamilton to the rank of Baroness of 

1 Aff. Etr., Corr. Pol. Angleterre, Vol. 118, f. 178 and Vol. 119, f. 48, 
Courtin to Pomponne, June 15 and July 2 (N.S.). 

1 Sevigne, IV, p. 507, cf. Hist. MSS. Comm., 4th Report, p. 245. 

8 Sevigne, IV, p. 517. One of them died within a year. Guerre, 567, 
p. 143, Lady Hamilton to Louvois, October, 1677. 

4 Aff. Etr., Corr. Pol. Angleterre, 119, f. 48. 

6 The first time the favour was requested for Lady Hamilton the post 
was given not to her but to the Marquise de la Vallidre, Louis, however, 
giving Charles to understand that he had received the Marchioness because 
it had been the last request of Mademoiselle de la Valliere before she retired 
to the Carmelite nuns, and that otherwise he would not have taken her ; 
as there was no vacancy among the Dames du Palais he had to make one' 
by creating an additional post. In 1675 Lauderdale had been sent to 
Ruvigny with a letter from Charles to Louis, again urging him to consider 
the matter, and the year following, just two months before George Hamil- 
ton's death, Ruvigny again reported that the King and Duke of York 
desired ' passionately ' that it would please Louis to make Lady Hamilton 
a dame du palais, and that he, Ruvigny, had replied that His Most 

d'Amilton among the ladies-in-waiting. (Aff. Etr., Corr. Pol. Angleterre, 
Vol. 115, pp. 453, 454, Ruvigny to Pomponne, March }, 1675 Vol. 
118, f. 6, Pomponne to Ruvigny, April i, 1676, ff. $, Ruvigny to 
Pomponne, March f|, 1676.) 


Ross and Countess of Bantry and Berehaven in Ireland ;* 
she remained, however, in Paris till 1679, the m st unhappy 
person in the world, she assures Louvois, and harassed by 
a thousand creditors. 2 In that year her old lover, Richard 
Talbot, appeared on the scene and married her. A few 
months before George Hamilton's death Evelyn had seen 
her and described her as a ' sprightly young lady/ 3 in spite 
of her six children. 

The regiment d' Hamilton was now known as the regiment 
de Dongan. It is somewhat uncertain whether Anthony 
Hamilton continued to serve in the regiment, for the Hamil- 
tons bitterly resented Dongan having been preferred to 
them. 4 Richard, however, remained. The new colonel 
showed great zeal at first, and arrived in England as early 
as October to raise men for the next campaign. Parliament 
was to meet in February, so the step was a wise one. Courtin 
at once hastened to Charles, expressing a hope that, as he 
had caused Dongan to be made colonel he would prosper 
the work of his hands and that for this it was necessary 
to give permission for the raising of recruits. Nothing 
could be more characteristic than Charles's answer. " II 
m'a repondu en riant," writes the Ambassador to Louis, 
" et en mettant la main devant les yeux, les doigts entrou- 
verts et m'a dit ' nous scaurons bien faire ce qu'il faudra 
la-dessus.' Ainsi je crois la chose en bon chemin si le Vice 
Roy d'Irelande ne la traverse pas." 5 Charles gave Dongan 
a letter for Essex, the Lord Lieutenant, and as Essex was 
' well-intentioned ' all things seem to have gone well. 6 Lord 
George Douglas, now Earl of Dumbarton, met with greater 

1 " This will procure for Madame d' Hamilton the following advan- 
tages," Courtin explains to Pomponne with the French regard for etiquette, 
" she will be styled cousin when she comes here, she will be allowed to 
enter the Queen's coach, the Queen will rise when she arrives and embrace 
her, and when she leaves she may hope for some pension on the Irish 
Establishment." (Ib., Vol. 119, ff. 48, 49, July . Cf. CaL St. P., 
Dom., 1676-1677, p. 210 ; 1677-1678, pp. 236-254.) 

2 Guerre, 567, p. 143, Lady Hamilton to Louvois, October, 1677. 
8 Diary, II, p. 387. 

4 Hist. MSS. Comm., Ormonde MSS., N.S., VII, p. 85. 

5 Aff. Etr., Corr. Pol. Angleterre, 120, ff. 74, 75, Courtin to Louis, "^ 
Oct., 1676. 

6 Ib. ,f. 8 5, Courtin to Pomponne, Oct. ^, 1676; Guerre, 513, No. 114, 
Dongan to Louvois, Dublin, Oct. 3ist, 1676, and Vol. 543, No. i, Courtin 
to Louvois, Feb. ist, 1677, No. 23, the same to the same, Feb. 4th, 1677 ; 
Essex Papers (Camden, 1913), p. 119. It was given out that the men were 
being shipped to Virginia. 


difficulties in Scotland. Parliament was not yet sitting, 
but the Envoys of Spain and the Republic were ever on the 
alert. 1 

The year 1677 was fortunate to the French arms. Louis 
took town after town in Flanders, and Monsieur, his brother, 
defeated William at Cassel. Crequy, who com- 
1677 manded the eastern army, captured Fribourg in 
November after a skilful campaign. The regiment 
de Dongan had spent the winter of 1676-1677 under one 
of the Hamiltons at Vitry and Saint Dizier, where its dis- 
orderly behaviour again called forth reproaches from 
Louvois. 2 It served on the Rhine and the Moselle that 
year along with Douglas's and Monmouth's regiments and 
was present at the taking of Fribourg, 3 but after the death 
of George Hamilton it is rarely mentioned in the Gazette 
or the despatches. The fact is that Dongan and the younger 
Hamiltons were not equal in leadership to George Hamilton, 
and there is little to be said about Richard Hamilton for the 
next few years, and Anthony disappears almost altogether. 

In the autumn of 1677 Dongan went as usual to Ireland 
to see to his recruits while the regiment was left in Richard 
Hamilton's charge. All of a sudden, in December, Dongan 
and the officers in England and Scotland were ordered by 
Louvois to return at once to France. The reason is to be 
sought in the extraordinarily fluctuating and complicated 
relations existing between England and France. Parlia- 
ment had met in February, 1677, and watched with growing 
consternation the progress of the French. Nothing would 
have pleased it better than war with France. Amongst 
other matters it passed, 4 of course, a Bill for the recalling 
of His Majesty's natural born subjects out of the French 
service, yet the Bill had no effect whatever, and more and 
bitter complaints were made by the Dutch and Spanish 
Ambassadors. 5 All this was nothing new and repeated 
itself year after year ; orders to raise the above recruits 
were given as usual by Louvois, who had, moreover, an 

1 Cf. especially Guerre, Vols. 542 and 543. 

2 Guerre, 481, Nos. 41 and 531, Louvois to Hamilton (Anthony or 
Richard ?), Dec. gih and 3oth, 1676. 

3 Fieffe, Troupes Etrangeres, I, p. 225 ; Quincy, Histoire Militaire, 
Ordre de Bataille, facing p. 545, Vol. I. 

* On the 2oth of May(O.S.); Cf. Commons Journal, IX, pp. 385, 387 
400, 401, 426 ; Grey, IV, pp. 98, 133-134, 256, 259, 361, 388. 
6 CaL St. P., Dom., 1677-1678, pp. 278, 341. 


additional reason for security in the fact that Charles, left 
without subsidies by his own Parliament which he had 
adjourned for presuming to control foreign alliances, had 
accepted a huge subsidy from France in return for which 
Parliament, adjourned to January, was not to meet till 

But things did not remain thus favourable to France. 
Danby prevailed upon Charles to arrange a marriage 
solemnized in November between William and James's 
eldest daughter Mary. Everything pointed to an Anglo- 
Dutch alliance. The proposals for peace which came from 
England and Holland having been haughtily rejected by 

France, an agreement between England and Holland 
1678 was signed on January 10. Parliament was to 

meet after all in January. War between England 
and France seemed not improbable. 

This, however, was a thing which Louis was determined 
to avoid, and amongst other measures of precaution he 
ordered the immediate stopping of recruiting, anxious, he 
said, not to furnish the English Ministers with the slightest 
legitimate pretext for bringing about a union between 
England and the Allies. The order was repeated several 
times. All officers in the French service were to have left 
England before Parliament met. 1 Another reason was 
that he did not wish to spend any more than he could help 
on regiments that might now be recalled at any time, 2 and, 
indeed, their recall was made public in the middle of 
January. 3 Charles was, however, very anxious that Louis 
should not look upon this as a sign of rupture, and with 
his usual duplicity requested the Ambassador Barillon to 
write and assure Louis of his goodwill. 4 A week later he 
spoke again to Barillon ' very gently ' on the subject of the 
return of the troops, excusing himself by saying that he 
was obliged to show his subjects that he was preparing for 
war ; and added that, as far as he was concerned, he was 
not hastening the return of the regiments. 5 Louis merely 
answered that he intended to keep to the agreement, 

1 Guerre, 534, pp. 184, 250, 260, Louvois to Barillon, Dec. i8th, 1677, 
Jan. 5th and ioth, 1678. 

2 Ib., p. 221. 

3 Cal. St. P., Dom., 1677-1678, p. 563. 

4 Guerre, 584, p. 22, Barillon to Louvois, Jan. 24th, 1678. 
6 Guerre, 585, f. 21, the same to the same, Feb. 3rd, 1678. 


according to which the men were not to return until 
thirty days after war had been openly declared. 1 

Meanwhile these regiments were watched with great 
distrust in France, 2 and measures were taken to prevent 
their doing anything prejudicial to the French service, but 
in spite of incessant complaints from the Duke of York 
and the Duke of Monmouth and even from Charles, they 
were not allowed to go until it pleased Louis to have them 
cashiered a different thing from sending them back 
formally to Charles Royal Anglais (horse) in April, 3 the 
services of its colonel, Lanier, having given Louvois dissatis- 
faction, and Royal Anglais (foot), or Monmouth, and Douglas 
in July on account of their insolent behaviour. 4 The dis- 
missal of the last two regiments caused Charles as much 
displeasure as their enforced stay had given him earlier in 
the year. The very uncertain relations between France 
and England, as represented by Louis and Charles, had 
alternated between marked hostility and offers of alliance, 
and the above affair took place at a time when there seemed 
once more a good understanding between the kings. Louvois' 
explanation that the order dated from a period of enmity 
hardly pacified Charles, who was again drifting to an 
alliance with the Dutch. The signing of a treaty with the 
Dutch in July, a treaty to force Louis to make peace, may 
have been hastened on in part by the cashiering of the 
regiments, since Charles argued that the lack of considera- 
tion shown the English proved that the French were con- 
templating war with him. 5 

As for the regiment de Dongan, being a Catholic regiment, 
it was treated with marked favour and consideration at 
a time when the English and Scottish regiments were 
objects of suspicion. Dongan himself, it is true, had for- 
feited Louvois' goodwill by showing little inclination to 
side with France and spreading reports in England that he 

1 Guerre, 534, pp. 708-709, Louvois to Barillon, April i6th, 1678. 
* Guerre, 534, passim. 

3 Guerre, 534, p. 671, Louvois to Duras, April loth, 1678. Cf. Vol. 585, 
f. 58, Duras to Louvois, Feb. 8th. 

4 Guerre, 582, f. 223, Louvois to Barillon, July I3th, 1678 ; 588, p. 49, 
Barillon to Louvois, July i8th, 1678 ; pp. 118-119, Duras to Louvois, 
July 22nd, 1678. 

5 Guerre, 582, ff. 146, 240, 256, Louvois to Barillon, June I9th, July i8th 
and 23rd, 1678 ; Vol. 588, p. 49, Barillon to Louvois, July i8th; Orlich, 
Briefe aus England, pp. 284, 292, 308. 


was being ill-treated in France and that the pay which 
was due to him was not forthcoming. 1 Moreover, the 
officers of his regiment complained of the way in which he 
was managing, or rather mismanaging, the regiment's 2 
finances. The command was therefore taken from him in 
April and bestowed on the Lieutenant -Colonel, Richard 
Hamilton, the King, Louvois said, being aware of his merit. 3 

The fact that Richard was second in command 4 leads one 
to believe that Anthony, who had been one of George 
Hamilton's chief officers, was no longer in the French army, 
or at any rate in the regiment d' Hamilton. He seems to 
have left France just about this time. 5 Richard Hamilton 
accepted the command, making it, however, very clear that 
it was on condition that he and his men might leave the 
country in the event of war with England. He was quar- 
tered at Aix for a short time with his regiment, and M. de 
Grignan, Madame de Sevigne's son-in-law, who was respon- 
sible for this garrison, after having known him only a fort- 
night, reported to Louvois that the Sieur d'Amilton had a 
thousand good qualities and applied himself very closely 
to the discharge of his duties. Later on in summer he and 
his regiment joined the Marechal de Navailles in Roussillon. 6 

After lengthy discussions and negotiations peace was 
signed between France and the Republic on the loth of 
August at Nimeguen. In December Louis, who was re- 
ducing the number of his troops, disbanded the regiment 
d'Hamilton, and though a number of the men were drafted 
into the German regiment de Fiirstenberg, not a few of the 
poor Irish soldiers roamed about the country in extreme 
poverty. 7 Richard Hamilton fared better than they; for, 

1 Guerre, 534, pp. 708-709, Louvois to Barillon, April i6th, 1678. 

* Guerre, 597, No. 144, Richard Hamilton to Louvois, April 6th, 1678. 

3 Guerre, 573, Nos. 88 and 236, Louvois to Hamilton, April loth and 
1 5th, 1678. 

4 And a Sieur de Lacy third in command. He was made Lieut. -Col. in 
Richard Hamilton's place. Guerre, 574, p. 78 ; Hist. MSS. Comm., 7th 
Report, Appendix, p. 3350. 

6 Sevigne, V, p. 434. 

6 Guerre, 597, pp. 73, 195, Grignan to Louvois, March 23rd and April 
1 5th, 1678 ; p. 196, Richard Hamilton to Louvois, April i5th, 1678 ; 
Vol. 534, p. 738, Louvois to Hamilton, April 23rd, 1678 ; Vol. 567, p. 697, 
Louvois to Navailles, April i4th, 1678 ; Vol. 587, p. 194, Navailles to 
Louvois, June 2oth, 1678. 

7 Fieffe, Troupes Etrangeres, I, p. 175 ; Hist. MSS. Comm., 4th Report, 
p. 242. 


in exchange, he received the command of the regiment de 
Navailles which had become vacant through the death of 
the Marquis de Navailles' only son, the Marquis de Mon- 
taut. 1 Madame de Gramont attributed the dismissal of 
the regiment to jealousy and intrigues in England. 2 

He commanded this regiment for six years, up till 1685. 3 
Unfortunately, hardly anything is known about him during 
this period, but it seems that he was respected and beloved 
in his French regiment. 4 On the strength of a statement 
of Louvois' quoted by Macaulay, 5 viz. " si c'est celui qui 
est sorti de France le dernier qui s'appeloit Richard, il 
n'a jamais vu de siege, ayant toujours servi en RoussiDon," 
the Dictionary of National Biography and other authorities 
say that Richard Hamilton's service in France was accom- 
plished in the regiment of Royal Roussillon. Louvois, with 
his r memory for all things relating to his administration, 
could not have forgotten that Hamilton had served in the 
regiments, Hamilton, Dongan and Navailles ; he seems to 
mean here that from the time Hamilton had a regiment of 
his own, he was stationed in the south of France, and, as a 
matter of fact, the regiment de Navailles, now styled 
regiment d'Hamilton, did serve mainly in Roussillon, yet, 
under Hamilton, it took part in the war waged against 
Spain in the Low Countries, was present at the siege of 
Luxembourg in 1864 and was commended for its valour. 6 

Louvois, as will be shown later on, had no particular 
affection for the Hamiltons, and was quite capable of 
deliberate falsehood, if it suited his purpose. His ill-will 
possibly dates from 1678, when Madame de Gramont, 
a haughty and imperious woman, upbraided him somewhat 
unreasonably in the Queen's chamber for not advancing 
one of the younger Hamiltons to the rank of brigadier. 7 

Mercure Galant, Jan., 1679, p. 301. 

Hist. MSS. Comm., Ormonde MSS., N.S., VII, p. 85. 

Susane, Histoire de I'Infanterie Franfaise, IV, p. 384. 

Hist. MSS. Comm., Ormonde MSS., N.S., VII, p. 85. 

History of England, III, 198 n. 

Susane, Histoire de I'Infanterie Franfaise, IV, p. 385, where he is 
wrongly called Antoine ; Gazette de France, 1684, p. 348 ; Dangeau, I, p. 22. 
7 Bussy, Correspondance , IV, pp. 22-24. Madame de Scud6ry, who 
relates this to Bussy, fears that Louvois will make the Countess suffer for 
the slight she has put upon him. Bussy replies characteristically, " Le 
Comte ni la Comtesse de Gramont ne se soucient gure de Louvois, car tout 
ce qu'il peut leur faire de mal, c'est de ne pas avancer quelqu'un de leurs 
parents, et le Comte de Gramont lui peut donner des bottes aupres du roi." 


Hamilton's friends continued to think that he did not 
advance well enough in his service, without considering 
that in a period of relative calm promotion could not be 
very rapid, so Charles wrote in his favour to Louvois in 
1683, adding by way of inducement that the relatives of 
Colonel Richard Hamilton, who had urged him to do this, 
were the two greatest families of Scotland and Ireland. 1 
The letter, however, had no effect. 

In January, 1681, there was danced before Louis at 
Saint Germain en Laye a ballet of Quinault's, entitled " le 

Triomphe de 1' Amour." In the nineteenth entree 
1681 figured the Dauphine as Flora, some ladies of high 

rank as nymphs, the Dauphin, the Prince de la 
Roche sur Yon, several other gentlemen and the Comte 
d'Hamilton as Zephyrs. 2 From Walpole onwards, who 
first mentions the fact in his edition of the Memoires de 
Grammont, this Comte d'Hamilton is supposed to have 
been Anthony. But Anthony seems to have left France 
for good in 1678. In the summer of 1681 he was definitely 
established at Dublin, and was now, as the eldest survivor, 
one of the heads of his family, his father having died in 1679 
and his mother in 1680. He took a lease of his uncle's 
property of Nenagh, but succeeded no better than in the 
army, and, after the manner of the Hamiltons, was beset 
with endless financial difficulties. " Anthony is absconded, 
there being many writs out against him/' remarks his 
cousin, the Earl of Arran, on one occasion ; he believes 
Anthony has betaken himself to England, away from his 
numerous creditors. Later on, when certain regiments 
returned to Ireland in 1684 after the evacuation of Tangier, 
Ormonde, always a faithful friend to his sister's family and, 
moreover, fond of Hamilton, whom he describes as a valued 
relation, resolved that ' Tony ' was to have one of the 
vacant captaincies, but for some reason or other, probably 
on account of Ormonde's ceasing to be Lord Lieutenant, 
Tony Hamilton was never appointed. 3 

1 Hist. MSS. Comm., Ormonde MSS., First Series, I, p. 35. 

2 Dictionnaire des Theatres (Paris, 1756), V, p. 538. Richard is occa- 
sionally styled le Comte d'Hamilton, e.g. Sourches, I, p. 256, Depping, 
Correspondance Administrative, II, p. xxxviii. 

3 Hist. MSS. Comm., Ormonde MSS., N.S., V, pp. 557, 613 ; VI, p. 71 ; 
VII, pp. 2, 3, 12, 250. Seventh Report, Appendix, p. 7446, and a letter 
from Anthony Hamilton, dated August 10 (1681), a copy of which I owe 
to the kindness of the Marquis of Ormonde. 


It would thus seem that the above Count Hamilton was 
Richard, who, besides, more amiable than Anthony and 

with a more winning manner, was much more of a 
1685 courtier than Anthony ever was. In fact, his assiduity 

at court brought his downfall. Louvois remarked 
to him one day in 1685 that he was not satisfied with 
him, because his regiment was not as it ought to be. Hamil- 
ton replied that with the exception of a few companies the 
regiment was in quite a good condition, and were it in an 
unsatisfactory state he was not the person to be blamed, 
by which he meant that the Inspectors, who at that time 
were almighty in the army, were to be held responsible. 
Louvois understood the implication and said that all 
colonels had sufficient authority to enable them to look 
after their regiments, to which Hamilton haughtily made 
answer that he saw his services were no longer agreeable 
to the King, and that since the Duke of York had become 
king he would go and serve him ; he knew whence he had 
come and knew well whither to return. Louvois retorted 
that the King retained no man against his will in his service, 
and at once went and reported the conversation to Louis, 
who, highly incensed, told Hamilton he might instantly 
return to England, and had it not been for the sake of his 
sister, the Comtesse de Gramont, he would have straight- 
way sent him to the Bastille. He allowed him, however, 
to sell his regiment that he might pay his debts, and, with 
some trouble, Hamilton disposed of it to the Marquis de 

The well-informed gave out that his disgrace was due to 
his having found favour in the sight of a high-born lady 
who was none other than Louis' daughter, the Princesse 
de Conti. When he returned to France, an exile, after the 
battle of the Boyne, the wits made up a chanson which says 
not a little for the personal charms of Richard Hamilton. 

Roche Guyon, Albergoti, 
Vous allez reperdre ces dames, 
Vous ne plairez plus Conti, 
Villeroy n'aura plus de charmes, 
Adieu, pauvres amours, et La Chatre et Tracy, 
Richard revient ici. 1 

Two or three days before he left Paris, in disgrace, a curious 
thing happened. Richard Hamilton and his friend, the 

1 Bibl. Nat. MS. fr. 12690, p. 426. 


Marquis d'Alincourt, having dined not wisely but too well, 
walked in the gardens of the Palais Royal. Meeting four 
bretteurs, d'Alincourt hailed them derisively, and they 
replied in no ambiguous fashion. Hamilton threatened 
them, one of them dealt him a blow in the face, and in a 
moment the two noblemen had drawn their swords. But 
being two against four they had to call for help, and the 
affair coming to Louis' ears, he was exceedingly annoyed 
by such disorderly behaviour in the Palais Royal gardens. 
The well-informed again offered another explanation ; the 
encounter with the bretteurs, they said, was only a story 
invented to cover up a fight that had taken place between 
Hamilton and d'Alincourt, because they both loved the 
same great lady. 1 

Be that as it may, Richard Hamilton left many friends 
at the French court. The annotator of the Memoir es de 
Sourches he, by the way, is as little known as Sourches 
himself describes Hamilton as very brave, gallant, hand- 
some and kind-hearted, and remarks that there was no one 
at court who did not regret his departure. 2 

1 Dangeau, I, pp. 131, 137, 146; Sourches, I, pp. 188-189, 203; 
Depping, Cor respondance Administrative sous Louis XIV (Paris, 1851), II, 
p. xxxviii. 

Madame de Lafayette, Memoires de la Cour de France, p. 252, relates : 
" On 1'avait chasse de la cour parce qu'il s'etoit rendu amoureux de la 
Princesse de Conty, fille du Roy, et qu'il paroissoit qu'elle aimoit bien 
mieux lui parler qu'a un autre." 

z Sourches, I, p. 188 n. 



ATTHONY and Richard Hamilton had lived more 
or less in exile during the reign of Charles. With 
the accession of James and the changed situa- 
tion of the Catholics they began to take part 
in the public life of their country. Richard had hardly 
arrived in England when James appointed him colonel of 
a regiment of dragoons which he was to raise there. 1 
1685 The regiment arrived in Ireland in the autumn 
of 1685, and the Lord Lieutenant, Clarendon, who 
saw it a year later, describes it as very fine. 2 Anthony also 
took service in Ireland as Sir Thomas Newcomen's Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel in his regiment of foot. 3 John, the youngest 
brother, was lieutenant in Lord Mount joy's regiment. 4 
The husband of George Hamilton's widow, Dick Talbot, 
was given a regiment in Ireland, to the great displeasure of 
the Protestants, who said that this was advancing Popery 
and destroying the Protestant religion. 6 A bounty of 200 
was granted both to Anthony and to Richard Hamilton, 
and a bounty of 100 to Thomas Hamilton, 6 the fourth of 
the six Hamilton brothers (but the second of the four 
brothers living), who, at the time, rendered James no small 
service in capturing, off the west coast of Scotland, some 

1 Hist. MSS. Comm., Report on the MSS. of the Earl of Egmont, VI, 1 55 . 
* Clarendon Correspondence, II, pp. 1-2, cf. p. 4. 

3 Hist. MSS. Comm., i4th Report, App., Part VII (Ormonde MSS., I), 
p. 409. The Army List for March, 1684-1685 (p. 404) contains neither the 
names of Anthony nor Richard Hamilton. Anthony's name is first given 
in the Army List for September, 1685 (p. 409), and Richard's in the Army 
List for March, 1685-1686 (p. 415). 

4 Ib., p. 404. 

6 Campana di Cavelli, II, p. 39. 

6 Secret Service Money (Camden), pp. 104, 116, 123. 



of the ships which the Earl of Argyle had equipped to aid 
Monmouth in his rising. 1 

From 1686 onwards Richard Hamilton was a member 
of the Irish Privy Council, and in the beginning of the 

same year was made Brigadier when Tyrconnel 
1686 was made Lieutenant-General and Justin Macarthy 

Major-General. 2 Anthony, though his senior, was 
in a subordinate position as Lieutenant-Colonel ; he was, 
however, appointed Governor of Limerick in 1685, in place 
of the Protestant Governor, Sir William King, who was 
deposed, and his company was quartered in Limerick. The 
new Governor went publicly to Mass, an event unheard of 
since 1650. A Catholic was substituted for the Protestant 
Mayor, twelve Roman Catholic merchants were made free 
of the Common Council of Limerick, and Mass was said in 
the Citadel, whither the Army marched every Sunday in 
order, with drums and hautboys, a thing which had not 
been done for the last forty years. The new regime was 
emphasized in every possible way. The appointment was 

1 Thomas Hamilton had commanded successively the Deptford Ketch, 
the Nightingale, the Mermaid, the Constant Warwick, the Mary Rose, the 
Charles Galley, the Dragon and finally, on this occasion, the Kingfisher. 
Part of his service had been accomplished in the Mediterranean, where he 
had captured a very large Algerine ship of war. (Cf. Biographia Navalis, 
I, pp. 310-312, where he is partly confused with his brother James Hamil- 
ton ; Bodleian Library, MS. Rawl, A. 181, f. no; Ormonde MSS., N.S., 
V, p. 326 ; VII, p. 160.) 

Argyle, returning from Holland, had taken possession of the castle of 
Ellengreg (Hamilton calls it Elandgray) on the West of Scotland, off the 
Kyles of Bute, had fortified it, as well as time and circumstances would 
permit, intending it as his ' grand magazine and place of final retreat,' and 
had left it in charge of some of his men. Thomas Hamilton, who com- 
manded the small squadron of ships ordered off to the West of Scotland, 
sailed up to the castle, intending to drive out the men. The latter, how- 
ever, did not await his arrival, but ran their ships aground and abandoned 
the castle, after having set ' 4 or 5 inches of match ' to a barrel of powder 
' where there was 5 or 600 barrels more.' Hamilton, having been warned 
at once, managed to prevent the explosion taking place, and secured the 
powder, as well as arms and ammunition, on board Argyle's ships, enough, 
he said, to arm 30,000 men. The spoil taken included " armes of a new 
invention, w th double barrels and a dagger to fly out beyond the muzzle, 
and a great many books printed to bublish (sic.) upon ocasion setting forth 
y e reasons of Argyle's landing . . . two stands of colours, the one blew 
w 411 a white cross on w ch was writt, ' God forward us,' the other white with 
a black cross in w ch was writ, ' From popery, herecy and seism, deliver us.' 
(R.O. St. P., Ireland, 1685, Thomas Hamilton to Lord Granard, June i6th, 
1685 ; The Ex" of Francis Warter, cap. of y e Arran yacht, Hist. MSS. 
Comm., i2th Report, App., Part XII, p. 17 ; Sourches, I, p. 263.) 

2 Hist. MSS. Comm., Ormonde MSS., First Series, I, p. 415 ; II, p. 386* 
Clarendon Correspondence, I, pp. 343, 400. 


not, however, of long duration, for in 1687, or earlier, 
Anthony Hamilton was succeeded by Sir John Fitzgerald, 
also a Roman Catholic. 1 

Richard stood exceedingly well with the Commander-in 
Chief of the Irish Army and the real director of Irish 
affairs, Talbot, or rather Tyrconnel, as he should now be 
called ; very much less favour was shown to Anthony, who 
seems to have been of a more quiet and retiring disposition ; 
on the other hand, Clarendon, who had no great love for 
Richard, speaks very kindly of Anthony Hamilton, and 
describes him as a man who understands the regiment 
better than the Colonel, ' for he makes it his business/ 2 
His Colonel, Sir Thomas Newcomen, it may be added, was 
not an easy man to live with, false and treacherous in the 
highest degree, according to Clarendon, and hated beyond 
words. 3 

Possibly Anthony Hamilton's relatively subordinate 
position was due to the fact that he did not enter into 
Tyrconnel's plans with the necessary zest and zeal, for, 
Catholic though he was, Anthony did not share his brother's 
and Tyrconnel's enthusiasm for the remodelling of the 
Irish Army on a Catholic basis which threw so many men 
out of employment. He admitted to Clarendon that he 
was ' in great trouble ' on account of these reforms, especially 
as they took place in his regiment. Men, he said, were put 
out of that regiment who were as good men as were in the 
world, and he did not think so of those who replaced them. 
Every one of the officers whom he particularly recom- 
mended to Tyrconnel and to Newcomen were made to leave, 
and their successors, he considered, were not likely to bring 
honour to the service. 4 This, at least, is Clarendon's story, 
and Clarendon, sore from the daily slights to which he is 
subjected, cannot disguise his pleasure at the dissensions 
that are manifesting themselves in the opposing camp. 

1 Ferrar, Limerick, pp. 39-40; Lenihan, Limerick, pp. 210-211. 
Ferrar's Limerick was published in 1767, but the fact of Anthony's receiv- 
ing the government of Limerick is mentioned as early as 1731 in the 
biographical sketch, prefixed to all old editions of the Memoires de Gram- 
mont, and printed for the first time in the 1731 edition of La Haye. Hist. 
MSS. Comm., Ormonde MSS., First Series, I (i4th Report, Appendix, 
Part VII), p. 409. 

* Clarendon Correspondence, I, p. 423. 
8 Ib., I, p. 218. 
/$., I, p. 421, 


Richard, it would seem, was responsible for a great many 
of the men discharged. Tyrconnel, it was said, gave him 
a free hand and sent orders to the Captains to put out such 
men as Hamilton should mark. 1 In no regiment was the 
substitution carried to such an extent as in Sir Thomas 
Newcomen's ; in September, 1685, out of a total of 850 
soldiers and non-commissioned officers 102 were Catholics ; 
about a year later their number had increased to 72 1. 2 

And so Anthony Hamilton lived through another year 
of a life that was never very successful or very happy ; 
out of sympathy with his relatives, in a subordinate position 
at which he chafed, changes of which he heartily disapproved 
undoing his efforts to make the regiment efficient, struggling 
for promotion which, when it came, excited jealousy, he was 
beset with all the inevitable difficulties of a transition period. 
Clarendon, not displeased that one of the Catholic party 
and a connexion of Tyrconnel's should owe something of 
his advancement to him, recommended him warmly for a 
colonelcy and a Privy Councillorship, 3 and when, in the 
early autumn of 1686, Anthony obtained permission to go 
and plead his cause in England, Clarendon wrote in his 
behalf to the Earl of Rochester, his brother, desiring him 
to advance Hamilton's claims in any way he could. " He 
is a very worthy man," is Clarendon's verdict, " and of 
great honour, and will retain a just sense of any kindness 
you shall do to him ; he has been in very good employments 
and esteem when he served abroad, and men of honour 
cannot always brook the having little men put over their 
heads who in the judgment of all the world are not equal 
to their stations. This gentleman has lived as he ought to 
do towards me, which I cannot say of everybody here ; 
I would therefore be glad he should receive some counte- 
nance, if it were possible, upon my account." 4 In October 
a report came from England that Hamilton was to be given 
a certain Colonel Russell's regiment, 5 but whether this was 
the particular regiment Anthony Hamilton received is not 

1 Ib., p. 436. 

2 Hist. MSS. Comrn., Ormonde MSS., First Series, I, p. 426. According 
to another estimate (ib. and p. 434) out of 780 privates, 663 were Catholics, 
viz. 85 per cent, a larger percentage than in any other regiment. 

3 Clarendon Correspondence, I, pp. 488-489. 

4 Ib., I, p. 533- 

5 Ib., Vol. II, p. 38. 


known. In January, 1687, he was still a Lieutenant- 
Colonel with a pay of 200, but the first commission for 
a colonelcy delivered in Ireland after Tyrconnel's becoming 
Lord Lieutenant was Anthony Hamilton's. This was in 
February of the same year, and in 1688, the year following, 
he was certainly commanding a regiment of foot which 
went by his name. Towards the end of 1686 he had also 
been made one of the Privy Councillors. 1 

As for Richard Hamilton, he does not appear in an 
altogether estimable light at this period, and one cannot 
wonder if Clarendon had his misgivings with regard to this 
officer who had served all his life in France, and, leaving 
in disgrace, now suddenly assumed control with Tyrconnel 
and Macarthy over the Irish army, discharged whom he 
would, and, with the complacency born of sudden elevation 
showed him but scant deference. Moreover, on one of his 
visits to England Hamilton did not act in an altogether 
upright way over against Clarendon, if Clarendon may be 
believed, and there is no reason to doubt his story. An 
arrangement had been made in the Irish army according 
to which a certain sum was deducted from the men's pay 
for their clothing. When Richard Hamilton came to take 
leave of Clarendon, he told him that some men complained 
they had only ninepence a week subsistence money on 
account of the great deductions. Clarendon assured him 
that this was impossible, as no deductions had yet been 
made, " which he seemed a little startled at in regard of 
my being so positive," and offered to satisfy him by giving 
particulars, but Hamilton declined, replied evasively when 
Clarendon asked what men had been complaining, went 
to England and related that the men at Coleraine had 
only ninepence a week, and his complaint was transmitted 
back to Clarendon. Further, Justin Macarthy, the Major- 
General, wrote to Hamilton that the army was in such 
want of subsistence that, by the living God ! they should 
all be ruined, which letter Hamilton circulated, though 
Clarendon remarked that there was not a man in Ireland 
but who could prove the falsehood of the statement. He 
called Macarthy to account ; Macarthy professed great 
amazement, said that if he were to be crucified he could 

1 Dalton, English Army Lists and Commission Registers, Vol. II, p. 221 ; 
D' Alton, King James' Irish Army List, I, p. 10 ; Ellis Correspondence I 
p. 226 ; Archdall Lodge, Peerage of Ireland, V, p. 119 


not remember what he had written, that it was strange 
he should write the army would be ruined for want of sub- 
sistence, since he knew they had subsistence and, after 
some more lame excuses, exclaimed, " Lord, if Dick Hamilton 
has showed all my letter he has made brave work ; for I 
wrote a great deal of stuff in that letter concerning Madam 
Mazarine and other people." 1 

As Clarendon remarked, he had little cause to believe 
these two gentlemen his friends ; their thinly veiled dis- 
regard foreshadowed what was coming in February, 1687, 
Clarendon received his letters of recall. The charge of 
the government was now given to Tyrconnel, who already 
controlled the army ; leaving London, accompanied by 
his wife and Anthony and Richard Hamilton, 2 he proceeded 
to Dublin to assume his new duties as Lord Lieutenant. 
The Hamiltons could count on further promotion. About 
this time Richard's regiment of Dragoons was given to 
the Lieutenant-Colonel, John Butler, a cousin of the 
Hamiltons', and in exchange, Richard received a regiment 
of horse. 3 

The clouds were gathering slowly but surely on the 
horizon. When the Prince of Wales was born in the year 
following, Louis despatched Gramont as his envoy, 
1688 but Gramont came not merely as the witty and 
brilliant courtier, charged with the King's com- 
pliments ; he carried with him very definite secret instruc- 
tions from Louis according to which he was to find out 
exactly what measures James was taking against a possible 
attack from the Prince of Orange, what was the strength 
of the army and navy, the condition of the strongholds, 
the disposition of the commanding officers ; further, he 
was to discover who were the leaders of the party opposed 
to the King and the Catholic religion ; he was, if possible, 
to enter into conversation with them, and, using his ' in- 
sinuating manners/ to get some knowledge of their plans 

1 Clarendon Correspondence. II, pp. 34, 35, 48, 58, 61, 62, 85, 93, 100, 
130, etc. Clarendon afterwards discovered that Sir Thomas Newcomen 
had deducted a sum of money from his regiment, and that in another 
regiment the officers had not been honest in paying their men, but in 
both these cases the state of affairs was due to the officers and not 
to any mismanagement on the part of Clarendon, as was implied by his 

2 Bishop Cartwright, Diary (Camden), p. 26. 

3 Dalton, English Army List, II, p. 95. 


and of the means by which they proposed to get the better 
of James. 1 

For Louis was much more aware of the peril than James 
was or professed to be. " While tempests were on all hands 
gathering round King James, he interested himself only 
in reconciling the King of France with the holy see and 
in the fate of a war against the infidels." 2 When Gramont 
returned in September with a present of a thousand guineas, 3 
he reported, so Dangeau at least relates, that all was quiet 
in England, in spite of the Prince of Orange showing some 
inclination to sail to England with his fleet. 4 

In August, however, James, no longer sure of his own 
army, had brought over 3000 soldiers from Ireland, in 
spite of warnings from his friends ; amongst these troops, 
whose arrival occasioned such murmurs and discontent, 
were Anthony Hamilton's regiment of foot, the regiment 
of dragoons Richard had raised and the regiment of horse 
that Richard was commanding at the time. The Dutch 
warships approached the English coast in the first days 
of November. Four regiments of horse commanded by 
Arran, the Hamiltons' cousin, Sir John Lanier, who had been 
at the head of the cavalry regiment Royal in France, Colonel 
Conner and Richard Hamilton, were sent to Ipswich and 
three other regiments to Colchester, but the Prince of 
Orange passed westward and landed at Torbay. It after- 
wards transpired that Lanier had resolved to declare for 
the Prince of Orange, had he landed at Ipswich, and had 
agreed with the other officers to secure Richard Hamilton 
and the two other colonels. 5 

On the 1 2th of November Richard Hamilton was 
appointed Major-General over all the forces. 6 Englishmen, 
even unto the newly appointed Lieutenant-General 
Churchill, were joining the Prince of Orange on all sides. 
On December gth the Queen and the Prince of Wales 
were sent to France ; James, attempting to join them 

1 AfL Etr., Corr. Pol. Angleterre, 165, flE. 382, 383. The text in full is 
given on p. 284 infra (Appendix V). Gramont had already been once to 
England in the reign of James II, viz. in 1685. Dangeau, I, p. 156. 

2 Dalrymple, Memoirs, II, p. 185. 

3 Secret Service Money (Camden), p. 267. 

4 Dangeau, II, p. 156. 

6 Dalton, English Army List, II, p. 221 ; Macpherson, Original Papers, 
I, pp. 158, 159. 

6 Dalton, op. cit., p. 200. 


next day, was taken, brought back to London, then evicted 
from Whitehall and sent to Rochester. Only five persons 
of distinction accompained him in the barge that took 
him to Gravesend, Lord Arran, Lord Litchfield, Lord 
Dumbarton, who had commanded in France as ' Milord 
Douglas/ Lord Aylesbury and Richard Hamilton. As 
James was rowed down the Thames he reflected, as well 
he might, on the instability of all human things, and how 
from amongst twelve millions of subjects he had only five 
friends to attend him. 1 From Rochester James was finally 
able to make good his escape, leaving England for ever 
on the 23rd of December (O.S.). 

Anthony Hamilton's regiment was disbanded by the 
Prince of Orange, along with some other regiments. Richard 
was a kind of prisoner of war, and his men were kept for 
some time in the Isle of Wight ; finally the regiment was 
incorporated in the English army, where it figures to-day 
as the 5th Dragoon Guards. 2 Meanwhile, trouble had 
broken out in Ireland, Deny and Enniskillen had closed 
their gates ; and though five-sixths of the country was 
Roman Catholic, yet the Protestant settlers were deter- 
mined to hold out in the interest of William, who hardly 
yet realized the gravity of the resistance in Ireland. He 
did not go there in person, but John Temple, Sir William 
Temple's son, was assured that if Richard Hamilton were 
sent to Ireland with advantageous proposals, Tyrconnel 

would deliver up the kingdom and the expense of 
1689 sending men would be saved. 3 " Hamilton was 

a papist," says Burnet, " but was believed to be a 
man of honour, and he had certainly great credit with 
Tyrconnel." 4 He was accordingly charged with the mission 
and promised that he would either negotiate an understand- 
ing with Tyrconnel or return to England. His return was 
awaited anxiously, 5 but they might expect him long in 
England ; when Hamilton did actually return it was as 
a prisoner of war two years later. 

1 Dalrymple, Memoirs, II, p. 247. 

8 Dalton, op. cit., p. 13 ; Burnet, History of his Own Times, III, 
PP- 371-372. 

3 Hatton Correspondence, II, p. 133. 

4 Burnet, op. cit., ib. ; Foxcroft's Supplement to Burnet, p. 306. Cf . H. C. 
Foxcroft, Life of Halifax (London, 1898), Vol. II, p. 211. 

8 Hist. MSS. Comm., i4th Report, Appendix, Part II, p. 422. 



The case of Hamilton's desertion was investigated in 
August. A certain Major Done declared that he had been 
in Dublin in January and, hearing that a vessel had arrived 
from England, he went to see who the passengers were. 
He counted seventy men in red coats, and amongst them 
Colonel Richard Hamilton together with eleven other 
officers. The Colonel, whom he knew well, went with 
several others to a tavern, and from the next room he, 
Done, heard their conversation plainly. After salutations 
the Colonel broke into loud laughter, saying he could not 
forbear it, thinking how finely he had shammed the Prince 
of Orange into a belief that he had interest and inclination 
enough to prevail with Tyrconnel to lay down the sword 
and to submit to him. Colonel Dempsey, who had come 
to congratulate him, replied, " What interest could you 
have in the Prince or how got you it, to persuade the Prince 
to believe you ? " Hamilton answered, " I wanted not 
friends to persuade him into a confidence of me, on which 
account I got my liberty and this " (pulling out a pass 
from the Prince which, he said, was for himself, n officers 
and 140 soldiers, which were all he could get account of 
to be in Liverpool, Chester and Holyhead, else he believed 
he could have got a pass for 700 as well as for seven score, 
adding, " Had King James been so well advised as he 
might, he need not have come out of England for want of 
friends to support him "). After much discourse to the 
same effect a coach came to the door with Sir Richard 
Nagle and Secretary Ellis. Hamilton said jokingly to Ellis, 
" How, Brother Sham, are you there ? The kingdom of 
Ireland is beholden to you and I, for averting this storm 
off from them ; else you had had ere this an enemy in the 
bowels of the kingdom/' 1 

Other witnesses deposed that before Hamilton's arrival 
Tyrconnel would have been quite willing to submit. Sir 
Robert Colvill declared that Tyrconnel had told him he 
was weary of the sword and he would throw it down with 
as much satisfaction as he had received it, but what was he 
to do with it, since there was nobody to receive it was 
he to throw it into the kennel ? Others stated that Tyrcon- 
nel had pulled down all the hangings at the castle, had 
laden about sixty carts with his goods, had sent all his best 

1 Hist. MSS. Comm., i2th Report, Appendix, Part VI, pp. 189-190. 


goods on board ship and had bought up all the guineas at 
high rates. His Popish neighbours desired him to inform 
them if any proposals came over from England, for they 
would accept them. But when Richard Hamilton came 
everything was changed. The ' English ' were dejected 
because Hamilton was a Popish general. The Archbishop 
of Dublin and others considered him an unfit man and 
wondered how he came to be sent. The Papists of Dublin, 
however, made bonfires and said that Dick Hamilton was 
worth 10,000 men. All the commissions for raising men 
were issued after Hamilton arrived. One witness declared 
that methods were taken to destroy the Protestants as soon 
as Hamilton came over, and another added that at the 
time of the changes in England Tyrconnel was observed 
to be much kinder to the Protestants than formerly, but 
on the coming over of the Marquis de Pont (sic) from 
France and Colonel Hamilton from England he was strangely 
altered, and said he would lay the kingdom in ashes before 
he would give up the sword. 1 

All this, of course, gives us just one side of the story, 
and there are doubtless many exaggerations in the fore- 
going statements. Nevertheless the fact remains that 
John Temple took the unfortunate issue of the action he 
had advocated so much to heart that when some " hasty 
and inconsiderate persons did say . . . that all y 6 blood 
shed in recovering Ireland wou'd call for vengeance for him 
and his family," he drowned himself in the Thames in 
the quaint expression of a contemporary writer, " he took 
occasion by water to goe into another world/' 2 

The Marquis de ' Pont ' above mentioned de Pointis 
to give him his real name and Captain Michael Roth had 
come to Dublin from the French court in January to investi- 
gate the state of affairs. The ship that had brought them to 
Ireland returned two days later and carried Lord Mount joy 
and Sir Stephen Rice to France ; 3 the former was to advise 
James to let Ireland come to terms with the Prince of 
Orange, the latter was to assure James of Ireland's loyalty 
and to urge him to prevent Mount joy, the Protestant 
leader, from returning to Ireland. Mount joy was accord- 

1 Ib., pp. 138-143, 191. 

a Hatton Correspondence (Camden), II, 132, 133, April 2oth and 23rd, 

8 Boulger, Battle of the Boyne, p. 44. 


ingly lodged in the Bastille, and there he remained until 
1692, when he was exchanged for another prisoner of war, 
namely, Richard Hamilton. 

On the 5th of February, John Hamilton, the youngest 
of the brothers, arrived in Paris, possibly the bearer of some 
letters from Tyrconnel, and on the I7th he left again with 
the English and Scottish officers who were moving towards 
Brest. 1 He was one of the 83 officers who sailed with 
James to Ireland on the jih of March (O.S.). 2 James 
landed at Kinsale on the I2th and entered Dublin on the 
24th. On the I4th Tyrconnel had met him at Cork and 
had told him amongst other things that he had sent ' Lieu- 
tenant-General ' Hamilton with 2500 men to Ulster against 
the rebels. According to Melfort, Richard Hamilton and 
some others had been thus advanced in rank by the Duke 
of Tyrconnel before the King's arrival and without the 
King's knowledge. 3 It was probably at this time that 
Anthony Hamilton was made Brigadier, since he com- 
manded with that rank in 1689. These various promotions 
cannot have been altogether agreeable to James, who was 
bringing several French general officers with him Rosen, 
commander-in-chief ; Maumont, a lieutenant-general ; Pu- 
signan, a brigadier, and others. 

^ Besides these officers there had come with James the 
Comte d'Avaux, as a representative of the French Govern- 
ment, and one of the first things that Avaux did on his 
arrival was to urge ' assez inutilement ' the sending of 
reinforcements to Richard Hamilton. 4 What Avaux's 
advice could not accomplish was brought about by the 
news of Hamilton's being repulsed at Coleraine, after 
having so far successfully driven back the ' rebels/ routing 
them at Dromore. 5 Not only were troops sent north, but 
James resolved to go there in person, in spite of all Avaux 
and Tyrconnel could say. The men who were to march to 

1 Dangeau, II, pp. 324, 344. 

* Gilbert, Jacobite Narrative, p. 316. 

8 Macpherson, Original Papers, I, p. 177. A marginal note to the 
French text in Melfort's hand. 

, 4 J^, aux ' Negotiations, pp. 49, 52. The copy of Avaux preserved at 
the Bibhotheque Nationale has the following interesting autograph note : 
"Ce volume m'a ete donne par Lord Aberdeen, qui en avait fait faire le 
travail par son fils Arthur Gordon, alors ag6 de seize ans. II n'en a 6te tire 
que dix exemplaires. Haddo House, 13 aout, 1858. Guizot." 

6 Ib; p. 53. IT April, to Louvois. 


Ulster were to be under the command of Pusignan, because, 
Avaux explains, he was not major-general, the King of 
England being unwilling to set anyone above M. Amilton. 1 
' M. Amilton ' was already beginning to lose favour in 
Avaux's sight. The defeat at Coleraine, the Ambassador 
explained to Louvois, was entirely due to mismanagement 
on the part of the besiegers. M. Amilton had advanced 
without taking any precautions, imagining that his arrival 
would suffice to strike terror into the inhabitants of Coleraine, 
and, besides, he had not had provisions enough with him 
to last him for one day. A single battalion of Frenchmen 
would have settled the affaire of Coleraine and London- 
derry. 2 Great was the regret of Avaux that there were 
no French soldiers to do the work efficiently, and having 
succeeded in convincing James of the necessity of their 
immediate presence in Ireland, he opened up the negotia- 
tions with Louvois that were to result in the exchange of 

As a matter of fact, Richard Hamilton was very badly 
off for arms, ammunition and trained men. " I am sencible," 
writes Tyrconnel to him about this time. " You want 
*' . . ;. [necejssaryes fitting to take in such places, [and what] 
is yet worss, all sortes of officers, but . . . n[oe] remedy, 
you must do as well as you can." How much Tyrconnel was 
attached to the Hamiltons is shown in the letters he wrote 
to Richard, while the latter was besieging Londonderry. 
" As for your brothers, Anthony and Jack," the same 
letter goes on to say, " you ... for theyr owne sakes as 
well as ... [I will] doe by them as if they wear my owne. 
Anthony has a regiment and is Brig[adier and] will very 
soone be a Major-Generall. Jack has Mount joy's regiment 
and I hope . . . brigadyer as soone as Anthony is [advanced 
to a higher post]. Adieu Richard. You know how [I love] 
you and them and that I will [doe all] in my power for 
them/' 3 

" Je nay jamais doute de uostre tendresse, mon cher 
frere," he writes at another time, " et rien ne me fait tant 
de peine que le peu d'apparence qu'il y a que nous nous 

1 Ib., p. 73, T 4 T April, to Louvois. 

2 Ib., p. 76. The same letter. 

8 Hist. MSS. Comm., 8th Report, Appendix, Part I, p. 496. These 
letters are unfortunately almost falling to pieces. 


uoyons bien tost. . . . Adieu, dear Richard, tell [Don]gan 
and Sheldon that I haue not writ to you all this whyle and 
then they will not wonder I haue not writ to them. Au 
reste, I haue noe more to say, but that I would faine haue 
those two damnde places, Derry and Coolraine, as soone 
confounded as you could." 1 

" [If you] knew, he writes from Kilkenny, on the I7th of 
April, how ill I have been of late, ... I am woorryed and 
hurry ed about [you wo]uld easily excuse my not haueing 
of ... [wr]it so oftne with my owne hand . . . assure 
your self, Richard, that I loue . . . much as euer and that 
I will euer do so. ... Would to God you . . . [r]educe 
that same Derry which giues us so [much tro]uble . * . 
wreyt to me constantly." 2 

Meanwhile, James had set out northwards and, after 
having once retreated, finally arrived before Londonderry, 
which was now besieged by Hamilton. The ' rebels ' had 
abandoned Coleraine, some others had been scattered at 
Strabane Rosen, Maumont and Lery had joined Richard 
Hamilton and Pusignan, and the Duke of Berwick had 
written to James that according to the general officers, 
he had only to appear before Derry and its gates would be 
opened to him. 3 Four times James summoned the town 
and when he saw that it was of no avail he returned to 
Dublin, ' very much mortified/ with Rosen and Le*ry, 
leaving the other general officers with Hamilton. 4 

For the sake of peace amongst the officers besieging 
Londonderry, it was a good thing that James took Rosen 
away with him ; few generals have been less beloved by 
their inferiors. 5 Friction between the French and English 
was almost inevitable. The Irish soldiers, Walker relates, 
" express'd great prejudice and hatred of the French, 
Cursing those Damnd Fellows that walked in Trunks 

1 Hist. MSS. Comm., 8th Report, Appendix, Part I, p. 496. 

8 /&., p. 495. 

8 Avaux, p. 102, ff April, 1689. 

* /&., p. ioo, |f April, 1689. 

5 " Hamilton s'est explique," writes Pointis, who was in charge of the 
artillery, " qu'il ne serviroit point sous Mr. Rozen, non pas par difficulte 
de lui obeir mais parce que, en servant bien, il ne veut pas etre querelle. 
Quatre ou cinq \ Brigadiers et Colonels qui sont icy sont dans le mdme 
sentiment, mais la presence du Roy d'Angleterre les oblige a prendre 
patience." (Guerre, 963, No. 16, May iith, 1689, to Seignelay.) 


(meaning their Jackboots), that had all Preferments in the 
Army that fell, and took the Bread out of their Mouths." 1 
Avaux informed Louvois that there was a kind of cabal 
in the army between Hamilton and his friends, against 
the French officers, because M. d'Hamilton regretted the 
presence of these officers, imagining that they would rob 
him of his glory. "If M. d'Hamilton continues to act as 
he has done up till now, there is little enough likelihood of 
his winning fame," Avaux concludes. 2 If intrigues there 
were, Hamilton was probably not the only one to be blamed. 
Tyrconnel writes to him in a very kindly strain about this 
time : " Richard, I will [not] onely share . . . fattiq[u]e 
and hazard with you, but . . . [your] self all the honor 
I do assure you." 3 

Hamilton's French rivals did not fare as well as he at 
Londonderry ; Maumont, attacking the fort of Culmore, 
was killed ; Pusignan died from the effects of a wound ; 
Pointis was wounded. " Apres avoir fait perir deux gener- 
aux et deux ou trois autres officiers frangois, ils sont 
reduit a convertir le sie~ge en blocus," is Avaux' comment. 4 
Hamilton tried to gain the leading men of the city by 
bribing them, and some, according to Pointis, were quite 
willing to listen to his proposals, but the General was too 
much hampered by the fear that James would not enjoy 
a treaty that cost him so much money. " Sa Majeste 
Britannique est d'une telle reserve sur les depenses." 5 

All things considered, it would seem that Hamilton 
showed little skill during the siege. It is true since Avaux 
admits it that through the fault of Pointis there was great 
delay in getting ammunition to the army ; 6 it is true that 
Hamilton was altogether insufficiently equipped for a siege 
of any description ; it is true that he did something to 
prevent English ships bringing relief by placing a boom 
across the river, but, as the very critical author of Light to 

1 Account of the Siege of Londonderry, p. 38. 

2 Avaux, p. 159, ^ May, 1689. 

8 Hist. MSS. Comm., 8th Report, Appendix, Part I, p. 494, May ist, 

4 Avaux, p. 137, T 2 T May, 1689. 

6 Guerre, 963, Pointis to Seignelay, ^ May, 1689. 

6 Avaux, p. 114, 2 M Pnl . 1689. The siege had begun in April and in 

June not half of the soldiers were yet in possession of swords. (Avaux, 
p. 209.) 


the Blind remarks, " Why [if the siege was carried on to 
famish the town] were the besiegers exposed from time to 
time to danger and actual slaughter, first, by having no 
lines of defence, especially for the greatest part of the 
duration of the siege ; and, secondly, by sending the men 
upon attacks with extraordinary disadvantage, as in day 
advanced, and against the enemies covered altogether with 
entrenchments ? " x Avaux again and again expressed his 
opinion that Hamilton was not the man to conduct such 
an important affair, 2 and complained that the general, 
in spite of his intentions of starving the town, allowed 
fifty to a hundred people to leave Londonderry almost 
daily. 3 July came and the besiegers were no further ad- 

Letter after letter was sent by James, emphasizing the 
extreme necessity of the taking of the town. 4 " Sir," writes 
Melfort to Hamilton on the 2nd of July, " thers something 
in this mater of Derry we can [not] at this distance under- 
stand, but the taking of it is of such importance to the 
King [that] nothing can be mor, and therefor I doubt [not] 
that you will press it all you can. . . . Pray send us some 
good news [at] least that the folks are working." 5 And 
again, a fortnight later : "I hope you shal see the effect 
. . . how all the King's affaires depends. . . . [th]is one 
place, and if you have the good [fortune] to take it before 
the threatned suce[ours] come you will have ane honour 
that . . . men wold be fond of." 6 

Hamilton had twice been severely repulsed in attempting 
to take a piece of waste land that the besieged had secured, 
and James, thoroughly alarmed, once more sent Rosen 
to Londonderry to assume the chief command, 7 greatly to 

1 Gilbert, Jacobite Narrative, p. 65. Cf. p. 67, ' The ridiculous siege of 

Avaux, pp. 1 86, 221, \$ May and f June, 1689. 

/&., p. 159, 8-1 8 May, 1689. 

These letters, preserved at the Royal Irish Academy, Dublin, are 
pri ted infra pp. 285-295 (Appendix VI). 

Hist. MSS. Comm., 8th Report, Appendix, Part I, p. 495. 


" Le 10 [juillet] on eut nouvelle que le siege de Londonderry n'avoit 
jamais ete bien forme, mais qu'enfin le Roi d'Angleterre y avoit envoye 
quinze mille hommes, sous les ordres de M. Rosen, qui devoit attaquer 
cette place dans toutes les formes, et que le Comte d'Hamilton qui iusqu' 
alors y avoit commando avoit refuse d'obeir a M. Rosen. II y eut des 
gens qui trouvdrent a redire qu'il eut fait cette demarche, parce que 


the dismay of the Irish officers, for Rosen, who considered 
them lazy, threatened that he would have their heads cut 
off. " They are not accustomed to such manners/' Pointis 
pleasantly explains to Seignelay . * About this time Hamilton 
had offered some easy terms to the garrison of Londonderry, 
the garrison, however, though living on horseflesh and worse 
things, had unanimously resolved to eat their prisoners 
first and then one another, rather than surrender, and 
answered in return, " That they much wonder'd he shou'd 
expect they cou'd place any confidence in him that had 
so unworthily broke Faith with their King, that he was 
once generously trusted though an enemy yet betray'd 
his trust and they cou'd not believe he had learned more 
sincerity in an Irish camp." 2 

Rosen swore, so Walker relates, that by the Belly of God 
he would demolish the town and bury all under its ashes ; 3 
he at once issued a proclamation, summoning the garrison 
to surrender and declaring that no mercy would be shown 
if Hamilton's proposals were refused ; he would, besides, 
have all the Protestants of the country surrounding driven 
before the gates of Londonderry to be admitted or to starve 
in the sight of their friends. In a letter of the same day, 
June 3oth (O.S.), he announced to Louvois his intentions 
of ' exterminating the rebels of the whole district.' 4 The 
inhabitants of Londonderry retaliated by threatening to 
hang all their prisoners unless Rosen let their friends go, 
and the Jacobite prisoners sent word to Rosen to save them 
by liberating the Protestants, but receiving no answer they 
wrote to Richard Hamilton, asking him to exert his influence, 
knowing, they said, he was a Person who did not delight 
in shedding innocent blood. " We are all willing to die (with 
our Swords in our hands) for His Majesty," they wrote, 
" but to suffer like Malefactors is hard." They received 
the following letter in reply : 

M. Rosen etoit marechal de camp en France, dans le temps que M. 
d'Hamilton n'y etoit que capitaine d'infanterie ; mais cette raison que 
auroit ete fort bonne s'ils avoient tous deux servi en France, n'etoit pas 
de mise parce qu'il etoient en Irlande au service du Roi d'Angleterre et 
que M. d'Hamilton etoit lieutenant general du Roi d'Angleterre avant que 
M. Rosen fut au service de ce prince." (Sourches, III, p. 116.) 

1 Guerre, 963, Pointis to Seignelay, 26 J une , 1689. 

6 July 

2 Walker, p. 34. 

3 Ib., p. 32. 

4 Guerre, 895, No. 93. 


" Gentlemen, In answer to yours ; What these poor 
people are like to suffer, they may thank themselves for, 
being their own fault ; which they may prevent by accepting 
the Conditions which have been offered them ; and if you 
suffer in this it cannot be help'd but shall be reveng'd on 
many thousands of those People (as well innocent as others) 
within or without that City. Yours, R. Hamilton." 1 

But the sight of the gallows on the ramparts and the 
importunity of the friends of those who were to suffer 
forced Rosen to relinquish his barbarous plans which, as 
will be remembered, found no favour with the army and 
least of all with James, who was furious, while Melfort 
added that if Rosen had been one of His Majesty's subjects 
he would have been hung. 2 To Hamilton Melfort wrote : 

" The King is very well satisf [yed] with all your proceedings 
and wee doubt not [but] you shall after all have yet the 
honour to finish the business of Derry with succes and 

1 Walker, p. 36. 
* Avaux, p. 309, & July, 1689. 

La Fontaine has touched upon the siege of Londonderry in a letter to 
the Prince de Conti, dated August i8th, 1689. 

Londonderry s'en va se rendre, 

Voila ce qu'on me vient d'apprendre : 

Mais dans deux jours je m'attends bien 

Qu'un bruit viendra qu'il n'en est rien. 

J'ai meme encor certain scrupule : 

Ce si&ge est-il un sidge ou non ? 

II resemble a 1'Ascension, 

Qui n'avance ni ne recule. 

Jacque aura monte sa pendule 

Plus d'une fois avant qu'il ait 

Tous ces rebelles a souhait. 

On leur a mene pdres, meres, 

Femmes, enfants, personnes chores 

Qu'on retient par force entasses 

Comme moutons dans les fosses. 

Cette troupe aux assieges crie : 

" Rendez vous, sauvez nous la vie ! " 

Point de nouvelle, Au diantre 1'un 

Qui ne soit sourd. Le bruit commun 

Est qu'ils n'ont plus de quoi repaitre ; 

A la clemence de leur maitre 

Us se devroient abandonner. 

Et puis allez moi pardonner 

A cette maudite canaille ! 

Les gens trop bons et trop devots 

Ne font bien sou vent rien qui vaille. 

Faut-il qu'un prince ait ces defauts ? 

(Euvres (Edition des Grands Eqiivains), IX, pp. 440-441. 


[wijthout employing any of these extraordinary [m]eans 
the King has expressly commanded to forbear/' 1 

Avaux, however, about the same time, complained to 
Louis that Richard Hamilton was taking no pains with the 
siege and that not a shot had been fired for a week. Acting 
on a suggestion of Louvois, he told James all that he knew 
of Hamilton's ' misconduct/ and found that James had 
been informed of it and was almost persuaded of Hamilton's 
guilt, " mais il vouloit me le cacher et il tache de se le cacher 
a luy mesme, aussi bien que tout ce qui luy peut faire de 
la peine." 2 Hamilton's incapacity, according to the Am- 
bassador, was so marked that some doubted of his loyalty. 3 

A letter from Louvois, dated June I3th, arrived about 
this time, and suggested that if the siege had not yet been 
raised it ought to be done at once, so that the troops might 
be in a better condition to oppose Schomberg's army. 4 
Avaux submitted the suggestion, but James would not hear 
of it until an intercepted letter from Schomberg to Kirke 
announced Solms' arrival shortly with troops, and even then 
James was reluctant and there was some delay in sending 
letters to Londonderry. 5 " I [con]fess," writes Melfort to 
Richard Hamilton on the 22nd of July, " its hard to leav 
a town so near starved and [of so] much consequence to the 
King to hav, but if it be so, that mortificatione must be 
swallowed/' 6 

But before the siege was raised, the English ships that had 
lain outside Londonderry and had once already attempted 

1 Hist. MSS. Comm., 8th Report, Appendix, Part I, p. 495, July 4th 

* Avaux, p. 258, * J^y, 1689 ; p. 298, , 1689. 

3 Ib., p. 295, the same letter. Fumeron says the same. " Les troupes 
soupconnoient M. d'Hamilton d'intelligence avec les assieges ce qui les a 
fait (avec le peu de precaution que la Cour a pris pour leur payement et 
leur subsistance) deserter en Bande." (Bibliothdque Mazarine, MS. 2298, 
f. 49, to Louvois, July 8th, 1689.) 

Rumours of what was being alleged against him must have reached 
Hamilton, for we find Melfort writing to him : "I cannot questione you 
in thes matters and I am sure I never bla[med] you for anything thats 
past. I wish to [God] all others did so." (Hist. MSS. Comm., 8th Report, 
Appendix, Part I, p. 495.) 

4 Avaux, p. 281. 

5 Ib., p. 316, H July ; p. 323, H July ; pp. 350, 35<5, 376, 
August, 1689. 

6 Hist. MSS. Report quoted. 


to force their way up the river, got past the fire of the 
forts, crashed through the boom, sailed into the town and 
the famine was at an end. On the morning of the day 
following, August ist, the investing army had disappeared. 1 

At the time of the siege it had been proposed to Richard 
Hamilton to sink a barge in the river, but he refused, saying 
that it would afterwards spoil the commerce of Londonderry 
and thus lessen the royal revenue, and it appears that he 
had the King's authority for this. 2 In any case, it proved 
to be a short-sighted view, and an even greater mistake 
was the insufficient strength of the works that were to 
prevent the enemy sailing up the river. Pointis had begun 
to construct a second boom, but Hamilton made him 
interrupt his work, saying that he no longer thought the 
enemy likely to come that way, and that their attentions 
must be concentrated on the spot where the English might 
land and be joined by the Protestants of the country round 
about. 8 

The same day that Richard Hamilton was forced to give 
up the siege of Londonderry, Anthony Hamilton experienced 
a misfortune just as great, perhaps even greater because 
more unexpected. The other stronghold of the Protestants 
of Ulster, Enniskillen, had closed its gates against James 
and had elected Gustavus Hamilton governor. The war 
was truly one in which brother fought against brother and 

1 The besiegers of Londonderry moved slowly to Dublin, arriving there 
in a thoroughly disheartened and enfeebled condition. Rosen, discouraged 
and disgusted, took an altogether pessimistic view of the state of affairs. 
" Vous ne scauriez vous imaginer, Monseigneur," he writes to Louvois, 
" la negligence et paresse de cette nation-cy et le peu duplication qu'elle 
a pour le service et sans vous parler de leur inclination basse et lasche qui 
ne tend qu'a piller et voler jusqu'aux milords et aux autres seigneurs, je 
ne m'arrete qu'a vous asseurer avec verite que je n'y connois pas deux 
personnes sur qui on puisse compter et que Ton puisse dire omciers, mesme 
parmi ceux qui ont plusieurs annees de service, n'ayant ni intelligence ni 
conception, vous pouvez juger de rembarras ou je me trouve avec une 
cohue de paysans ramassez ou pour mieux dire des ours sauvages, d'ailleurs 
aucun officier general pour m'aider et secourir, 1'esprit du prince, le genie 
du ministre et le pitoyable Gouvernement qui surpasse 1'imagination met 
M. d'Avaux et moy dans une peine d'inquietude que je ne scaurois exprimer 
. . . par ma foy, Monseigneur, le coeur me saigne de me voir embarque 
dans un si mauvais party." Guerre, 893 (the letters are not numbered), 
^ August, 1689. 

2 Gilbert, Jacobite Narrative, p. 66. 

8 R.O. St. P., Ireland, William and Mary, Vol. 352, No. 6, Pointis to 
Louvois, June 22nd (N.S. presumably), 1689. The letter goes on to say, 
" M. d' Hamilton ne fait faire aucun travail contre elle [la place] persuade 
qu'il faudra lever le siege pour marcher aux enemis." 


friend against friend. The Hamiltons owned a divided 
allegiance and the Parliament of Dublin attainted forty-six 
of that name. 1 Anthony Hamilton was amongst those sent 
against Enniskillen and against his cousin, Gustavus 
Hamilton, who, not so long ago, had fought by his side 
and by the side of Sarsfield, in the regiment d' Hamilton, 
and had since been John Hamilton's superior in Lord 
Mount joy's regiment. With Anthony, in the same expe- 
dition fought his cousin, Claud Hamilton, the fourth Earl 
of Abercorn. 2 The Captain James Hamilton who had 
brought arms and ammunition to Derry in March, was 
a nephew of the Hamiltons, the eldest son of their late 
brother James, and the Captain Hamilton who, in May, 
seized all the small boats cruising between Ireland and 
Scotland, and in June destroyed a number of boats in the 
Highlands and captured a French privateer and another 
vessel on its way to Ireland with arms and ammunition 
was none other than their own brother Thomas. 3 

Anthony Hamilton had been appointed Major-General 
in the early part of summer. 4 When it was rumoured that 
arms had been sent to Enniskillen and that as soon as the 
inhabitants were able to attack the rear of the army besieging 
Londonderry, Kirke, who had come from England on the 
I5th of June, would land and join them, steps were taken 
to prevent any raiding skirmishes on the part of the Ennis- 
killeners. The Duke of Berwick was posted between Derry 
and Enniskillen, ' Antoine Amilton ' at Belturbet and ' un 
nomme Sasphilt ' at Sligo. 6 They were slowly to close in 
around Enniskillen. Macarthy, or rather Mountcashell as 
he was now called, promoted to the rank of Lieutenant- 
General, joined Hamilton at Belturbet and they proceeded 
to move north towards Enniskillen. 

1 D'Alton, King James' Irish Army List, I, p. 193. 

2 He was really a son of their cousin George Hamilton (son of Claud, 
second Lord Strabane.) 

8 Charnock, Biographia Navalis, I, p. 312, Hist. MSS. Comm., I2th 
Report, Appendix, Part VII, pp. 241, 246. This is the last time one 
comes across Thomas Hamilton. He is supposed to have died in the 
West Indies. 

4 Avaux, p. 311, ^ July, 1689. 

6 Ib,, pp. 257, 311, both letters of T V July. That Avaux and other 
Frenchmen write the name Amilton, Amilthon or Amileton is not sur- 
prising, but it is curious to find Tyrconnel, in a letter to Louvois, speaking 
of Anthony Hamilton as Monsieur d'Amilton. Guerre, 962, No. 172 


On the soth of July, Lieutenant-Colonel Berry, one of 
Kirke's officers commanding at Enniskillen, was sent to 
Lisnaskea, a castle ten miles from Enniskillen towards the 
enemy. He was to place a garrison there if the castle was 
tenable ; if not, he was to burn it. Berry found the Castle 
so dilapidated that he did not even trouble to burn it, and 
the next morning, he marched two miles further towards 
the enemy who were said to have invested the castle of 
Crum. Mountcashell, hearing of his approach, ordered 
Anthony Hamilton to march with his Dragoons towards 
Lisnaskea, to drive back the enemy, and then to occupy 
a narrow pass where, it would seem, an hundred men could 
stop ten thousand. Berry retreated before Hamilton, but 
instead of remaining Hamilton followed on, until he had 
left the pass five miles behind him. When the Enniskillen 
men had crossed a bog with only a very narrow causeway 
through it, they halted and, Captain Cathcart from Ennis- 
killen having joined them with a detachment of foot, 
Berry resolved to face the enemy. He placed a certain 
number of men in ambush, in a thicket of underwood from 
where they could conveniently fire at the enemy's flank, 
but ordered them not to fire until after he and the men 
whom he stationed along the bank of the bog had begun. 

Presently Anthony Hamilton rode into sight with his 
dragoons. He alighted from his horse, made his men do 
likewise and led them on, advancing ' very bravely ' (these 
are the enemy's words). His dragoons fired very thickly as 
they came on, but with no great success, according to the 
True Relation of the Action of the Inniskilling Men, " for 
it pleased God that after a great many vollies of shot which 
they made at us, not one of our men were killed." When 
Hamilton's men were within forty yards of the bog (or 
river, as one authority calls it) the men of Enniskillen 
began to fire and at the same time those in ambush who 
were close to the enemy's flank let fly. Many were killed 
and Anthony Hamilton was wounded in the leg. He 
retreated a little to mount his horse, sending another officer 
to take his place. But a few minutes later this second-in- 
command was killed. No chief officer being present to lead 
them on, Hamilton sent an order to a Captain Lavallin 
to make the men wheel to the left to get them out of the 
double line of fire pouring upon them. Lavallin, however, 
it would seem, ordered the men to the left about. 


In a moment the men who, though a fine regiment, were 
new and raw levies, galloped off the field, in spite of all 
Hamilton could say or do to stop their disorderly flight. 
Nothing remained for him but to go with them ; wounded 
as he was and having a horse shot under him, he escaped 
with difficulty. The enemy pursued them three miles 
and the road was strewn with the bodies of the dead. 

Hamilton and what was left of his dragoons rejoined 
Mountcashell at Newton Butler, while the pursuers retired 
to Lisnaskea. In the afternoon the Enniskillen men, em- 
boldened by the success of the morning, came on again in 
a larger body. The cannoneers were soon cut to pieces, the 
dragoons, who had been defeated that morning, fled once 
more and without striking a blow ; the rest of the cavalry 
followed their example panic-stricken and the infantry ran 
for their lives. Anthony Hamilton, it must be confessed, 
fled with his dragoons, reached Cavan, and, not thinking 
himself in safety there, hurried on to Navan, miles and 
miles away from the battlefield. Mountcashell was taken, 
fighting bravely, and carried to Enniskillen. The losses 
of his army were enormous, and those who had survived 
were scattered in all parts of the country. 1 ' ' Un fort brave 
homme/' the critical Avaux remarks of Anthony Hamilton, 
" mais qui ne merit e pas d'estre nomme officier et que Ton 
n'a fait Marechal de Camp que pour complaire a M d Tir- 
connel." 2 

The Hamiltons were reproached on all sides for their 
conduct. " For what's past," writes Melfort to Lord 
Waldegrave, "it is in vain to talk to you about it, nor 
to tell you the blame thrown on the two Hamiltons, or the 
diffidence the natives have of them. All we must look to 

1 Hamilton, A True Relation of the Action of the Inniskilling Men ; 
MacCormick, A Farther Account ; Jacobite Narrative, pp. 81-82 ; Avaux, 
PP- 377. 384-386 ; Guerre, 893 (the documents are not numbered), a letter 
from Avaux to Louis, -^ August, 1689. The same letter is printed in 
Avaux, pp. 383-390, but with considerable omissions. According to Story 
(Impartial History, p. 5), at the battle of Newton Butler Mountcashell 
ordered his men to move to the right, and in the confusion the officer who 
delivered the order commanded the men to face right about, with dis- 
astrous results. This is very likely another version of the event that had 
taken place earlier in the day at Lisnaskea. 

Fumeron writes to Louvois : " On blame extremement la conduite que 
Milord Montcassel a eu dans cette occasion . . . et encore plus celle 
d'Antoine Hamilton qui a mal apropos engage 1'affaire." (Bibliotheque 
Mazarine, MS. 2298, f. 65, & August, 1689.) 

z Guerre, 893, the letter above mentioned. 


now is what's to come and that depends on what the King 
of France will do/' 1 "The Hamiltons," Avaux tells 
Louvois, " are exceedingly hated in this country," 2 and 
speaking of Richard Hamilton he writes at another time, 
" Hamilton who commands the first line of infantry is 
hated and despised by the troops and they suspect him 
more than I can tell/' 3 

Three weeks after the defeat Anthony Hamilton and 
Captain Lavallin were tried before a court-martial in 
Dublin for their flight at Lisnaskea. Rosen presided over 
the court. His relations with Richard Hamilton had been 
none of the best, nor was Anthony on very cordial terms 
with him ; 4 nevertheless, Anthony was acquitted and 
Lavallin, who to the end protested that he had repeated 
the order as it had been given to him, was put to death. 
He was believed by not a few, and the private soldiers 
murmured that he did not deserve to die so well as some 
of his accusers. 6 

Ever since the arrival of James there had been constant 
friction and dispeace among his various advisers and 
councillors. Melfort wrote to Paris against Avaux, Tyr- 
connel wrote against Melfort, James complained of Melfort 
to Avaux and Tyrconnel and yet was swayed by him alone. 
Lady Tyrconnel took it upon herself to interfere. Lauzun 
spoke against Avaux to Queen Mary of Modena, and accused 
him of having said that James was governed by the Duke 
of Berwick and Berwick by the Hamiltons, and these 
rumours being transmitted to James, he in turn reproached 
Avaux. 6 But the Irish were at least unanimous in their 
hatred of Melfort. In August they drew up a petition, 
asking James to remove him from his service, and Melfort 
retired to France. He was pleased to consider himself the 
victim of certain intrigues, and told Avaux, in confidence, 
that the petition could be traced to the influence of some 
ladies and a gentleman, a friend of Avaux' ; meaning Lord 
and Lady Tyrconnel and her daughters, the Viscountesses 
Ross, Kingsland and Dillon ; and that the real reason 

1 Macpherson, Original Papers, I, p. 313, August loth, 1689. 

2 Guerre, 1082, No. 37, Avaux to Louvois, f$ October, 1689. 

3 /&., No. 6, the same to the same, # Sept., 1689. 

4 Ib., Vol. 893, Rosen to Louvois, f July, 1689. 

5 Gilbert, Jacobite Narrative, p. 82 ; Archbishop King, Diary, p. 39. 

6 Avaux, passim, especially p. 250. 


for their acting against him was their desire to save Anthony 
and Richard Hamilton, lest he, Melfort, should accuse the 
one of his flight at Lisnaskea and the other of his disgraceful 
conduct at Derry. 1 

Richard Hamilton had come back from Londonderry 
in a very precarious state of health ; his lungs had suffered 
from the exposure he had undergone, and at one time he 
thought he could not spend another winter in Ireland but 
resolved to go to Montpellier for his health. 2 No doubt 
his misfortunes and his unpopularity contributed not a 
little to this resolution. Ultimately, however, he stayed on. 

Schomberg, with his army, had landed in the middle of 
August, captured Carrickfergus and occupied Newry, but 
refused to accept battle with James. Anthony and Richard 
Hamilton were in Dublin most of the autumn, and John 
Hamilton, now brigadier, was with the much-increased 
and improved army that James and Rosen commanded. 3 
The regiment mentioned in various army lists by the name 
of Hamilton was John's. At an early date the Jacobite 
army went into winter quarters ; " the young commanders," 
so says the author of Macarice Excidium, " were in some 
haste to return to Salamis (Dublin), where the ladies ex- 
pected them with some impatience. . . . And now the 
winter season, which should be employed in serious consulta- 
tions, and making the necessary preparations for the 
ensuing campaign, was idly spent in revels, in gaming and 
other debauches unfit for a Delphican (Roman Catholic) 
court/' 4 

It was arranged that Rosen and Avaux should return 
to France early in spring, and the very unsuitable Lauzun 
was to take Rosen's place. With Lauzun were to come 
some superior French regiments, and the ships that brought 
these were to take back the newly raised Irish regiments, 
five in number, that James was sending to Louis in exchange, 

1 Avaux, p. 430, |f August. At the same time Melfort told Tyrconnel 
that Avaux had declared to him that he, Avaux, was not in the least 
to blame for his removal, and that it was due to Lord and Lady Tyrconnel's 
anxiety to save the Hamiltons (p. 509). 

2 Guerre, 1082, No. 37, Avaux to Louvois, | Oct., 1689. 

8 Ib. t No. 5, Girardin to Louvois, - 3 1689, Avaux, pp. 460, 

25 August 


4 P- 34- In this narrative Anthony Hamilton is known as Antenor, 
Richard as Monganes and John as Amilcar. 



under the command of Mountcashell, escaped from Ennis- 
killen. The possible exchange of troops had been mentioned 
by Avaux as early as April, 1689, shortly after his arrival ; 
the same letters had mentioned Richard Hamilton's lack 
of skill at Coleraine ; others spoke of his unsuccessful 
operations before Londonderry. In reply Louvois agreed 
to the exchange of troops ; along with his official despatch, 
one of great length, he enclosed a private note to the effect 
that His Majesty did not wish as commander of the Irish 
troops or even as colonels any of the Hamiltons who had 
served in France. Avaux was to keep this secret as long 
as possible, and if any explanations became necessary he 
was to see the King of England in private and beg him not 
to speak of the matter to others. 1 

Louvois had by no means forgotten Richard Hamilton 
and the circumstances of his departure from France. Avaux 
himself wrote to Louvois that Richard Hamilton was un- 
worthy for many reasons to serve His Majesty, besides, 
Richard Hamilton had been heard to declare that he had 
been unjustly treated in France, and that he would have 
his revenge. 2 All this only confirmed Louis and Louvois 
in their dislike of the Hamiltons. In September Louvois 
directed Avaux to select only the most trustworthy officers 
for the service of France, " people in whom you think the 
King may place his confidence and in whom he does not 
need to fear that instability which is only too common in 
the nation," and he concluded by remarking that the King 
did not desire any of the Hamiltons. 3 The order was 
repeated in November, " surtout Sa Majeste ne veut point 
aucun Hamilton." 4 Avaux and the Irish regiments inno- 
cent of any Hamiltons left in April, 1690. Curiously 
enough, the capitulation of these regiments was 
1690 based on the agreement signed by George Hamilton 
in 1671 when about to raise the regiment 
d'Hamilton. 5 

1 Avaux, p. 287, Louvois to Avaux, June i2th, 1689. 

2 Guerre, 893, Avaux to Louvois, 3 June , 1689. Nor had 

Richard Hamilton much sympathy for Avaux. Fumeron describes him 
saying, " Des choses tres desobligeantes et d'un ton fort aigre et meprisant " 
to the Ambassador. (Bibliotheque Mazarine, MS. 2298, f. 87.) 

3 Avaux, p. 515, Louvois to Avaux, Sept. 17, 1689. 
* Ib., p. 584. 

5 U>- PP- 531. 538, 591-594- 


As soon as Lauzun set foot on the Irish soil, his difficulties 
began. James had sent Lord Dover to Cork to assist 
Lauzun in disembarking his troops and ammunition, but, 
according to Lauzun, no help was forthcoming from Dover, 
no efforts were made to procure the necessary horses and 
oxen, the roads were impossible, the governor of Cork was 
a ' wretch/ who did not love the French, and finally Lauzun, 
in despair, set off alone to Dublin. The Marquis de la 
Hoguette, whom he had left behind, fared no better with 
Lord Dover. When La Hoguette ventured to remonstrate, 
Dover replied by ' mille duretes/ said that he was tired 
of being persecuted by the French and that he was going 
back to the King. The French reinforcements were not 
entering upon their new service under favourable auspices. 

When James was informed of Lauzun's grievances he 
directed Anthony Hamilton to proceed at once to Cork 
with Brigadier Maxwell. They were hailed with relief by 
the French regiments ; insufficient provisions, enforced 
inactivity and increasing illness made them anxious to leave 
Cork. " The arrival of Monsieur d'Amilton in this place 
makes us hope that perhaps we may be enabled to get out 
of it," writes an Intendant. A week later, on the 2ist of 
April (N.S.), La Hoguette writes that Hamilton and Maxwell 
are doing their best, but things do not advance very much, 
" all orders are so badly carried out in this country/' 1 

After much delay King James's army was at last got 
together. William landed at Carrickfergus on the I4th 
of June, and on the ist of July the Battle of the Boyne 
was fought. The three Hamilton brothers took part in it. 

1 Guerre, Vol. 961, Nos. 104, 109-111, 120, 121, 127, 135. Letters from 
Lauzun, La Hoguette and Desgrigny to Louvois ; Dangeau, III, p. 108. 
On Hamilton's arrival the harassed La Hoguette writes : " Monsieur 
D'Amilton ... me paroit vouloir prendre 1'affaire en officier et en homme 
qui ne voudra pas envoyer des ordres inutiles comme a fait tous les jours 
le Milord Douvre," 961, No. 120, April i5th, 1690. As for ' Milord Douvre/ 
shortly before the Battle of the Boyne, " aprds avoir continue de tenir 
toujours une conduite fort haineuse contre la France," he asked for a 
passport so that he might go and make his peace with the Prince of Orange. 
" Le Roy d'Angleterre dit a Milord Tyrconnel qu'il ne pouvoit pas luy 
donner un passeport pour aller dans le Camp de 1'Ennemy ou il pourroit 
rendre compte de 1'Estat present ou estoient toutes ses affaires, mais que 
tout ce qu'il pouvoit faire, puisqu'il vouloit se retirer, c'estoit de permettre 
qu'il demande un passeport pour aller en Flanders. Ce que Milord Douvre 
accepta, disant que pourveu qu'il ne vist jamais ny la France nyl'Irlande, 
il estoit content d'aller en Flanders en attendant qu'il pust passer en 
Angleterre." (No. 163, Lauzun to Louvois, June, 1690.) Dover is 
' little ' Jermyn of the Memoires de Grammont. 


It will be remembered that William ordered his army to 
cross the Boyne in three places, roughly speaking, his right 
wing under young Schomberg at Rosnaree and Slane, the 
centre under Schomberg at Oldbridge, and his left further 
down the river towards Drogheda, under his own command. 
On his left James had an insufficient force under Sir Neil 
O'Neil, 1 Lord Dungan was on the right, and in the centre 
at Oldbridge were Tyrconnel, Richard Hamilton and 
Berwick. Early in the day Sir Neil O'Neil fell and Lauzun, 
thinking that the fight was to centre round the bridge of 
Slane, moved with James and La Hoguette, Girardin (Lery), 
Famechon, Anthony Hamilton and Sarsfield to the left 
so that the centre remained altogether insufficiently pro- 
tected. Girardin and Anthony Hamilton commanded the 
cavalry, the former was in charge of the first line, the latter, 
of the second. The enemy had crossed the Boyne and was 
approaching. It was determined to make a stand, but 
meanwhile news came of disaster in the centre and on the 
right, and Sarsfield reported that a ditch and a morass 
prevented any move towards the enemy. Lauzun exclaimed 
that the only thing now to be done was to save the person 
of the King and the retreat towards Dublin began. Al- 
together it would not seem that Anthony Hamilton was 
exposed to any very great risks that day. " Our French 
troops did not even have the advantage of firing a shot/' 
writes an officer of that nationality. 2 John Hamilton was 
commanding a brigade of the infantry of the second line, 
somewhere amongst the men who proceeded to the left, it 
would seem, and also reached Dublin in safety. 3 

Richard fared otherwise. The fight was thickest at 
Oldbridge and Richard led his men, seven regiments of foot, 
to the brink of the water to oppose Schomberg's men 
struggling up through the Boyne. After half an hour's 
hard fighting the Irish infantry fell back. " Nos irlandois 
n'ont rien fait qui vaille," writes Boisseleau, a reliable 

1 According to Leland (History of Ireland, Vol. Ill), in the council of 
war held by James the day before the battle Hamilton proposed that 
eight regiments should be sent to secure the bridge of Slane (on James's 
left). James proposed to employ fifty dragoons in this service ; the 
general, in astonishment, bowed and was silent. 

2 Guerre, 961, No. 179, Zurlauben to Louvois, Limerick, fj July, 
1690. Berwick remarks, " Dans le combat de la Boyne nous ne perdlmes 
qu'environ mille hommes et il n'y cut que les troupes de M. Hamilton 
[Richard] et les miennes qui combattirent." (M6moires, p. 330.) 

3 Guerre, 963, Lauzun to Seignelay, |f July, 1690, 


authority, and with Hocquincourt the only French officer 
who helped Hamilton, " ils ont tons lache le pies. Le roy 
et bien a pleindre apres avoir pris tens de peines pour des 
maleureux comme ceux-la. . . . Ces sauvages y sy qui ne 
sont pas acoutumes a se metier ont ete bien surpris." 1 It 
would seem, however, that the Irish infantry, unsupported 
by any cavalry, held out until the enemy's cavalry began 
to cross the river. Hamilton was wounded and made a 
prisoner. Tyrconnel and Berwick, arriving with the cavalry 
and charging with great bravery, made it possible for the 
foot to retire. Further down the river, towards the right, 
William had crossed. Lord Dungan had been killed and 
his dragoons routed. The whole army was in retreat. 2 

According to Burnet and Story, Richard Hamilton at 
the head of the horse attempted to retrieve the fortune of 
the day ; Dalrymple even goes so far as to say that Hamilton 
excited his dragoons to a pitch of frenzy by causing brandy 
to be distributed amongst them ; but Hamilton was an 
infantry general, and it is rather doubtful that he put him- 
self at the head of the cavalry when he saw the infantry 
give way. Anthony Hamilton, as we have seen, was in 
charge of part of the cavalry, but the above authorities are 
not alluding to him, as he had no chance of engaging in 
battle. From the same sources comes the anecdote of 
William's question whether the men would still fight and 
Hamilton's reply, " Upon my honour, I believe they will." 
" Your honour, your honour ! " William is said to have 

English news-letters noted with much satisfaction that 
General Hamilton, " who run over so basely to King James," 
was taken prisoner. 3 Various were the rumours that spread 
after the battle. Anthony and John were convinced he 
was dead, and Boisseleau, who had been with him at Old- 
bridge, confirmed their report. Some said that he had joined 

1 Guerre, 961, No. 171, Boisseleau to his wife, Cork, i5th and i6th July. 
He adds, however, in the same letter, " Presentement ille sont si fache de 
n'avoir pas fait leur devoir que je suis bien persuade qu'il feront mieux a 

* Guerre, 961. Various letters to Louvois describing the battle of the 
Boyne, especially Girardin's letter (No. 178), dated July 9th; Gilbert, 
Jacobite Narrative, pp. 98-103 ; Clarke, Life of James II ; Berwick, 
Memoirs, pp. 329, 330 ; Murray, Revolutionary Ireland, pp. 156-162 ; 
Boulger, Battle of the Boyne, pp. 148-182. 

* Hist. MSS. Comm., Twelfth Report, Appendix, Part VII, p. 276. 


William, and there were not wanting those who declared 
that they had seen him enter Dublin, then in William's 
possession, with his arms. He was accused of not having 
opposed sufficient resistance to the enemy at the passage 
of Oldbridge and of having made some important dis- 
closures to William, in connexion with a conspiracy in 
England, to the effect that the French were assured of the 
help of twenty thousand English Jacobites. 1 And so on. 
In the long run Richard Hamilton's breach of honour had 
cost him very dear, it brought him nothing but distrust, 
even from those for whom he had broken his word. 

In the retreat to Dublin which, on the whole, was very 
orderly though the enemies followed hard, Lauzun had 
sent the King ahead with some dragoons and cavalry, then 
came the Irish infantry, then the French and Tyrconnel 
and Lauzun formed the rearguard with the rest of the 
cavalry. Anthony Hamilton rode with them, and on the 
way they picked up John Hamilton with his infantry. 2 
The above is Lauzun's own account of the retreat, but from 
some other letters it would seem that he was by no means 
the last to enter Dublin, and that Zurlauben, with his 
regiment, abandoned by the General, was far behind this 
so-called rear-guard. 3 

James retired to France, 4 Dublin was invested by William 
and Anthony and John Hamilton moved to Limerick with 
the other Jacobites. 6 After Athlone had been besieged in 
vain by the Williamites, it was the turn of Limerick, the 

1 Hist. MSS. Comm., Twelfth Report, Appendix, Part VII, p. 279 ; 
Guerre, 961, No. 94, Bouridal to Louvois, ft July ; No. 177, 
Boisseleau to his wife, T 6 ^ July ; No. 180, Desgrigny to Louvois, 
ft July, 1690. " Richard Amilton," writes Lauzun, " a etc fait 
prisonnier faisant fort bien son devoir." (Guerre, 963 (the documents are 
not numbered), July ^, to Seignelay.) Unfortunately Lauzun's own 
behaviour at the Boyne was not such as to invest his praise or blame with 
any great authority. 

2 " Antoine et Jean Hamilton," says Lauzun, " ont toujours demeur6 
a 1'arriere garde avec le Due de Tirconel et moy, ou ils se sont conduits en 
braves gens." (Guerre, 963, to Seignelay, ft July, 1690.) 

8 Guerre, 961, Nos. 179 and 180, Zurlauben and Desgrigny to Louvois, 
and ft July, 1690. 

4 And in France public opinion was not ambiguous at his return. 

Jacque en partant de Dublin (bis) 

Dit a Lauzun du matin (or ' sans chagrin ') 

Prenez soin de ma couronne, 

J'auray soin de ma personne. 

Lampon, Lampon, Camarade, Lampon. 

(Bibl. Nat. MS. fr. 12690). 
* Guerre, 961, No. 180, Desgrigny to Louvois, ft July, 1690. 


town that, according to Lauzun, could be taken with 
roast apples. This first siege lasted from the beginning 
of August till the end of the month, when William and his 
army departed. John Hamilton was one of the general 
officers inside Limerick ; whether Anthony, the former 
Governor of Limerick, was with him is not certain but would 
seem natural ; still, Boisseleau's * Relation ' of the siege 
only mentions the younger brother. Possibly Anthony had 
accompanied Tyrconnel and Lauzun when they retired 
prudently from Limerick to Galway, while Boisseleau was 
covering himself with glory, Sarsfield winning undying 
fame by his daring capture of the English guns, and the 
whole garrison repelling the attacks of the besiegers with 
great bravery. As for John Hamilton, he did his duty 
with marked ability and courage, and was warmly praised 
by Boisseleau. 1 

Intrigues and dissensions were rife among the Irish. 
Lauzun exclaimed that he was suffering the pains of purga- 
tory, and rather than serve in Ireland he would occupy 
the meanest post in the French army. 2 He, for one, was 
not sorry to leave Ireland with Tyrconnel and the French 
troops shortly after the raising of the siege of Limerick. 
They were preceded by Anthony Hamilton, who was sent 
to James with the official news of the raising of the siege ; 
at the same time he was to explain the reasons for Tyr- 
connel's coming. With him had sailed Boisseleau, 3 the 
gallant defender of Limerick, worn out with the cares of 
the past month, heartily tired of his responsible task, and, 
not unlike Lauzun, declaring that he would rather be a 
simple foot soldier in France than a general in Ireland. 4 

Before Tyrconnel left for France he proceeded to Limerick 
to arrange for the conduct of affairs in his absence. Berwick 
was appointed Commander-in-Chief, to be assisted by a 

1 Sourches, Memoires, III, Appendix VIII, p. 516 (Relation de ce qui 
s'est passe au siege de Limerick faite par M. de Boisseleau). 

2 Guerre, 962, No. 162, to Louvois $, August, 1690. 

3 Ib., Nos. 62, 172, 174. 

4 " J'aimerois mieux porter le mousquet en France que d'estre general 
en ce pai's, car ils m'ont pense faire devenir fol. . . . Plus je souffrois de 
leurs impertinences ne songeant qu'asauver la place, plus ils s'estudioient 
de me donner tous les chagrins possibles. . . . Ces gens-la n'aiment la 
guerre qu'avec du desordre et sans discipline." (Ib., No. 61, to Louvois, 
22 Sept. 


council of twelve officers, while a similar council was to 
control civic affairs. Of the officers who were to assist 
Berwick one was John Hamilton ; x Sarsfield was another. 
The mention of these two names is sufficient to show that 
peace could not possibly reign within the council ; John 
Hamilton was naturally in Tyrconnel's interest ; Sarsfield 
disliked Tyrconnel and his friends. Sarsfield's name was 
last on the list and Tyrconnel would fain have avoided 
appointing him, so it was said. The Irish army was divided 
into two parties ; one for Tyrconnel ; the other for 
Sarsfield. " Opposite interests and different prospects 
induced conflicting councils. Natives . . . hopeless in 
the event of an accommodation, had no fair prospect but 
from a continuance of war and a separation from England, 
which they calculated might be effected by French aid 
and Irish valour. The O'Neals, Maguires, M'Guinesses, 
M'Mahons, O'Ferrals, the Irish bishops and the discon- 
tented officers, Sarsfield, the Luttrells, the Purcells formed 
the strength of this party and were supported by the 
common soldiers, enthusiasts in the cause of their country 
and religion. Lord Tyrconnel headed the peace party, 
supported by the Hamiltons, Talbots, Nugents, Dillons, 
Burkes, Rices, Butlers, Sheldons, all of English descent."* 
The Hamiltons, who had come to Ireland as recently as 
the beginning of the seventeenth century, were considered 
New Interest men, and the author of Macarice Excidium 
expressly calls John Hamilton Berwick's ' Cilician ' (English) 
director. 3 

Arriving in France, Tyrconnel asked for help to enable 
him to continue the war in Ireland, though it was alleged 
by some that he had not set out with this intention. Things 
went none too well in his absence. Cork and Kinsale fell 
before Marlborough. Dispeace reigned at Limerick. Shortly 
after Tyrconnel's departure the Irish officers decided that 
the present form of government was illegal and a deputa- 
tion, which included the officers Luttrell and Purcell, was 
sent to France to ask for men and arms and to express 
great dissatisfaction with Tyrconnel and the state of affairs 
in Ireland. Amongst other things they accused Tyrconnel 

1 Macarics Excidium, p. 58. 

* O'Conor, Military Memoirs of the Irish Nation, p. 114. 

8 Macarice Excidium, loc. cit. 


of being ruled solely by his personal inclinations and not 
at all by the interest of the King's service when appointing 
men to important offices, an opinion which O' Kelly echoes 
in his narrative, " to be a creature of Coridon's (Tyrconnel's) 
was the only qualification requisite in those days to make 
a compleat captain or an able statesman/' 1 Avaux, it will 
be remembered, once remarked that Anthony Hamilton 
did not deserve to be called an officer and had only been 
made Major-General to please Tyrconnel. The Luttrells 
and Purcell disparaged Tyrconnel's ' creatures ' to James, 
and expressed particular dissatisfaction with Anthony 
and Richard Hamilton. 2 

James would fain have retained the dissatisfied officers, 
as Lord Mount joy had been retained, but it would have 
created too great hostility in Ireland. Before their return 
two small vessels were sent to Limerick in October, " with 
salt and some other necessaries, but without money, clothes 
or shoes." The captain of one of the ships brought letters, 
one for John Hamilton from James in the name of Louis, 
the other for the Duke of Berwick, both promising further 
relief, 3 and, in truth, the place was much in need of it. A 
deserter from Limerick gave information that the Irish 
were in so great distress that above two-thirds of them 
would be glad to surrender, 4 and a letter written in December 
by John Hamilton to King James said that the men were 
ready to mutiny because of the want of all things necessary. 5 

In November Sarsfield was warned by his spies that the 
enemies, aware of the enfeebled state of the Irish, were 
intending to cross the Shannon and to possess themselves 
of Limerick and Galway. Information came from the 
same source that there was an understanding between 
William's army and some of the Irish who had promised 
to deliver up the strong places. " Et a la verite," says 
Sarsfield in a letter to Louvois, " il n'y a pas d'apparence 
que les ennemis voulussent tenter au cceur de 1'hyver une 
entreprise qu'ils n'estoient pas capables d'executer au plus 
beau de 1'ete, a moins que d'y estre encouragez par quelques 

1 Macarifs Excidium, p. 51. 

2 Clarke, Life of James II, Vol. II, p. 423 ; O'Conor, Military Memoirs, 
p. 117. 

8 Historical MSS. Comm., Twelfth Report, Appendix, Part VIII, p. 303. 

4 Ib. 

6 Luttrell, Relation of State Affairs, II, p. 149. 


traitres parmi nous." According to Sarsfield those accused 
of corresponding with the enemy were John Hamilton, 
Lord Riverstown, Judge Daly and Colonel Alexander 
Macdonnell, and as far as these last three were concerned 
Sarsfield was convinced of their guilt. 1 Riverstown and 
Macdonnell were dismissed and Daly imprisoned ; the 
enemy's attempt was unsuccessful. 

In January Tyrconnel arrived with provisions, ammuni- 
tion, clothes and money, but no men. Some French officers, 

including the new commander, Saint -Ruth, followed 
1691 him, but whether Anthony Hamilton came back to 

Ireland is uncertain ; it would seem natural enough, 
especially as he was not wanted in the Irish brigade serving 
in France ; on the other hand, he had never been much of 
a soldier and his unpopularity in Ireland may have kept 
him in France. 2 The outlawries of the year 1691 include 
the names of Anthony, Richard and John Hamilton, ' of 
Dublin.' 3 

Tyrconnel's return and Berwick's departure for France 
did nothing to improve matters within the Irish camp. 
Tyrconnel was ' mortally hated ' by the army and would 
have been ' massacred ' without Sarsfield 's intervention, 
so Sarsfield assured Louvois. 4 The provisions that had 

1 Guerre, 1066, No. 187, Sarsfield to Louvois, ^| Feb., 1691. 
Cf. Macarics Excidium, pp. 70-72, which agrees altogether with Sarsfield's 

2 The capitulation of Limerick in October was signed by the following 
general officers : D'Usson, Le Chevalier de Tesse, Lucan (Sarsfield), Jo. 
Wauchope, Mark Talbot, La Tour Montfort, D. Sheldon, Carol. If Anthony 
Hamilton had been at Limerick, he would have been one of the signatories. 

3 Oct 

(Guerre, 1081, No. 178, Limerick, -== - 1 , 1691.) 

23 Sept. 

3 D'Alton, King James Irish Army List, I, p. 194. Richard Hamilton's 
name figures in the English Attainder Bill of 1689. Anthony with some 
others was to have been ' put into a proclamation ' to be issued in pur- 
suance of a clause then agreed to be added to the Attainder Bill, providing 
that if the persons named in the proclamation surrendered themselves by 
the 3oth of September they should be received under the protection of the 
Government. The proposal seems, however, to have been dropped. (Hist. 
MSS. Comm., i2th Report, Appendix, Part VI (House of Lords), 
pp. 228-233.) 

4 " Tyrconnel me fait mille caresses et professions d'amitie, maisily a 
trop longtemps que je le connais pour ne scavoir pas le peu de foy que je 
doisadj ouster a sesfaussesparolles. . . . II est trs jaloux et au desespoir de 
mon credit et de 1'influence que j'ay sur 1'armee . . . mais ce perfide et 
ingrat scait dans son ame que durant le sidge de Lymerick on 1'aurait 
massacre sans moy et il n'ignore pas que j'ay empesche et me suis oppose 
aux sollicitations pressantes de toute Tannee qui voulut absolument saisir 


come in the French ships were insufficient. Tyrconnel, 
writing to Louvois in April for help, exclaims that if the 
fleet does not arrive within a week they will all surely die 
of hunger. 1 

Athlone was besieged in June and taken by surprise at 
the end of the month. Saint-Ruth, hastily informed of the 
enemy's unexpected attack, detached two brigades under 
John Hamilton, now Major-General, to reinforce the 
garrison, but John Hamilton found the enemy already in 
possession of the ramparts and was forced to retire. 2 On 
the I2th of July the battle of Aughrim was fought. John 
Hamilton with Dorrington commanded the centre of the 
infantry ; he was severely wounded and sent, a prisoner, to 
Dublin, where Ginkel asked he might be well treated. 3 
The unknown author of the Latin poem on the battle of 
Aughrim, comparing John Hamilton with his brothers, 
considers him * utilior Mavorti,' and describes him as 
' natu minor, actis major/ 4 Dangeau records his death 
on the 29th of October. 5 It had probably taken place 
some time before this. 

Meanwhile, Limerick had been besieged for a second 
time. Tyrconnel had died in August, and in October the 
treaty of Limerick was signed. The French officers with- 
drew to their own country, and with them and Sarsfield came 
quite an army of Irish soldiers, henceforth to serve in 
France. Richard Hamilton had been imprisoned in Dublin 
from the battle of the Boyne until January, 1691, when he 

sa personne et me proclamer general en sa place. ... II est mortellement 
hay de toute 1'armee a la reserve de trois majors-generaux et quelques uns 
de ses nepveux." (Guerre, 1066, No. 211, March, 1691.) 

1 Ib., No. 222, f April, 1691. 

2 Berwick, Memoir es, p. 335. It must, however, be remembered that 
B. was no longer in Ireland and therefore not an eye-witness of these things. 

" Guerre, 1080, No. 168, Fumeron to Louvois, %$ July, 1691 ; 
Gilbert, Jacobite Narrative, pp. 138, 148 ; Hist. MSS. Comm., 4th Report, 
Appendix, p. 322. 

4 Hinc alacer adverse generosum vulnere pectus 
De tribus, utilior Mavorti, fratribus unus 
Abripitur natu minor, actis major, Hamilton 
Captivus, medicoque datur curandus inerti. 

(Printed in S. T. Gilbert's Jacobite Narrative, p. 279.) 
8 Journal, III, p. 424. John Hamilton left a widow, Elizabeth Macan 
(de 1'encienne et illustre maison de Macan seigneur du Clanbrazil dans le 
Comte d'Armac en Irlande) and one daughter, Margaret, who married a 
Comte de Marmier in France. (Bibl. Nat., Pieces Originates , Vol. 1472, 
No. 33,357, f. 17, verso and ms. fr. 32964, f. 85.) 


was brought across to Chester guarded by two files of 
musketeers. In Chester he was so strictly confined that, 
according to a news-letter of the time, he was not even 
allowed to write to his friends. Every precaution was taken 
to prevent his escape. In April of the next year, 1692, he 
was at last allowed to go to France and was there exchanged 
for Lord Mount joy. 1 

James was now hopefully planning a descent into England, 
and even before Richard Hamilton arrived in France it 

had been decided that he was to be one of the two 
1692 Lieutenants-General who were to command the 

expedition. The Irish soldiers under Sarsfield, the 
other Lieutenant-General, and the Brigadiers Sheldon, 
Galmoy and Wauchope, were encamped off La Hogue 
and Havre de Grace. Richard Hamilton, arriving in Paris, 
had only time to make his obeissance to Louis, who received 
him very graciously the enemy, Louvois, was dead and 
to spend two days with his sister, Madame de Gramont, 
who complained bitterly of the shortness of the visit. 2 
Then he joined James and his forces. 

Unfortunately, after some enforced inaction, Tourville 
and his fleet were beaten in a desperate fight off La Hogue, 
all hopes of an invasion were at an end, and James finally 
returned to Saint-Germain-en-Laye in June with Richard 
Hamilton, while the other general officers joined the French 
army. The birth of his daughter on the 28th gave him ' at 
least some domestick comfort.' 8 

1 Guerre, 1066, No. 188 (Nouvelles d'Irlande, Feb., 1691) ; Cal. St. P.. 
Dom., 1690-1691, pp. 220, 229, 232, 233, 248, 249, 260 ; 1691-1692, 
pp. 197, 207. Luttrell, Relation of State Affairs, II, p. 307. 

2 Dangeau, IV, pp. 61, 73 ; F6nelon, Correspondance, VI, p. 240. 

3 Clarke, Life of James II, Vol. II, p. 496. 


IF Richard Hamilton was exchanged for Lord Mount joy, 
it was chiefly due to the exertions of Madame de 
Gramont. The Countess was passionately attached 
to her brothers and unwearied in their interest. It 
was she who pressed Madame to speak to Charles II in 
favour of James Hamilton ; when James died, she urged 
Arlington to make some provision for his children ; she 
jealously resented that Dongan, and not one of her brothers, 
should be given George Hamilton's regiment, and later on, 
she made Ormonde obtain a letter of recommendation from 
Charles in behalf of Richard Hamilton, to whom Charles 
had done so great a wrong, she said, in putting forward 
Dongan ; she quarrelled with Louvois for not advancing 
her brothers in the French service ; and, at the time of 
the war in Ireland, her anxiety left her no repose, though the 
gentle Fenelon urged her to accept this trial as sent from 
God, and though no less a personage than Louis himself 
took an interest in her troubles and went so far as to send 
her himself the earliest news available that came from 
Ireland. 1 

As soon as it became known that Richard had been 
made a prisoner, she sent a petition to England in her own 
and her husband's name, asking that her brother might 
be exchanged for Lord Mount joy. Her request was not 
immediately granted, for as long as there was any chance 
of prolonging the war in Ireland, Louis was not willing to 
let his prisoner go. 2 Bitter were the complaints she poured 

1 Cf. supra, p. 50 ; Cartwright, Madame, p. 218 ; Hist. MSS. Comm., 
Ormonde MSS., N.S., VII, pp. 84, 85 ; Fenelon, Correspondance, VI, 
p. 235 ; Maintenon, Correspondance Gbntvale, III, pp. 208-209. 

1 Cal. St. P., Dom., 1690-1691, p. 91 ; Dangeau, III, p. 431, 



out to her spiritual director Fenelon, and bitter were the 
words she spoke against the dethroned King and Queen, 
whom she accused of heartless indifference, of abandoning 
her brothers, the one a prisoner, the others facing death in 
Ireland. At the court of Saint -Germain feelings had com- 
pletely turned against the Hamiltons. " God," replied 
Fenelon, " is trying you. Whosoever loveth father or mother 
or brother more than Me is not worthy of Me. Be silent, 
worship the hand that chastens, let your lips but unclose to 
say, ' I have deserved it all.' ' " True," said the Countess, 
" God has stricken down my pride, but ought not the guilty 
alone to suffer ? Why must the same blow level the inno- 
cent ? " " Know, Madam," wrote back Fenelon, " that there 
is none just before God, and how can you tell but that the 
disgrace which humiliates you will not also lay low your 
brother under the almighty hand of God ? Some day per- 
haps you will rejoice together in that which is now affliction. 
Blessed is he who would be comforted only so far as God 
is willing to give comfort." 

And so the once haughty Countess de Gramont 
endeavoured to bear the disgrace of her brothers with 
Christian humility and resignation. Those who were 
familiar with her knew how foreign anything like humility 
was to her character. ' Fiere a outrance,' her brother 
describes her, and two anecdotes recorded in 1669 in the 
letters of the Marquis de Saint-Maurice bear out this observa- 
tion. On one occasion when the ladies were playing in the 
Queen's apartment, Madame de Gramont took the tabouret 
of the Comtesse de Soissons who had just gone out. When 
Madame de Soissons returned she demanded her seat, but 
Madame de Gramont refused haughtily to give it up. 
Madame de Soissons replied by a sneering laugh which 
roused the Count de Gramont to exclaim : " Madame, on 
ne cloue pas ici les chaises, ma femme demeurera la, nous 
sommes d'aussi bonne maison que vous." This temporary 
victory was not, however, the end of the affair ; the King 
blamed the conduct of the Gramonts and obliged them 
to apologize to Madame de Soissons. On another occasion 
the Queen was going out in her coach and Madame de 
Gramont got in after her. The Queen asked her to take a 
seat in the second coach, but the Countess boldly refused to 
let herself be displaced, declaring that she was not of a 
rank to go in the coach of the suite, and the good Queen let 


her have her will without saying anything more. 1 It is not 
surprising to find Madame de Sevigne noting about the same 
time that Madame de Gramont no longer enjoyed the 
public favour she once did. 2 

Young and beautiful she had come to France, young and 
beautiful at the French court, clever and witty as well, 
she could not escape being talked about. Living largely 
in Madame's society at first, her name was soon linked with 
Monsieur's. La Gramont pretendoit donner 

De 1' Amour a notre grand prince, 

ran one of the numerous chansons that circulated at court 
in 1666. 3 Monsieur, according to the same source did not 
choose to figure as the lover of Madame de Gramont, and 
failing Monsieur, La belle Gramont took to his first ecuyer, 
D'Effiat. Seignelay, though savouring of the bourgeois, 
was next mentioned as having found favour in her sight ; 4 
the gallant Cavoie was supposed to be violently in love with 
her ; 5 the Comte du Channel, according to the public, 
was an over-intimate friend, 6 and the Marechal de la 
Feuillade made her the object of a cautiously dissimulated 
passion, dissimulated because Louis, he said, did not like 
* les amoureux ' the reign of Madame de Maintenon was 
at hand. 7 

1 " La comtesse de Gramont est anglaise," so Saint-Maurice explains, 
" elle le porte haut parce qu'elle est parente du roi, mais on s'en 
moque ici ; cela lui fait faire bien des pas de mauvaise grace." (Lettres 
sur la Cour de Louis, XIV, pp. 374-375.) 

2 Lettres, II, p. 285. 

3 Bibl. Nat., ms. fr. 12618, p. 67. 

4 The abbe Primi Visconti ascribes Gramont's hatred of all the ministers 
to the fact that Seignelay's father was one of them. (Memoires, pp. 52-55.) 

5 Bussy-Rabutin professed inability to understand Cavoie's feelings, 
" De la maniere dont on m'ecrit de la Comtesse de Gramont, il faut etre 
un fat pour avoir une passion pour elle, ce n'est pas par sa beaute qu'elle 
en est indigne mais par sa conduite." (Lettres, IV, pp. 102-104, May, 1678.) 

6 " De la Comtesse de Gramont 

Plaignons la decadence, 

Jady rien n'etoit assez bon 

Pour sa rare excellence," 

is the chansonnier's comment (Bibl. Nat. ms. fr. 12688, p. 235). Du 
Channel, it is true, came of no great family, but he had managed to make 
his way at court and was greatly esteemed by the King, even the most 
important ladies, says Saint-Simon (V, p. 382), were not averse to his 

7 Primi Visconti, who records his confidences, adds, " La mode veut 
maintenant qu'un courtisan amoureux soit considere comme ridicule. . . . 
Ainsi, peu a peu, par la politique du roi, la cour devient un couvent." 
(Memoires, pp. 219, 220.) 


All these friendships of the Countess were a source of 
interest to the curious, but none would have dared to allude 
to them in her presence. " C'etoit une femme," says 
Saint-Simon, " qui avoit eu ses galanteries, mais qui n'avoit 
pas laisse de se respecter et qui, ayant bee et ongles, 1'etait 
fort a la cour et jusque par les ministres qu'elle cultivait 
meme tres peu." 1 But it was not only her attitude of 
proud independence which kept all insolence at bay, it was 
doubtless to the King's friendship that she owed her un- 
assailable position in part. Louis had made her dame du 
palais and had heaped on her and her husband pensions 
and favours of all kinds. 2 Such proceedings could hardly 
fail to rouse jealousy. At the time of that extraordinary 
Affaire des Poisons which spread a superstitious panic in 
France, not unlike the one caused by the Popish Plot in 
England, it came to light that many women Madame de 
Montespan was one of them resorted to witchcraft, as it 
was styled, and obtained from a woman named Voisin 
mysterious drugs when they wished to succeed in any 
particular enterprise. Some of these drugs would win a 
person's affection, others could bring about the person's 
death in a few days. Le Sage, the accomplice of this woman, 
when tried, confessed amongst other things, that a certain 
Madame de Polignac had asked him to help her get rid of 
Mademoiselle de la Vallire, because she wished to succeed 
her in the affections of the King. The lady, he added, told 
him that the Comtesse de Gramont had the same intentions 
as she, and besought him not to pronounce any ' magic 
words ' in her favour. 3 

1 Memoir es, XI, p. no. 

2 M. Boislisle enumerates them in full (Saint-Simon, XIV, pp. 563-565). 
In spite of all these favours the Gramonts were constantly in financial 
difficulties. Things were slightly better after the death of the Marquise 
de Saint-Chaumont, Gramont's sister, who left them all her money. Cf. 
Sourches, III, pp. 194-195. "Aout, 1688 . . . elle institua [le Comte de 
Gramont] son legataire universel ; mais en m6me temps, elle donna a la 
Comtesse sa femme une pension viagaire de 3000 livres [Fort sagement, 
says the unknown annotator, car si le Comte de Gramont etoit venu a 
mourir ou si le Roi efit retire les pensions qu'il leur donnait, la pauvre 
comtesse auroit ete en danger de mourir de faim] a chacune des deux 
Miles de Gramont 60,000 livres pour les marier [Fort sagement encore, 
says the annotator, car elles n'avaient pas un sol de bien] le tout neanmoins 
sans qu'aucun des legataires put aliener le fonds [Encore plus sagement 
car le Comte de Gramont etoit homme a tout depenser]." 

8 Ravaillon, Archives de la Bastille, VI, p. 33 ; cf. Sevign, VI, p. 97 n. ( 
and Funck Brentano, Le Drame fas Poisons (Paris, 1907), 


In 1679 Madame de Sevigne hints at her being a kind of 
rival of Madame de Montespan's, 1 and from 1685 onwards 
Dangeau's journal shows us Madame de Gramont constantly 
in the King's society. When he went to Marly she was 
invariably among the privileged few that accompanied him, 
when he went to Fontainebleau or to Compiegne she was 
in his carriage ; at Versailles, she lodged in the palace, 
was present at his suppers, shared in the lotteries, drove 
about the park with him and accompanied him to Trianon. 2 
Her daughters and her niece, George Hamilton's daughter, 
were maids of honour to the dauphine and often admitted 
to the King's society. 3 

She was no longer beautiful when Saint-Simon knew her. 
The portrait by Lely in the National Portrait Gallery is a 
melancholy contrast to the Hampton Court portrait. 4 She 
herself writes wistfully to the Duke of Ormonde in 1682 : 
" ie n'aurois pour me mortifier qu'a regarder mon miroir 
qui me fait apercevoir chaque iour de quelque nouvelle iniure 
du temps." 5 But Saint-Simon was impressed by her 
queenly presence, and the various portraits he has drawn 
of her show that he admired her as much as he despised 
her husband. " On ne pouvoit avoir plus d'esprit," he 
writes, " et malgre sa hauteur plus d'agrement, plus de 
politesse, plus de choix," and elsewhere he remarks that she 
had more wit and grace than any other woman at court. 
The King's admiration for her is mentioned again and 
again, " toujours tres bien avec le Roi, qui goutoit son 

1 Lettres, V, p. 363 ; VI, pp. 97, 98. 

2 Dangeau, I, 39 196, 205, 217, 228, 229, 266, 348, 354, 365, 372, 380, 
382, 390, 400, and so on through the first seven or eight volumes of the 
journal. Vol. XIX contains the Index. 

8 Ib., I, pp. 272, 332, 341, 356; Maintenon, Corr. Generate, II, p. 371 ; 
Saint-Simon, XIV, p. 73. When Madame de Gramont's second daughter 
became maid of honour in 1685 Louis gave the Countess 2000 crowns to 
help her equip her daughter, because the Count was absent in England, 
where, ' contrary to his habits,' he lost large sums of money. (Sourches, I, 
P- 3II-) 

4 The date assigned to the portrait is ' about 1669,' which would mean 
that it was painted only seven or eight years after the Hampton Court Lely. 
It hardly seems possible that the Countess should have changed so rapidly. 
In 1670 the Prince of Tuscany remarked that she and her sister-in-law were 
without doubt the most beautiful women at the French court (cf. supra, 
p. 36, n. 3). The portrait in no wise bears out his remark. In 1674 Primi 
Visconti describes her as ' blonde et belle, grande et femme de beaucoup 
d'esprit.' (MJmoires, p. 52.) 

6 Hist. MSS. Comm., Ormonde MSS., N.S., VII, p. 424, 



esprit et qu'elle avoit accoutume' a ses manieres libres . . . 
le Roi s'amusoit fort avec elle. . . . Le Roi avait pour elle 
un gout que la jalousie de Madame de Maintenon ni les 
tares de jansenisme ne purent jamais vaincre." 

One cannot resist quoting Saint-Simon at length : "La 
Comtesse de Gramont qui avoit le port et Tair d'une reine, 
en avoit aussi toutes les manieres. Rien de plus sale, de 
plus instruit, de plus digne, de plus traye pour ses com- 
pagnies ni de plus recherche a la cour. Son dedain naturel 
etoit tempere par une piete haute et eclairee qui en avoit 
fait une veritable penitent e. . . . Toute la cour la con- 
sideroit avec distinction et jusqu'aux ministres comptoient 
avec elle/' 1 

No wonder that Madame de Maintenon was jealous of 
her, as Saint-Simon delights to point out ; no wonder that 
Madame de Maintenon's niece, Madame de Caylus, remarked 
that she was ' sou vent Angloise insupportable,' and that 
her haughty air was the only stable thing about her, though 
she prided herself on the firmness of her sentiments and the 
constancy of her friendships. 2 But even Madame de Caylus 
is forced to admit her wit. Madame de Maintenon, so her 
old enemy is pleased to tell us, did her best to undermine 
the King's friendship for her rival ; her endeavours were of 
no avail ; Madame de Gramont, on the other hand, was 
quite aware of Madame de Maintenon's dislike, but nothing 
in the world would have induced her to make any con- 
ciliatory advances to Madame de Maintenon, 3 who, so we 
are informed, had to put up with her presence because she 
could not help herself. Her niece, on the contrary, tells 
us that she insisted on Madame de Gramont 's company, 

1 " C'etoit une personne haute, glorieuse, mais sans pretention et sans 
entreprise, qui se sentait fort, mais qui savoit rendre, avec beaucoup 
d'esprit, un tour charmant, beaucoup de sel et qui choisissoit fort ses 
compagnies, encore plus ses amis." (Saint-Simon, VI, pp. 216-217 ; XI, 
pp. iio-in ; XVI, pp. 72, 73, 501.) 

a Souvenirs, p. 127. 

8 Elle sentoit 1'aversion et la jalousie de Madame de Maintenon ; elle 
1'avoit vue sortir de terre et surpasser rapidement les plus hauts cedres, 
jamois elle n'avoit pu se resoudre a lui faire sa cour. . . . Madame de 
Maintenon ne laissoit pas de lui montrer sou vent sa jalousie par des traits 
d'humeur, quoique mesureset la Comtesse qui etait fort haute et en avoit 
tout 1'air et le maintien . . . ne se donnoit pas la peine de les ramasser et 
montroit par son peu d'empressement pour elle qu'elle ne lui rendoit le 
peu qu'elle faisoit que par respect pour le goQt du Roi." (Saint-Simon, XI, 
Hi ; XVI, 216-217.) 


because she wished to please the King and because she was 
anxious to encourage the Countess in her piety and further 
her ' conversion/ a conversion founded on that of her friend, 
Du Charmers. 1 

Du Charmel had been leading a life of great prosperity 
and ease at court, he had friends and fortune in plenty, 
nothing seemed lacking to his happiness. One day there fell 
into his hands a book which even Bussy-Rabutin calls 
divine, namely, Abbadie's De la Verite de la Religion Chre- 
tienne. Henceforth he gave up everything and lived far 
away from court a life of penitence and good works. 2 
Abbadie's book was first printed in 1684, and as Madame 
de Maintenon in a letter of 1683 3 mentions the new attitude 
of the Countess, it is not impossible that it was she who 
caused Du Charmel to read the treatise. Under the auspices 
of Madame de Maintenon the court was beginning to enter 
into that phase of extreme piety which marked the last 
years of the reign of Louis XIV, a piety sincere in the case 
of many courtiers, but forced and diplomatic in a great 
many more. J. B. Rousseau was not the only one of whom 
it could be said that he was David at court and Petronius 
in town. " Apart from piety/' exclaimed Madame de 
La Fayette, " there is now no hope of salvation either at 
court or in the life to come/' 4 and, in the letter above men- 
tioned, Madame de Maintenon thinks that the Queen (she 
had died that year), must have asked God for the conversion 
of the whole court. The King's conversion is admirable, 
and the ladies who seemed furthest away from such things 
do not leave church. Madame de Montchevreuil, Mesdames 
de Chevreuse et de Beauvilliers, the Princesse de Harcourt, 
in a word, all the devotes, are not more often at church than 
Mesdames de Montespan, de Thianges, the Comtesse de 
Gramont, the Duchesse du Lude and Madame de Soubise. 
The plain Sundays are now as the Easter days used to be. 6 

1 Souvenirs, loc. cit. 2 Saint-Simon, V, pp. 382, 383. 

3 Correspondance Generate, II, pp. 325, 326. 

4 Memoires de la Cour de France, p. 229. 

5 Cf. Saint-Evremond's remark to Ninon de Lenclos, " Je n'attends 
que votre exemple pour etre devot. Vous vivez dans un pays ou Ton a 
de merveilleux avantages pour se sauver. Le vice n'y est guere moins 
oppose a la mode qu'ala vertu." (CEuvres (Amsterdam, 1726), V, p. 195.) 
Some years later, in 1698, Matthew Prior, coming to Paris, wrote to the 
Earl of Albemarle : " Toute la cour est sombre et triste ; la bigoterie et le 
menage y regne a un point que les filles a genoux disent leur Paternostre 


In the case of the Countess de Gramont there was no 
insincerity whatever. Her pride would have prevented 
her from stooping down to an artificial Christianity, to be 
adopted because it was fashionable. The years that she had 
spent at Port Royal had not failed to leave their mark on 
her. 1 " II lui en etoit reste un germe," says Saint-Simon, 
" qui la rappela a une solide devotion avant meme que 
1'age, le monde, ni le miroir, la pussent faire penser a changer 
de conduite." 2 But it was no easy thing for the Countess. 
Madame de Caylus, a severe judge, remarked that anything 
like piety was absolutely foreign to her character. She 
speaks of the continual struggle that took place between her 
reason and her inclinations, and she considers her conduct 
after her conversion unequal. 3 Madame de Gramont was 
not one of those to whom a phlegmatic acquiescence, a 
good-natured submission, came easily. 

About 1684 ' the desire to give herself wholly to God ' 
made her place herself under the spiritual guidance of 
Fenelon. 4 He was not her confessor, but he undertook to 
direct her, and for long the Countess corresponded with 
him. The letters preserved only those of Fenelon unfortu- 
nately cover a period of fourteen years, up to the end of 
Fenelon knew all the difficulties that lay before 

dans les galeries comme dans un couvent, et les gardes du corps, mettant 
leurs armes a part, nouent des f ranges comme les filles en Angleterre." 
(Hist. MSS. Comm., MSS. of the Marquis of Bath, III, p. 195.) 

1 Her brother, after describing her, says : " Son esprit 6tait a peu prds 
comme sa figure. Ce n'etait point par ces vivacites importunes . . . 
qu'elle cherchait a briller dans la conversation. Elle evitait encore plus 
cette lenteur affectee dans le discours dont la pesanteur assoupit ; mais 
sans se presser de parler, elle disait ce qu'il fallait et pas davantage. Elle 
avait tout le discernement possible pour le solide et le faux brillant, et 
sans se parer a tout propos des lumie'res de son esprit, elle etait reserv6e, 
mais trs juste dans ses decisions." Sainte-Beuve quotes this account, 
and with his usual penetration adds, " N'est-ce pas la, trait pour trait, 
les qualites d'esprit voulues par Port Royal, bien qu'ici d'un usage un peu 
transpose ? " (Port Royal, II, p. 108.) 

2 Memoires, XI, p. in. 8 Souvenirs, p. 129. 
* Fenelon, Correspondance, VI, Avertissement, p. 209. 

6 After Madame de Gramont's death these letters passed into the hands 
of her daughter, Lady Stafford, and from her to the Empress Maria Theresa. 
Some of the letters are endorsed in the hand of the Empress, e.g. " Lettre 
de M. L. de F. sur les peines qui viennent de la part du prochain " ; " Escrit 
de M. L. de F. sur la sensibilite dans les croix." (Corr., VI, pp. 210, 262, 

For the above account of Fenelan and Madame de Gramont see Fenelon, 
Corr., VI, pp. 211-278, and cf. Sainte-Beuve, Cauteries du Lundi, X, 
PP- 23-25. 


his penitent. She had much to fear both from without and 
from within. " Au dehors le monde vous rit, et la partie 
du monde la plus capable de nourrir 1'orgueil donne au 
votre ce qui peut le flatter, par les marques de consideration 
que vous recevez a la cour. Au dedans vous avez a sur- 
monter le gout d'une vie delicate, un esprit hautain et 
dedaigneux avec une longue habitude de dissipation." He 
was fearless in the diagnosis of her failings ; her pride, her 
exceeding intolerance, her lack of gentleness and charity 
he forced her to acknowledge them all, " Fair de mepris et 
de hauteur, 1'esprit de critique et de moquerie, . . . ce 
genre d'orgueil facile a blesser, moqueur, dedaigneux, fier, 
jaloux de vouloir tout pour soi et toujours implacable sur 
les defauts d'autrui." One can well imagine Anthony 
Hamilton's sister to have been thus, a woman of no common 
culture and understanding, quick-witted, critical, caustic, 
sharp-tongued, irritated by the mediocrity of those around 
her and delighting in the use of polite ridicule and polished 
sarcasm. It is to Anthony Hamilton's sister that Fenelon 
recommends silence before all things ; silence, because, in 
the midst of the amusements at court, at table or in the 
company of one who delights to talk on, the heart can have 
its intercourse with God ; but chiefly because it was a 
privation to her who enjoyed to the full the pleasures of a 
conversation, not charitable but seasoned with graceful 
irony and malicious wit. 

He exhorts her to find time for prayer and meditation, 
to be courageous, to be patient, to accept the distractions 
of court life in all confidence as a trial sent from God. He 
himself lived at court, charged with the education of the 
Due de Bourgogne, and he knew how hollow was all the 
pomp and splendour. " II y faut un visage riant, mais le 
cceur ne rit guere. Si peu qu'il reste de desirs et de sensi- 
bilite d'amour propre, on a toujours ici de quoi vieillir : 
on n'a pas ce qu'on veut ; on a ce qu'on ne voudroit pas. On 
est peine de ses malheurs, et quelque fois du bonheur 
d'autrui ; on meprise les gens avec lesquels on passe sa vie 
et on court apres leur estime. On est importune, et on 
seroit bien fache de ne 1'etre pas, et de demeurer en solitude." 
There is one thing he would have her aim at, simplicity in 
all ; he upbraids her gently for her excessive scruples, her 
false humility, for her desire to seek out great things to do 
in the service of God when nothing is small or paltry, if 


done for His sake ; above all he would have a greater 
simplicity of faith. " Je crains pour vous une devotion 
lumineuse, haute, qui sous pretexte d'aller au solide en 
lecture et en pratique, nourisse en secret je ne sais quoi 
de grand et de contraire a Jdsus Christ enfant, simple, et 
meprise des sages du siecle." 1 

The worry and bitterness caused by her brother's fate, 
the humiliation of a disfiguring disease to which she would 
have preferred the severest pain, tjhe anxiety from which 
she suffered during a serious illness of her husband's all 
met with the immediate sympathy of her director, always 
ready to answer her letters or to meet her in the lodgings 
of Madame de Chevreuse or Madame de Beauvilliers, or to 
visit the Comte de Gramont during his ill -health. Not the 
least trial to her must have been the curious interest with 
which the courtiers observed the change and the endeavours 
of the masterful, haughty Countess to love all things for 
the sake of God. In the end of 1687 the conscientious 
Dangeau records that Madame de Gramont is wholly given 
up to piety, and that though she has concealed it for long, 
she now no longer makes a secret of it, 2 and in 1695, when 
she was suffering from another attack of her disease, people 
marvelled to see with what courage and cheerfulness she 
bore all her ills. 3 

With the necessarily waning influence of F&ielon, involved 
in the affaire du Quietisme and now Archbishop of Cambrai, 
her relations with Port Royal grew much more marked. 
While she had an apartment in the convent of the Madeleine 
and while the English nuns of the Immaculate Conception 
counted her amongst their friends and benefactors, 4 yet it 

1 One is reminded of Madame de Maintenon's remarks on Madame de 
Caylus' conversion which had, it should be added, taken place under the 
auspices of the Pere de La Tour, known for his Jansenist sympathies : 
" J'aurois ete ravie, si je 1'avois vue simple, estimant la piete partout, 
lisant tout ce qui est bon sans prevention, et se tenant meme a la plus 
grande simplicit6, qui est ce qui convient anotre sexe." (Corr. Generate, 
IV, p. 390.) 

Journal, II, p. 53. S6vign6, X, p. 329. 

4 Cf. Diary of the Blue Nuns (Cathol. Record Soc. Publ., Vol. VIII, 
London, 1910), p. 35, cf. p. 52. " Our wall next to the Highway being very 
old and directive And the musketeers who were established our neer naigh- 
bours for their conveniency had raised the highway that thos passed could 
with eas look in to our Inclosure which gave much paine to the last Abbesse 
and the rest of the Religious, she often solicited the Cardinal de Noyle who 
promissed to give orders for it. This year having more leisure he spoak 
to Md Mantenon and the Contesse of Grammon also had the last year laid 


was to the community of Port Royal that she felt most 
drawn. With all her faults Madame de Gramont had some 
remarkable qualities. She may have been overbearing and 
imperious, but she never abandoned a friend. No disgrace 
of Fenelon's could diminish her affection and veneration, 
on the contrary, as Fenelon said, under circumstances 
which caused others to become oblivious of his existence 
she multiplied her attentions. 1 In the same way she had 
always defended Port Royal. She never forgot what she 
owed the gentle nuns 2 and her daughter, Marie Elisabeth, 
was sent to them for her education. After the death of 
the Duchess of Longueville in 1679, an influential friend of 
Port Royal, steps were once more taken towards humiliating 
and ultimately suppressing the community. The Arch- 
bishop of Paris, Harlay, suddenly appeared at Port-Royal 
des Champs and ordered all pensionnaires to be sent back 
to their parents within a fortnight. Amongst the girls 
who were sent home was Marie Elisabeth de Gramont, then 
aged eleven. At Versailles the courtiers, curious to see one 
who had been brought up in the famed establishment, were 
struck by the grave and quiet demeanour of the child ; they 
plied her with questions and were amazed by her fearless 
answers. 3 

It was on this occasion that Madame de Gramont took 
upon herself to approach the King on the subject of the 
persecutions. She and others, she said, could not under- 
stand why these saintly women were made to suffer, nor 
was she ashamed to confess that the nuns had fed her, 
clothed her and educated her for seven or eight years when 
her family had been in the utmost poverty. But the only 
answer vouchsafed was that Port Royal was a place of 
' assemblies and cabals.' 4 

before her the danger we were in and she at the same time joyning with 
him that she gave orders to her to let Mr. Chemilar with all diligence build 
the wall from our outer gat to the end of the garden. . . . She also maid 
two ovens and so accomidated the hen hous that we wash oure cloaths 
they maid a garet to dry them in also." 

1 Corr., VI, p. 277. "C'est le pur amour, que d'aimer les gens qui ne 
sont plus a la mode." 

2 " Elle en avoit conserve tout le goftt et le bon, a travers les egarements 
de la jeunesse, de la beaute, du grand monde et de quelques galanteries 
sans que la faveur ni le danger de la perdre 1'aient jamais pu detacher de 
Pattachement intime de Port Royal." (Saint-Simon, XVI, p. 72.) 

3 Sainte-Beuve, Port Royal, V, pp. 182-184. 

4 Port Royal, loc. tit. 


The friends of Port Royal were Madame de Gramont's 
friends. She corresponded with the Abbe de Ranee, 1 she 
sought out the pious Du Fosse, at that time continuing 
M. de Sacy's work on the Bible, and he was heard to remark 
that there was more to be gained than to be lost in conversa- 
tion with the lady ; 2 during Nicole's last illness she sent 
him some gouttes d'Angleterre which for a time alleviated 
his sufferings ; for Racine she had a great esteem and a 
goodwill which she extended to his son, 3 and through 
Racine she knew Boileau, with whom she corresponded and 
whom, like Racine, she received at her house ; 4 her old 
friends, Cavoie and Du Channel, were firm partisans of 
Port Royal. When Racine died, in 1699, she mourned him 
sincerely ; she had visited him almost daily during his last 
sickness, and meeting, shortly after, M. Willard, another 
adherent of the community, she exclaimed with tears in 
her eyes, " Alas, how much have we of this court lost in 
such a friend ! For all of us here who thought seriously 
about our salvation, looked to him for advice and ex- 
ample." 6 Louville, the confidant of Philip V, considered 
the Countess one of the chief supporters of the Jansenist 
cabal, 6 and the second Madame confessed that her partiality 
for the nuns of Port Royal was entirely due to the influence 
of Madame de Gramont. 7 It was a well-known fact that 
in her room, at the convent of the Madeleine, hung portraits 
of Jansenius, Arnauld, M. de Sacy and others. 8 

According to Saint-Simon Madame de Maintenon hoped 
greatly that this veneration for Port Royal would put an 
end to the friendship of the King and the Countess, but 
she tried in vain to bring about a rupture. 9 In 1696, how- 

1 Of La Trappe. Maintenon, Corr. Gin.. IV, p. 120. 

1 Port Royal, II, pp. 108-109. 

8 Racine, Corr. (CEuvres, Ed. des Grands Ecrivains, Paris, 1888, Vol. VII) 
pp. 185, 186, 243, 244, 297, 313, 318, etc. 

4 Ib., pp. 105, 106, 140. It should be added that the authenticity of 
the first letter has been questioned. 

8 Port Royal, VI, pp. 258, 259. 

8 Memoires Secrets (Paris, 1818, 2 vols.), II, pp. 89, 90. 

* Maintenon, Corr. Gen., IV, p. 190. 8 Ib. 

9 " Elle y echoua toujours avec un extreme depit ; la Comtesse s'en 
tiroit avec tant d'esprit et de graces, souvent avec tant de liberte, que les 
reproches du Roi se tournoient a rien, et qu'elle n'en etoit que mieux et 
plus familire avec lui jusqu'a hasarder quelque fois des regards altiers a 
Madame de Maintenon, et quelques plaisanteries salees jusqu'a 1'amer- 
tume." (Saint-Simon, XI, pp. in, 112.) 


ever, the Countess requested Madame de Maintenon to 
ask the King to allow her to spend the Easter week at 
Port Royal. Madame de Maintenon the story is hers 
asked her what she meant by taking such a thing into her 
head and at that particular moment, and assured her that 
this request would meet with great disapproval. Madame 
de Gramont replied that she had never dared to do it in 
the lifetime of M. de Harlay, the late Archbishop of Paris, 
who had just been succeeded by M. de Noailles. Madame 
de Maintenon was about to answer that the new archbishop 
thought no more favourably of the Jansenists than Harlay 
had done, but she considered that, after all, it was better 
any opposition should come directly from the King. And 
as she had supposed, Louis was exceedingly annoyed that 
any one should dare to approach him with such a request. 1 
Still, Madame de Gramont, as Fenelon points out, 2 had 
before her the example of Racine who frequently and 
openly went to Port Royal and never fared the worse for it. 
The year that Racine died, she resolved to take matters into 
her own hands and quietly went to spend a week at Port 
Royal. The King, who enjoyed her company, at once 
noticed her absence and was soon informed where she had 
disappeared to. In the case of anyone else, says Saint- 
Simon, it would have been a crime past forgiveness. As 
it was, the King was extremely angry. Meeting the Count 
de Gramont he told him ' fort aigrement ' what he thought 
of the occurrence, and ordered him to repeat his words 
to his wife ; Madame de Gramont apologized, her apologies 
were ill received ; her name was struck off the list of the 
ladies who were to accompany the King to Marly, for the 
King remarked that Marly and Port Royal were incom- 
patible ; the Countess, who had always gone where the 
King went, had to repair to Paris. Her disgrace was the 
talk of the town. As the Count was not included in the 
sentence, Madame de Gramont sent him to Marly with a 
letter to the King in which she expressed her sorrow at 
having grieved him, but nothing would induce her to write 
to Madame de Maintenon. The King merely told the 
Count that his wife could not possibly have ignored his 
dislike of a community avowedly Jansenist, a sect which 
was an abomination to him like all other " novelties in 

1 Maintenon, Corr. G6n6rale, IV, p. 90. 
2 Corr., I, p. 81. 


matters of religion/' Nor was the Countess included in 
the next voyage de Marly. After a month, however, Louis 
resolved to pardon her and told her husband that she might 
come back to Versailles ; there, he received her privately 
at Madame de Maintenon's, ' scolded ' her, and though she 
refused to ' abjure ' Port Royal, they became reconciled, 
on condition that she would indulge in no further ' dis- 
parades ' to Port Royal, as the King expressed it. And so, 
says Saint-Simon, their relations were closer than ever, to 
the great displeasure of Madame de Maintenon. 1 

Not that the King had forgotten Madame de Gramont's 
predilection for Port Royal, for if on one occasion he jestingly 
ordered the Comte de Gramont to read the Augustinus of 
Jansenius and to ascertain whether the five famous proposi- 
tions were really contained in the book, it was not only 
because of the ignorance of the former Abbe. The Count, 
it may be added, never at a loss for an answer, replied forth- 
with that if they were actually in the book it could only 
be ' incognito.' 2 

When Felix, the surgeon-in-chief, died in 1703, a small 
property of his, les Moulineaux, which lay within the 
grounds of Versailles, fell vacant and the King at once 
gave it to Madame de Gramont, a present which caused 
no little talk and probably no little heart-burning. " It 
is certain," writes a lady of the court, " that the King 
treats the Countess de Gramont marvellously well, and 
that is sufficient to make all the world turn greatly to her." 3 
It became the fashion for the court to repair thither, in 
fact it was part of the bel air to be an habitue, and a dis- 
grace not to have been there, for Madame de Gramont was 
not over easy of access ; " n'y allait pas qui voulait," says 
Saint-Simon. The Duchesse de Bourgogne and the other 
princesses were there constantly, the English court 
honoured the Countess with its visits, and some who for 
Madame de Maintenon's sake would fain have refrained 
from making an appearance, did not dare to stay away, 
for the King kept himself informed of those who went 
and who did not, and openly commented on the conduct of 

1 Saint-Simon, XI, p. 112 ; XVI, pp. 217, 218 ; Dangeau, VII, pp. 104, 
106, 120; Sainte-Beuve, Port Royal, VI, pp. 163-165- Fenelon Corr., 
I, p. 81. 

* Port Royal, II, p. no. 

* Mme de Coulanges, letter printed in Sevigne, X, p. 500. 


the latter. Madame de Maintenon's displeasure is described 
with great satisfaction by Saint-Simon, who points out 
that the King, in acting thus, was determined to show he 
was not governed by Madame de Maintenon. So numerous 
were the visitors that Gramont, half in jest, half in earnest, 
remarked that he would soon be obliged to send the King 
the accounts for all the dinners that were given. 1 

Felix had called his house les Moulineaux, the Countess 
changed the name to Pontalie. " Why Pontalie, Madam ? " 
asked the courtiers. And her brother made answer in a 
story which explained the origin of the name and which, 
he said gravely, was based on the researches of the learned 
Mabillon. But this is anticipating. 

1 Saint - Simon, XI, p. 113; Sevigne, X, pp. 499, 500; Hamilton, 
(Euvres, III, p. 356. 



p -^HE two Hamilton brothers, Anthony and Richard, 
and their sister-in-law, the Duchess of Tyrconnel, 
belonged to the melancholy little court of ' the 
-*- good man who had lost three kingdoms for the 
sake of a Mass/ 1 Lady Tyrconnel was one of the ladies 
of the Bedchamber, and Richard Hamilton, first one of 
the gentlemen of the Bedchamber, was soon, as early as 
1695 at least, made Master of the Wardrobe with a salary 
of 400 pistoles. 2 Anthony had no functions at court, and, 
as the palace was not over large, he and many others had 
to lodge in the town of Saint-Germain. Melfort, their 
old enemy he had spoken of Lady Tyrconnel as " Tame 
la plus noire que se puisse concevoir " was for a time 
the head of James's first Cabinet, until he came to be 
superseded by the Earl of Middleton. Melfort's brother, 
the Earl of Perth, and formerly Lord Chancellor of Scot- 
land, was governor to the Prince of Wales. Sir Richard 
Nagle, whom the Hamiltons had known in Ireland as 
Melfort's successor, was a kind of Secretary of War. But, 
as Sourches remarks, 3 the ladies were far more numerous 
than the men at the English court ; many of the latter, 
all of them old acquaintances of the Hamiltons and more 
fortunate than they, the Duke of Berwick, the Butlers, 
Sheldons, Dillons, Galmoys, Lees, Nugents, O'Briens and 
others, were away at war, serving in the French army and 

1 La Fayette, Mtmoires de la Cour de France, p. 228. Matthew Prior 
complains from Paris of the " notion that the people have that King 
James has lost his crowns merely for religion's sake." (Hist. MSS. Comm., 
MSS. of the Marquis of Bath, III, p. 190.) 

* Lart, Jacobite Registers, I, pp. 61, 71 ; Grew, The English Court in 
Exile, p. 269. 

8 Mtmoires, IV, p. no. 



with the Irish Brigade, gaining honour and reputation, 1 
or at least forgetting the bitterness of exile amidst the 
clash of arms. The Hamiltons, accustomed to a life of 
activity and travel, now found themselves the inmates of 
a court that was noted chiefly for the piety and resignation 
of its head. 2 

The French court considered the pensioner of their King 
with an indulgent pity, somewhat akin to contempt ; the 
Queen was much more appreciated though she repaired as 
frequently to the convent of Chaillot as James to La Trappe. 
The letters and memoirs of the time bear ample testimony 
to the kindness and solicitude which Louis extended to the 
royal exiles, even though, by the treaty of Ryswick, he 
acknowledged William as King of England and Anne as 
his successor. In fact, the frequent visits of James and 
Mary to Versailles, to Marly, to Fontainebleau, to Corn- 
pi egne, to St. Cloud, made Matthew Prior exclaim that 
the court of France was making a ridiculous figure, halting 
thus between God and Baal. ' They are very obliging to 
us one day and the same to King James the next." 3 The 
situation is summed up in a few words at another time : 
" Things go in relation to us as they used to do, they are 
civil to us and hate us and they are civil to King James 
and despise him/' 4 

It was about 1696 that Anthony Hamilton wrote the 

1 Dangeau, passim; Boulger, Battle of the Boyne, pp. 308-336. 

2 And long after James's death Saint-Germain was associated with the 
piety of the King of England. 

C'est ici que Jacques second, 
Sans ministre et sans maitresse, 
Le matin alia a la messe 
Et le soir au sermon. 

(Desmahis, Voyage d'Eponne, printed with the Voyage de Chapelle et de 
Bachaumont, Paris, 1826, p. 298.) 
A lampoon of the time ran thus : 

Quand je veux rimer a Guillaume 
Je trouve d'abord un royaume 
Qu'il a range dessous ses loix, 
Et quand je veux rimer a Jacques 
J'ay beau suer et resuer cent fois, 
Je trouve qu'il a fait ses Pasques. 

(Bibl. Nat. ms., fr. 12690.) 

8 Hist. MSS. Comm., MSS. of the Marquis of Bath, III, pp. 215, 272. 
4 Ib., p. 277. One cannot help regretting that space forbids quoting 
Prior at greater length. What, for instance, could be more delightful than 
his very correct estimate of Monsieur : " Monsieur est une petite marionette 
d'une voix cassee qui cause btaucoup et ne dit rien " (p. 195). 


well-known description of the exiled court, 1 on which 
Macaulay based his account of the life at Saint-Germain, 
accepting Hamilton's story uncritically, in fact not seeming 
to have realized that, in spite of his alleged ill-humour, 
Hamilton was not altogether serious, and that some of his 
statements were no more meant to be literally understood 
than the one about the French priest explaining to the 
English soldiers in Italian that all English Protestants 
were damned. One cannot deny, however, that the result- 
ing impression is one of gloom. ' Vous me demandez, 
Madame, une longue lettre et des particularites de notre 
cour ; vous allez etre satisfaite. Je ne vous parlerai point 
de la situation du lieu, vous la connaissez, mais avec toute 
sa magnificence, c'est le poste du royaume qui nous convient 
le moins ; car le chateau a si peu de commodite's, qu'il 
n'y a que trente ou quarante, tant pretres que je*suites, 
qui y aient des appartements. Une chapelle et deux ora- 
toires dans le corps de la place, une paroisse et quelques 
couvents dans les dehors, voila tout ce qui s'offre a notre 
devotion. Ce n'est pas content ement ; et dans un jour 
d'ete on a depeche cela avec les menus suffrages qui en 
dependent avant le coucher du soleil. II est vrai que la 
vue en est enchantee, les promenades merveilleuses, et 
1'air si subtil qu'on y feroit quatre repas par jour. C'est 
plus de la moitie qu'il ne nous en faut et nous serions bien 
mieux pres de quelque endroit marecageux, ou, tou jours 
enveloppes d'un brouillard epais nos sens et nos appetits 
fussent plus assoupis. Quoiqu'il y ait parmi nos dames de 
quoi contenter le gout le plus difficile . . . il faut convenir 
qu'il n'en est pas de meme a 1'egard de 1'autre sexe. A 
peine a-t-il pu fournir parmi nous quelques merites dis- 
tingues pour former la maison du Prince de Galles. Le 
reste consiste en certains esprits que 1'exemple n'a pu rendre 
hypocrites, gens d'un caractere un peu meprisant, mais 
aussi fort meprises ici, et plus connus ailleurs. 

" Nos occupations paroissent serieuses et nos exercices 
tout Chretiens ; car il n'y a point ici de quartier pour ceux 
qui ne sont pas la moitie du jour en prieres, ou qui n'en font 
pas le semblant. 

" Le malheur commun qui reunit d'ordinaire ceux qu'il 
persecute, semble avoir repandu la discorde et 1'aigreur 

1 The tale of Zeneyde in which the description occurs can be dated 
through the reference to the death of the Archbishop of Paris, Harlay. 


parmi nous ; 1'amitie dont on fait profession est souvent 
feinte ; la haine et Ten vie qu'on renferme, toujours sin- 
ceres : et tandis qu'on offre en public des vceux pour le 
prochain, on le dechire tout doucement en particulier. 
La tendresse du cceur qui des fragilites est sans doute la 
plus excusable, passe ici pour la moins innocente." 1 

The Marchesa Campana de Cavelli, in her monumental 
but unfortunately incomplete work on the court of Saint- 
Germain, has taken some pains to prove that the priests 
housed in the castle by no means approached the number 
of " thirty or forty." A list of King James's household made 
out for the Earl of Portland by Prior merely says, " a great 
many Chaplains and Servants below staires." 2 In any 
case, whatever may have been their exact number, they 
were too many for the taste of Anthony Hamilton, and 
their presence was a source of continual irritation to him. 

II n'est si triste compagnie 
Pour les vers et pour I'harmonie 
Que fantomes vetus de noir, 
Tels qu'ici le sort fait pleuvoir, 

he exclaims impatiently in another letter, which seems 
to have been written in the lifetime of King James. 3 James 
was not among Anthony Hamilton's favourites, he had 
no sympathy for the monarch's pious exercises, nor were 
there any attractions for him in " that beatitude which they 
call pauvrete d'esprit " ; the expression is his own. 

" Devotion employs the week," writes Prior of the 
Stuart court, not without exaggeration ; " poor King James 
is running about, first to the Jesuits, then to the Bene- 
dictines." And elsewhere, "As to what I have from 
private correspondents, the bigotry and folly of those at 
St. Germains is unexpressible. Poor King James is hardly 
thought on or mentioned, an Italian and a Scotch priest 
govern him and his whole concerns ; he is so directly the 
same man he ever was, persecuting the few Protestants 
that are about him, though they are ruined and banished 

1 (Euvres, II, pp. 399-402. 

1 Hist. MSS. Comm., MSS. of the Marquis of Bath, III, p. 410 ; cf. the 
English Court in Exile, p. 269. 

3 (Euvres, III, p. 237, Epltre a Mademoiselle de La Force ; it contains 
an allusion to Mile de La Force's being obliged to retire to a convent, an 
event which had taken place in 1697, Dangeau, VI, p. 72, 


for their adhering to him and rewarding and encouraging 
any sorry creature that he can make a convert of. The 
child they call the Prince of Wales they breed up with all 
the abhorrence imaginable to heresy." 1 

The discord and jealousy that Hamilton mentions are 
confirmed by Prior, though it must, of course, be remem- 
bered that the rumours of strife and intrigue were far more 
likely to reach him than the report of the hidden virtue and 
of much that was unselfish and noble in the sad life of the 
exiles. The court was divided into the factions of the 
compounders and non-compounders, the former wishing 
for a Restoration on the basis of a general amnesty and 
guarantees for the security of the constitution ; the latter 
were averse to all compromise. The former party was 
headed by Middleton, a Protestant ; the latter, by Melfort, 
who, after leaving Ireland had been in Rome and was now 
back at Saint-Germain. " The Melfordians and the Middle- 
tonians, who are the Whigs and Tories of that court, are 
always fighting," writes Prior in April, 1698 ; " one Beaujer, 
one of the former faction, killed Crosby in a drunken quarrel 
the other day in this town, and though these people all 
together make little more than a private family, they have 
as much faction and folly amongst them as we can have 
in England for the heart of us." 2 And in July of the same 
year : ' Three or four fellows have been killed last week 
at St. Germains by their countrymen and comrades ; one 
Charles O'Neal was broke upon the wheel on Monday for 
robbing about St. Germains on the highway. . . . Thus 
disorders and murders reign wherever this unhappy man 
lives and his domestic affairs are governed just as his three 
kingdoms would have been." 3 

After the peace of Ryswick James sank more and more 
into that kind of apathy that marked his last years, though 
Prior still wrote in 1698 : " Persons and Letters come 
frequently from England to St. Germains and . . . every- 
body is welcome that comes thither with a story from your 
side though it be never so ridiculous." 4 Yet James was 

1 Hist. MSS. Comm., MSS. of the Marquis of Bath, III, pp. 296, 305, 

* Ib., p. 208. Some years later, in 1706, Madame writes, " Les Anglais 
se detestent entre eux, nous voyons bien cela a la cour de Saint-Germain, 
ils y sont tous comme chiens et chats." (Corr., ed. Jaegl, I, p. 354.) 

Ib., p. 236. 

* Ib., p. 272. 


now chiefly concerned " to reap a Christian frute from these 
seeds of affliction which Providence had sent/' One last 
attempt to re-establish him had been made in 1696. 
Richard Hamilton was appointed Lieutenant-General of 
His Majesty's forces in England, 1 but the English Jacobites 
refusing to rise before the French troops landed, and the 
assassination plot against William being discovered, James 
was obliged to return to St. Germain after having remained 
for three months on the coast with his army. 

In one way the Hamiltons were better off than the other 
exiles. They had spent so many years in France that the 
term exile is hardly applicable to them ; they spoke the 
language as if it had been their own, they were familiar 
with the customs and the etiquette, they had numerous 
friends, and through their sister, the influential Countess 
de Gramont, they mixed, so Saint-Simon tells us, 2 with 
what was best in French Society. And so, since the piety 
of the English court was not to their taste, they were as 
often as not absent from Saint-Germain. They stayed with 
the Gramonts at Paris, and, later on, when the King had 
presented the Countess with Pontalie they were frequently 
to be found there ; at Versailles, where the Countess had 
an apartment, Saint-Simon saw them and made up his 
mind that they had " un bon coin de singularite." 3 The 
Gramonts, on the other hand, stood well with the English 
court. Mary of Modena liked Gramont, even though he 
used to take pleasure in assuring the pious queen that he 
could not find anything to say when he went to Confession. 
Madame de Gramont was considered a kind of link between 
the English and the French court, and certainly of all the 
ladies of Versailles it was she whom Queen Mary knew best 
and admitted most frequently to her intimacy. During 
her last illness the Queen visited her and showed her every 
kindness. 4 

Richard Hamilton spent a large part of his time with the 
Cardinal de Bouillon at St. Martin de Pontoise, where the 

1 Hist. MSS. Comm., Stuart Papers at Windsor, I, p. 113. 

a Memoires, XV, p. 416. 

8 Ib. 

4 B.M., Add. MSS. 18966, f. 7, Falconer Madan, Stuart Papers, II, 
p. 316 ; Dangeau, II, pp. 390, 427 ; III, pp. 340, 341 ; Sourches, VIII, 
p. 257. 


cardinal, a nephew of Turenne's, had a large domain. 
Pleasant, easy-going and very much more popular than 
Anthony, Richard seems to have enjoyed himself thoroughly 
in the society of this witty bon vivant. Madame de Se- 
vigne's cousin, Coulanges, describes himself and ' the 
amiable Richard Hamilton ' as the two faithful commensals 
of the cardinal. 1 There were many places where Anthony 
Hamilton, too, was a welcome guest ; at Fitzjames, for 
instance, the property of the Duke of Berwick, to whom 
Hamilton was so much attached ; 2 at Maintenon, where he 
enjoyed the company of Madame de Caylus and the Duchesse 
de Noailles ; 3 at Saint-Maur, where M. le Due (grandson 
of the Grand Conde") was established, 4 and once he went 
to Lorraine to visit his niece, Marie Elisabeth de Gramont, 
Abbess of Poussay. 6 But one associates him especially 
with the Vendome circle the ' societe du Temple ' and 
the court of Madame du Maine at Sceaux. 

Both the Vendomes had served in Turenne's army at 
the same time as the Hamiltons ; the Duke had been 
wounded in the retreat of Altenheim, commanded by 
George Hamilton with the Chevalier de Boufflers ; the 
Hamiltons were therefore old acquaintances ; in fact, it is 
the Grand Prieur who is supposed to have made the Chanson 
on Richard Hamilton's return, prophesying the defeat of 
all lovers upon the advent of the invincible Richard. 6 
The Duke spent much of his free time with his guests at 
the chateau of Anet, once the property of Diane de Poitiers ; 

1 Sevign6, X, p. 358 (Coulanges to Mme. de Sevigne). 

1 The original name of Fitzjames was Warthi. Berwick's son, the 
Duke of Fitzjames, tells us that Hamilton " 6toit de la societ6 du marechal 
et n'en bougeoit : il y trouvoit 1'agrement et le plaisir qu'il savoit si bien y 
porter lui-me'me. (Berwick, Memoires, p. 466.) 

3 Hamilton, CEuvres, III, pp. 188, 192. 

4 76. , pp. 30, 232. The Relation d'un Voyage en Mauritanic, the grave 
and solemn account of a sail to Mauritania " on the third day of March in 
the year of the great Omelet " (an allusion to the Cardinal de Noailles' 
instructions for the better observation of Lent ; cf. Chaulieu, CEuvres 
(1757), II, p. 168) is nothing but a playful description of a visit to Saint- 
Maur. The reader will easily recognize what is meant by the Port Bas- 
tillan, the palace Vincenniade, the Isle Bouillonnante, the Princess 
Mainalide who sends manifestos in verse and, needless to say, le triste 
Marc Antonin, distraught with love, walking alone, talking to himself, 
asking for drink when hungry and for mustard when thirsty, is Anthony 
Hamilton himself. 

6 Hamilton, (Euvres, III, pp. 171, 242. 

Cf. p. 72 supra, and Sayons, Histoire de ja Litteratuve Franfaise d 
I'Etr anger, II, p. 380. 


just as frequently he took part in the festivities of the 
' Temple/ where the Grand Prieur likewise received a 
company of pleasant Epicureans wits and noblemen and 
those who combined both qualifications, for the Grand 
Prieur, the Altesse Chansonniere as Voltaire calls him, 1 
delighted even more than the Duke, his brother, in witty 
and cultivated society, and though assuredly these gather- 
ings were not feasts of reason, they were not mere drinking 
bouts. " Ces delicieux soupers du Temple," writes a some- 
what indulgent contemporary critic, " ou Tesprit n'etait 
que sentiment, la plaisanterie gaiete*, Terudition amusement 
et la critique instruction badine ; ou jamais il ne fut ques- 
tion, ni de ces dissertations pedantesques ni de ces propos 
affectes." 2 Saint-Simon's description of Chaulieu fits most 
of the habitues of the Temple, " un agreable debauche de 
fort bonne compagnie et qui faisoit aisement de jolis vers 
. . . et qui ne se piquoit pas de religion." 3 And most of 
the habitues would doubtless have subscribed to the frank 
confession of faith with which Chaulieu honoured Hamilton : 

Si j'6tais moins libertin 

Je serais plus mauvais poSte.* 

The Grand Prieur was in a way the patron of that small 
group of men who, far from the " conversions " and the 
piety of Versailles, cared little for religion and morals, and 
very much for the pleasures of the only life they could be 
sure of. To a man who had lived at the court of Charles II 
the Temple was certainly a more congenial place than the 
courts of Louis le Grand and " poor King James." 

La Fontaine, a frequent guest at the Temple, has left 
us a curious picture of one of the gatherings ; 5 from Hamil- 
ton we have, fortunately or unfortunately, no direct account, 
but most of the habitues of the Temple were his friends and 
correspondents ; the amiable Chaulieu, for instance, who 
" esteems him and has an affection for him that might 
be called adoration " ; 6 the unworthy friend of Madame 
de La Sabliere, the indolent Marquis de La Fare, whom his 

(Euvres, X, p. 240. 

Chaulieu, (Euvres (ed. 1730), I, Avertissement. 

Mtmoires (6d. Cheruel), XVII, p. 87. 

Hamilton, (Euvres, III, p. 51. 

(Euvres (Ed. des Grands Ecrivains), IX, pp. 449, 450. 

Hamilton, (Euvres, III, p. 208. 


intimates called Monsieur de la Cochonniere, and who, like 
Vendome the elder, died from an attack of indigestion ; 
Campistron, the dramatist and protege of Racine, La 
Chapelle, a versatile writer ; J. B. Rousseau, the author 
of pious odes for the Dauphin and licentious epigrams for 
the Temple ; M. de Nevers, the " due poetissime, pindaris- 
sime, senequissime," and his sister, Madame de Bouillon, 
not the least charming of Mazarin's nieces, and only seven 
years older than the Vendomes, her nephews ; Mademoiselle 
de La Force, who, after a very chequered existence, was 
invited by Louis XIV to retire to a convent, much to 
Hamilton's indignation ; Mademoiselle Certain, a well- 
known harpsichord player, whom he used to visit at her 
lodgings, rue Villedo, 1 and many others, Ninon, doubtless, 
la moderne Leontium, and Mademoiselle De Launay, for 
whom Chaulieu, in his extreme old age, had a sincere 
affection, and probably also young Arouet. In a letter to 
the Grand Prieur, written in 1716, Voltaire expressly 
mentions Hamilton as one of his masters, 2 and the fact 
that in his Temple du Gout he places Hamilton with La Fare 
and Chaulieu shows that these three were intimately asso- 
ciated in his mind. To the very rare first-hand knowledge 
we have of Hamilton, we may almost certainly add the 
quatrain written twelve years after his death : 

Auprds d'eux le vif Hamilton 

Tou jours arm6 d'un trait qui blesse, 

M&lisait de 1'humaine espSce 

Et m&ne d'un peu mieux, dit on. 8 

And when Voltaire says of him, " il e*tait fort satirique," 4 
is it not like a far-off echo from one of the " delicieux 
soupers du Temple/' where the young poet listened to the 
caustic remarks and the graceful cynicism of the elderly 

There is one other place where Voltaire may have met 
Hamilton, for the Temple was not the only place of refuge 
for the " degoutes de Versailles " ; 5 they went to Sceaux 
where there reigned the Duchesse du Maine, a kind of 

1 Hamilton, (Euvres, III, p. 209 ; cf. Desnoiresterres, Cours Galantes, 
III, p. 271 (and passim for the whole of this subject). 
* (Euvres, XXXIII, p. 40. 
Ib., VIII, p. 573- 

4 Ib., a note that he added in explanation of the above lines. 
6 Cf. F. T. Perrens, Les Libertins en France au ij e Siecle, p. 369. 


spoilt child, wilful, headstrong, clever, not without some 
of the eccentricity that marked the later Condes and with 
not enough ' religion ' to satisfy Madame de Maintenon, 
who would fain have chosen a more pious wife for the prince 
she had brought up. 1 The Duchess wished to be amused 
and threw herself heart and soul into the ' Divertissemens ' 
she organized ; but, as Fontenelle remarks, " elle voulut 
que la joie eut de 1'esprit." 2 In this respect Sceaux was not 
unlike the Temple, there, however, the resemblance ceases, 
for the Duchess was too fastidious to have tolerated the 
bonne compagnie of the Grand Prieur, and no accusations 
can be brought against the court of Sceaux, as far as manners 
and morals are concerned. Her ambition was to bring 
together a polite and lettered society, and to rule over it, 
an undisputed queen. Like the gatherings of the Hotel 
de Rambouillet, Madame du Maine's assemblies consisted 
partly of the grand monde and partly of those who were 
received for the sake of their wit and culture, and on a 
footing of perfect equality. Among the latter we find 
Saint-Aulaire, La Motte Houdart, the presidents Renault 
and de Mesmes, Fontenelle, Arouet, occasionally Chaulieu 
and La Fare, but above all the indispensable court poets 
and organizers of the Divertissemens, the Abbe Genest and 
the amiable Malezieu, " cet homme d'un esprit presque 
universel," 3 who taught Greek and Latin to the Due du 
Maine, mathematics to the Due de Bourgogne, astronomy 
and anything else she happened to be interested in to the 
Duchess, arranged her entertainments and composed more 
than his share of the letters in verse, chansons, madrigals, 
rondeaux and other works required of those belonging to 
the ' galeres du bel esprit/ 

Malezieu had a small property not far from Sceaux, 
called Chatenay. The Duchess often visited him there, 
and, once a year, Malezieu invited her and her whole court 
to the fete de Chatenay. Music, comedies, ballets, mas- 
querades, illuminations, nothing was left undone that 
would amuse her. Anthony Hamilton was present at the 
fete of August, 1705, and the account which he gives of the 
proceedings in a letter to Henrietta Bulkeley deserves to 
be quoted ; it may stand as a fairly good example of the 

1 Cf. Maintenon, Corr. G6n. t III, p. 384. 

2 (Euvres (Paris, 1818), I, p. 385. 

3 The expression is Voltaire's, V, p. 8i r 


badinage with which he entertained his correspondents. 
The long list of guests conveys an idea of the society that 
used to meet at Sceaux. 

"... Avant de vous parler des pre*paratifs et du 
spectacle, il est bon de vous nommer les principaux de ceux 
qui s'etaient rendus a Sceaux pour y assister : c'etoient 
M. le due, mademoiselle d'Enguien, M. le comte d'Har- 
court, autrefois abbe de ce nom, madame sa femme, madame 
la duchesse d'Albemarle recommandable par son erudition, 
monsieur le due et madame la duchesse de Nevers avec 
mademoiselle leur fille, madame la duchesse de La Ferte 
et madame de Mirepoix, madame la duchesse de la Feuil- 
lade, madame la duchesse de Quintin, madame la comtesse 
de Dreux, madame de la Vieuville, madame la comtesse de 
Lussan, madame la marquise de Moras, madame la comtesse 
d'Artagnan, M. le due de Coaslin, M. le president de Mesmes, 
M. le marquis de Lassay, M. le baron de Ricousse, M. 
Caryll gentilhomme anglais et M. de Fimarcon. Remarquez, 
s'il vous plait, Mademoiselle, que cette liste n'est qu'un 
tres petit denombrement de ceux qui e*toient pries, et que 
la cour ordinaire de madame du Maine, avec Tordre entier 
de la Mouche, dont je ne parle point, e*toit de la fete. Toute 
cette compagnie partit dimanche, neuvieme du mois, 
une heure apres midi, pour se rendre a Chatenay, distant 
de Sceaux d'environ quinze stades, il se trouva des voitures 
toutes pretes pour la compagnie que je viens de nommer ; 
madame la duchesse de La Ferte*, qui par hasard m'aimait 
ce jour-la, me fit 1'honneur de me mettre avec elle et madame 
de Mirepoix, dans une caleche ouverte, ou deux personnes 
des plus minces, dans la saison la plus froide, seroient en 
danger d'etouffer. 

" II faut avouer que les faveurs du beau sexe seroient 
bien precieuses, si elles etoient plus durables ; les dames 
qui m'avoient distingue par cette preference, s'en re*pentirent 
apparemment ; car elles dirent que j'avois ete de tres 
mauvaise compagnie pendant le voyage. Si je voulois vous 
mander en detail ce qu'il y avoit de rare et de magnifique 
dans la celebration de cette fete, je n'aurois jamais fait. 
Imaginez vous que le premier spectacle qui se presenta 
lorsque tout le^monde fut arrive, fut une galerie de plain 
pied au jardin, dans laquelle il y avoit une table de vingt- 
cinq converts, ou vingt-cinq dames, plus belles les unes que 


les autres se placerent ; dans la meme galerie, une autre 
table de dix-huit ou vingt couverts fut servie en meme 
temps pour M. le due, M. le due du Maine, et une partie 
des hommes ; mais il faut voir de quelle magnificence, de 
quelle profusion, et de quelle delicatesse tout cela fut servi. 
"... Au sortir de la table on se mit a jouer pendant 
que tout se preparoit pour la comedie. La salle ou elle fut 
representee etoit au milieu du jardin ; c'etoit un grand 
espace convert et environne de toiles, ou Ton avoit eleve 
un theatre, dont les decorations etoient entrelacees de 
feuillages verts, fraichement coupees, et illumines d'une 
prodigieuse quantite de bougies. La piece en trois actes 
est de M. de Malezieu ; elle etoit melee de danses, de recits 
et de symphonies ; et afin que vous ne puissiez douter 
qu'elle ne fut representee dans toute sa perfection, vous 
saurez que madame la duchesse du Maine y jouoit ; made- 
moiselle de Moras, M. de Malezieu, M. Crom [Mayercron], 
M. Landais, M. Dampierre, M. Caramon, et un ofncier de 
rArtillerie, dont j'oublie le nom, en etoient les acteurs : 
pour les intermedes, c'etoient Balon, Dumoulin, et les 
Allards qui formoient les entrees : les paroles du prologue 
et des recits etoient de M. de Nevers pour I'italien, et de 
M. de Malezieu pour le franc, ois, excellemment mises en 
musique par Matair ; et le tout execute par les voix et les 
instruments de la musique du roi. Le spectacle dura trois 
heures et demie, sans ennuyer un moment ; il est vrai qu'il 
fut interrompu vers le milieu de la representation, par un 
laquais de madame d'Albemarle, qui pendant qu'on etoit 
le plus attentif, et qu'on suoit a grosses gouttes, fit lever 
tout le monde pour porter une coiffe et une echarpe sa 
maitresse, de peur du serein ; Dieu sait les benedictions 
qu'on donnoit a son laquais et a la delicatesse de son tem- 
perament ! Le souper fut encore plus magnifique que le 
premier repas ; les dames s'y presentment avec les memes 
charmes et quelquechose de plus ; les applaudissements 
fournirent les premiers entretiens ; on se mit de bonne 
humeur ; les faiseurs d'impromptus ajouterent quelques 
plats de leur fa$on a ceux de I'entremets ; M. de Nevers 
commen9a ; un homme qu'on prit pour moi, poursuivit, 
et ne fit rien qui vaille. Je ne vous envoie pas ces ouvrages, 
parce que vous avez assez mal regu ceux que je vous ai 
deja envoy es. Apres le souper on tira force fusees, et a une 
heure apres minuit le bal commenga, je ne vous dirai point 


a quelle heure il finit, car je me retirai a la petite point e 
du jour, qu'on ne faisoit que commencer les contredanses : 
je regagnai Sceaux, j'y dormis deux heures ; et quand j'en 
suis parti, je ne doute pas qu'on ne dansat encore a Chate- 
nay." 1 

Though Hamilton professes to despise some of the puerile 
amusements of Sceaux, he too submitted to the caprices of 
the despotic little duchess, wrote verses in her honour, 
composed impromptus for her, even if he had no love for 
" the monster commonly known as the Impromptu," 2 and 
when Madame du Maine ordered her willing courtiers to 
write in the manner of Marot : 

Or maintenant, en ce grand changement 
Ou notre Cour reprend la Vertugade 
Reprendre il faut le style de Clement 
Pour rimailler encor joyeusement, 
Le Virelais, chant Royal et Balade, 8 

M. d'Amilthon, as obedient a slave of the galleres du bel 
esprit as any other, composed for her the rather charming 
Rondeau Redouble, " Par grand' bonte cheminoient autre- 
fois," which is among the best things he has written. At 
times the Duchess instituted what she called a poetical 
lottery ; the letters of the alphabet were put into a bag 
and those present were all made to draw one. The person 
to whose share the letter A fell was obliged to produce 
an aria or an apotheosis, C required a comedy, F a fable, 
O an ode or an opera, R a rondeau, S a sonnet, etc. 4 Childish 
though all this seems, there is little doubt that we have to 
thank Madame du Maine, in a way, for making Hamilton 
embark upon the career of a poet in his old age and for 
compelling him to overcome a certain indolence, since he 
rhymed, not because he had an over-mastering impulse to 
do so, but because he was made to rhyme, because it was 
the fashion and because it pleased the ladies with whom he 
professed to be so violently in love. Not one of his stories 
and poems but is composed for a lady of his acquaintance 
and usually at her command. 
With the poet-laureate of Sceaux, Malezieu, he was on 

1 (Euvres, III, pp. 149-153. 

8 16., p. 61. 

8 Divertissemens de Seaux, p. 8. 

4 Caylus, Souvenirs, p. 510, a note by Voltaire. 


the best of terms, at least, if one may judge from the compli- 
ments in verse which they exchanged. Malezieu called him 
a New Amphion and gallantly remarked : 

Rien ne peut effacer un nom 
Celebre par Amilthon. 

Hamilton considered Malezieu more elegant than Voiture, 
and if he really meant that, it was the highest praise he 
could give. When Malezieu invited Madame du Maine to 
Chatenay, new verses were written in honour of the house, 
to which Malezieu replied : 

Amilton par son art magique 
Transforme en Palais magnifique 
Cette miserable maison. 

In fact, Hamilton was described at Sceaux as the Horace 
of Albion, and this title was given to him before any of the 
prose writings by which we remember him were known 
or had attained renown. 1 It was merely for some vers de 
societe, poetry of a kind, some of which was doubtless 
allowed to fade away on its yellow paper amongst the letters 
and ribbons of the ladies for whom it was written and some 
of which has come down to us and strikes us as dull and 
insipid, because we never beheld those who inspired the 
poet's pen and because we no longer understand the hidden 

1 Divertissement de Seaux, pp. 370, 374, 376, 397, 471. 



BECAUSE of these many absences from Saint-Germain 
it must not be thought that Hamilton found no 
pleasure there. Some congenial spirits were there 
at least : Middleton, according to Sir William 
Temple, " a very valuable man and a good scholar " ; 
Sheridan, the historian ; John Caryll, whom his epitaph 
describes as " prseclaro et sublimi ingenio literatura omnigena 
expolito clarus " j 1 and his nephew, John Caryll, immortal- 
ized in the Rape of the Lock. And above all there was a 
newer and happier generation growing up at St. Germain, 
a generation either born there or too young to remember 
the country they had left. ' Poor King James ' had been 
gathered to his fathers in 1701, and the court of the young 
king and the princess, Marie Louise, could not but be 
something more light-hearted than the court of the deeply 
humiliated monarch with his penitence and his mortifica- 
tions of the flesh. Not one of the letters that Hamilton 
writes from Saint- Germain between 1700 and 1710 approaches 
the pessimism of Zeneyde, rather we get the picture of a 
happy and united little kingdom that does not even lack its 
court poet. 2 For what Voiture was at the Hotel de Ram- 
bouillet, what Male*zieu and Genest were at Sceaux, what 

1 Guilhermy, Inscriptions de la France (Paris, 1873), I, p. 615. 

* As at Sceaux, the inhabitants of the court of Saint-Germain went by 
nicknames, the Princess was called la deesse in nubibus ; the Duke of 
Berwick, le brochet ; the Countess Ploydon, la Piccioline ; Miss Butler, 
a cousin of the Hamiltons, le petit violon ; Henrietta Bulkeley, Mamzelle ; 
Charlotte Bulkeley, Clarice ; one of the gentlemen, possibly Richard 
Hamilton, Lysander ; John Caryll, the younger, Cupidon ; occasionally 
Anthony Hamilton calls himself le belier, and doubtless there were other 
names that have not come down to us. (Cf. Hamilton, CEuvres, III, passim.) 


Chaulieu was at Saint-Maur and at the Temple, that Hamil- 
ton was at Saint-Germain, and the Jacobite court had not the 
worst of these faithful and gallant poets. And whereas 
Voiture was a bourgeois, whereas Malezieu, Genest and 
Chaulieu were subordinates and obliged to direct most of 
their efforts ad majorem gloriam of M. le Due and his sister 
Madame la Duchesse du Maine, except for the Princess 
Louise, Hamilton was the independent equal of the ladies 
he celebrated and wrote as much and more for ' Clarice ' 
and his ' belle B.' as for Madame la Princesse d'Angleterre. 

The list of his fair * nymphs ' of Saint-Germain is a long 
one ; it would include the Duchess of Perth and the Duchess 
of Albemarle, the ' Marquise Arthur/ the Countesses Ploy- 
don and Drummond, Mrs. Marischal, Mrs. Sheldon, Mrs. 
Bidle and a host of young beauties, the two daughters of 
the Earl of Melfort, Miss Skelton, Miss Strickland, the 
Misses Nugent, Miss Middleton, anyone of whom could 
command a thousand lovers and resembled her to whom 
on Mount Ida Paris gave the apple. But above all Hamilton 
admired the four Bulkeleys, Charlotte, Ann, Henrietta and 
Laura, the daughters of Lady Sophia Bulkeley, a lady of 
the Bedchamber to the Queen. Their aunt was la belle 
Stuart, familiar to readers of the Gramont Memoirs, and, 
if Hamilton may be believed, they had inherited no small 
share of their aunt's beauty. Charlotte was married to 
Charles, Viscount Clare, who lost his life in 1706; Anne 
became the Duke of Berwick's second wife in 1700 ; three 
years before Hamilton's death Henrietta was still living at 
Saint- Germain, 1 but nothing more is known of her and her 
sister Laura. 

All these ladies could claim Hamilton's pen. The nymphs 
of Saint-Germain bathing in the river or attired for a hunt 
are described at great length ; Madame Clare at her toilet, 
the Countess F. at her harpsichord, the Princess painted 
by Arlo, form the subject of gallant verses. During a 
thunderstorm Hamilton amuses the ladies by improvis- 
ing a chanson ; he writes fairy tales for them, Zeneyde 
for Madame Ploydon, L'Enchanteur Faustus for his niece 
Margaret Hamilton, 2 Les Quatre Facardins for the 

1 Hamilton, CEuvres, III, pp. 133-137. The letter is undated, but must 
have been written in 1716. 

2 Bibl. Nat. ms., fr. 32964, f. 85, shows that Margaret Hamilton is the 
niece for whom L'Enohanteur is intended. 


Countess F., La Pyr amide et le Cheval d'Or for Laura 
O'Brien de Clare ; Henrietta Bulkeley considers Le 
Belier as her own, and there is some one doubtless to 
whom Fleur d'Epine belongs. If one of them, Mrs. 
Nugent or Miss Skelton, for instance, is celebrating her 
fete or her birthday, Hamilton is sure to remember her 
with some complimentary song ; a bunch of daffodils sent 
to ' Clarice ' is accompanied by a poem ; his empty snuff- 
box goes to the Duchess of Berwick with a poetic Placet. 
When the King, the Princess and the whole English court 
visit the Countess de Gramont at Pontalie, Hamilton is 
ordered to celebrate the event, and he writes a song that 
is sung to the tune of Le Grand Conde terrible en guerre; 
it is interesting to note that, with his usual mock gravity, 
he speaks pompously of this visit as le second voyage de 
Pontalie, just as Dangeau at Versailles speaks of le voyage 
de Marly and le voyage de Fontainebleau. He sups with 
James III, the young King calls on him for a toast, and 
though Hamilton does not love anything in the nature 
of an impromptu he responds gracefully. As his talent 
becomes known, others avail themselves of his skill. He 
corresponds with Chaulieu in the name of his niece, Lady 
Stafford, and with Saint-vremond in Gramont's name, he 
writes for Gramont to the Due de Berry, for the Sisters of 
Saint-Dominique de Poissy to the Sisters of Sainte-Marie de 
Chaillot, he composes verses for the Princess with Henrietta 
Bulkeley ; others imitate him, madrigals and epigrams are 
the fashion at St. Germain. 

Though Hamilton seems to have liked the young King 
well enough, he had more of an affection for the Princess 
Louise, and his preference was generally shared. 1 Almost 
regularly for her birthday, he sends her verses ; during her 
frequent absences at the convent of Chaillot he writes 
her letters in the hope that they may amuse her, gallant 
descriptions of her abound. He praises her gracious manners 
which charm everybody, and the grace with which she 
moves and dances, for the young princess, though sharing 
her mother's gentleness and piety, seems to have enjoyed 
dancing with a juvenile whole-heart edness ; she figures 
in a ballet with Laura Bulkeley, Miss Skelton and the 
' Countess ' Drummond, and she even composes a dance 

1 Cf. e.g. Maintenon, Lettres indites, I, pp. 169, 172, 176, 


called les quatre faces you pirouette nine times to your 
right and eight times to your left, all in one breath, and 
when you come to that part of the dance which resembles 
the cotillon, you have but to jump fifteen times into the air, 
clearing the ground by five feet ; that, at least, is the way 
in which Hamilton saw her Royal Highness dance it. 1 
The companions of the Princess, Anne Skelton and Marie 
Strickland were of about the same age as she ; Laura Bulkeley 
does not seem to have been much older ; Laura O'Brien de 
Clare and the little Nugents were very much younger. 2 
There are many people who see in Hamilton only the 
cynical and uncharitable author of the Memoires de Gram- 
mont ; in Devereux Bulwer Lytton makes Hamilton exclaim : 
" Compliments are the dullest things imaginable. For God's 
sake let us leave panegyric to blockheads and say something 
bitter to one another, or we shall die of ennui." Here, how- 
ever, we have Hamilton in an entirely different aspect the 
elderly beau writing poems and fairy tales for little girls 
in their teens, treating them with an exaggerated gallantry 
that must have been after the heart of those who aspired 
to be little girls no longer. 

It was in the society of Lady Bulkeley's four daughters 
that Hamilton seems to have spent most of his time when 
he was at Saint-Germain, and when he writes to the Duke of 
Berwick his letters are full of what may be called family news. 
We get delightful glimpses of the ladies of Saint- Germain 
mending their falbalas, working at their tapestry under the 
trees, or washing their laces and hanging them up in the 
garden to dry, or, some other day, playing at bowls and at 
blind man's buff, and courageously scaling haycocks ' with 
a very advantageous disorder in their dress.' While Berwick 
is away at war, Hamilton and other elderly courtiers attend 
the ladies and endeavour to dispel their anxiety, " Vous 
etes fort incommodes, vous autres gens de guerre qui vous 
rendez si terribles a vos ennemis et si chers a vos femmes ; 
vous ne sauriez croire la peine qu'elles nous donnent en 
votre absence. A chaque mouvement que font les armees 
nous les voyons tout eperdues ; elles s'imaginent qu'on ne 
marche que pour se battre et qu'on n'en veut qu'a leurs 

1 Hamilton, (Euvres, III, p. 116. 

1 The Princess was born in 1692, Miss Strickland in 1690, Miss Skelton 
in 1693, Laura O'Brien de Clare (Charlotte Bulkeley's daughter) in 1697, 
the eldest of the Nugenta in 1697 and Louise Marie Middleton in 1701. 


maris ; notre rhetorique ne fait que blanchir aupres 
de leur frayeur ; et le seul expedient que nous ayons 
trouve pour etourdir leurs tendres inquietudes, est de faire 
diversion par de petites parties de plaisir purement a vos 
intentions/' 1 

The ladies are invited to partake of collations in the 
garden tartlets, cheese-cakes, syllabubs and sackposset 
comfort the ' afflicted beauties ' and make them forget the 
absent ones for a while, and then some one tactlessly men- 
tions Villars' campaigns or the officious Lindsey has nothing 
better to do than to announce Berwick's march on Tongres 
and to congratulate the Duchess in advance on the reputa- 
tion that her husband is sure to win. Henrietta Bulkeley 
pales, her tears drop fast on her tapestry, Hamilton allows 
her grief to take its course, but thinking it safer she should 
be disarmed, he takes away her scissors. As for the Duchess, 
he assures her that the Duke will probably not lose more 
than an arm or a leg or perhaps an eye, and that if worse 
comes to worse and the Duke is slain, Villars will avenge his 
death gallantly. Moreover, if it is the will of Heaven that 
she become a widow, there are other husbands in this world, 
but if she allows herself to die of despair there will be no more 
Nanettes left. Then Riva comforts her by relating how in 
the ancient wars of Italy fifty thousand Guelphs fought a 
whole day long against fifty-three thousand Ghibellines, 
and how between them they had but one killed and two 
wounded. All this has its effect for the time being, but 
the consolations have always to be begun over again. Last 
night the Duchess received a letter which made her weep 
during two hours. Why can these men of war not keep 
quiet and leave others to their repose ? 2 

On one occasion it is the Duchess herself who arranges 
a walk. In the wood of Saint-Germain there stands a chapel 
dedicated to Saint-Thibaut, a saint who is said to cure all 
manners of fever. The worthy Dicconson, the Queen's 
Treasurer, has just been suffering from an attack, so the 
ladies, always charitable to their neighbour, resolve to under- 
take a pilgrimage to the chapel of St. Thibaut, to intercede 
for Mr. Dicconson, though they hardly know him. After 
accomplishing their devotions they spread dinner on the 
grass and all sit down except the Chevalier de La Salle, 
who is scolded, as usual, for his want of piety and ordered 

1 (Euvres, III, p. 77. Ib., pp. 83, 84. 


to go down on his knees before the chapel door whilst the 
others are dining. The chevalier complains that he has 
forgotten his hour book and that he knows no prayers by 
heart, so he is allowed to sit down, not with them, but at 
the foot of a tree and the ladies give him something to eat 
if he will promise to wash the glasses afterwards. Mean- 
while they have quite forgotten about Mr. Dicconson and 
his fever, and suddenly Mr. Dicconson appears in person. 
The Duchess blushes and the others all joyfully cry "A 
miracle I " for they find that the fever left him just after 
they had put up their last prayer to the saint. And at 
night they return, and the poet cannot but be gay in their 
jocund company, and the shepherds and shepherdesses, the 
nymphs and dryads peep through the leaves to see them 
pass. 1 

The Duke, though at the head of an army, finds time to 
write back long letters in prose and in verse. But one of the 
letters gives great offence to the ladies, and the worthy Hamil- 
ton, well versed in the code of chivalry and knowing that 
there is but one course of action to him who has deserved 
the wrath of his mistress, merely counsels Berwick, with 
great gravity, on the kind of death he is to choose. " Mon 
avis done seroit, que vous mettant dans un fauteuil, en 
bonnet de nuit, la tabatiere d'un cote, une plume et de 
Tencre de 1'autre ; et vous appuyant sur la table dans la 
posture d'un homme qui reve, vous mourussiez d'apoplexie ; 
car cela est fait dans un moment : 

Ou bien que, montant a cheval, 
La nuit, au milieu des tenbres 
Vous gagniez ces rives celdbres 
Ou le Rhin se perd dans le Whal ; 
Que la, sans aucune remise, 
Vous deiassiez votre ruban, 
Que vous 6tiez votre chemise 
Pour la laisser au bon Letang ; 
Et que la tete la premiere 
Vers ses gouffres les plus profonds 
Vous vous jetiez dans la riviere, 
Et que vous restiez tout au fond 
Une bonne heure tout entidre. 2 

The ladies of Saint- Germain are convinced that the Duke 
has not survived the loss of their affections so they busy 

1 Ib., pp. 118-120. 2 Ib., p. 92. 


themselves with a cenotaph, a haycock is erected to his 
memory and they vie with each other in composing epi- 
taphs, though Hamilton unkindly tells Henrietta Bulkeley 
that what she has composed is an elegy and not an epitaph. 
A letter arrives and it is from Berwick, who is still in life ! 
Hamilton is amazed, he writes back politely but not without 
some coldness. " Au reste," he concludes, " vous avez 
beau nous menacer de votre retour pour nous empecher 
de profiter de votre absence, quand votre general et vous 
auriez des moustaches retroussees jusqu'aux yeux, nous 
irions toujours notre petit train aupres des dames puisqu' 
elles veulent bien de nous, et je crois que je ne ferai pas 
mal de les laisser dans 1'erreur de votre mort encore un jour 
ou deux, c'est-a-dire, jusqu'a ce qu'elles vous aient entiere- 
ment oublieY' 1 

When Berwick goes to Spain with his army his letters are 
considered laconic, but, Heaven be praised, all Spaniards 
are not so, for did not the Comtesse de Gramont just the 
other day show Hamilton a letter from Don Thadeo Thadei 
de Burgo six pages closely written and containing not one 
sentence which was not politic ? Berwick is not always 
away alone. On one occasion he takes his wife, la belle 
Nanette, and her sister Henrietta to spend the winter at 
Montpellier, where he is stationed. Perhaps he may take 
them on to Spain. Hamilton professes despair at Henrietta's 
departure. It has sometimes been stated that Hamilton 
was in love with her and that but for their poverty they 
would have married. It is true that he was anxious she 
should think well of him and that, not unnaturally, he felt 
aggrieved when she called one of his elaborate epistles to 
Berwick " the silliest letter in the world " ; it is true that 
his tale, Le Belier, was dedicated to her, and that the 
letters to " Mademoiselle B." are amongst the most charm- 
ing of his writings and full of professions of the most violent 
passion, but it is not likely that Henrietta took them to 
be more serious than her very elderly lover intended them 
to be. 2 

It was during her absence at Montpellier that Hamilton 
wrote the above-mentioned letters to her. In these letters 
she is made to play the part of a belle dame sans merci 

1 (Euvres, III, p. 99. 

1 He was about thirty years older than her eldest sister, who was born 
in 1674. (Cf. Dulon, p. 120.) 


and he that of the faithful spurned lover, but, as the following 
extracts will show, he wanted to amuse her with his badinage 
and nothing more. " Que puis-je faire, Mademoiselle, pour 
ne vous etre plus insupportable ? J'ai honte d'etre encore 
en vie, apres avoir merit e votre indignation, et apres les 
assurances que je vous ai donnees dans ma derniere lettre, 
de ne vivre plus que quelques jours ; mais ce qu'il y a de 
plus extraordinaire a mon aventure, c'est que la violence du 
desespoir, qui fait chercher aux autres des solitudes pour 
gemir, des arbres pour se pendre, et des rochers pour se 
precipiter, m'a conduit au beau milieu de Sceaux le meme 
jour que . . . toutes les beaut es de 1'Univers, except e 
celles de votre famille s'y etoient rassemblees pour la fete 
de Chatenay. Je fus d'abord tente d'en troubler la celebra- 
tion par un evenement tragique, car croyant bien que je 
ne trouverois jamais une plus belle occasion de me punir 
et de signaler mon repentir, j'etois sur le point d'assembler 
la compagnie autour de moi, de leur dire que vous etiez 
la plus charmante personne du monde et moi le plus grand 
coquin ; et apres vous avoir nomme trois fois, avec trois 
horribles soupirs de me donner trois coups d'epee au milieu 
du cceur : mais faisant reflexion que je suis a vous absolu- 
ment, j'ai cru que je ne devois pas me tuer sans votre per- 
mission ; et qu'en attendant que vous eussiez la bonte de 
me 1'accorder, je ne ferois pas mal de donner toute mon 
attention aux magnificences de cette fete pour vous en 
faire une espere de relation/' 1 Henrietta writes back quite 
graciously and Hamilton is charmed with the next few 
letters, but he is uneasy about one thing " Au milieu des 
choses obligeantes que vous avez la bonte de me dire dans 
votre lettre, vous ne faites pas un mot de reponse sur les 
plaintes que je vous avois faites, de me voir faire des presents 
de Montpellier, sans y avoir ajoute la moindre chose de 
votre part; peut-etre faites- vous faire une epee garnie de 
rubis et de diamants, ou quelque belle echarpe brodee de 
vos chiffres par vos belles mains, telles que la reine Thomyris 
ou la princesse Placidie envoyerent au vaillant Spitridate 
ou a 1'amoureux Constance. Je les recevrai avec le meme 
respect et les memes transports/' 2 

Unfortunately, as Henrietta is on her way home, she 
repents of her leniency and scrawls an unkind message at the 

1 (Euvres, III, pp. 148, 149. 2 /&., p. 158. 



foot of her sister's letter to Hamilton and the faithful lover 
is once more in disgrace. " Dieu veuille bien vous pardonner 
toutes vos injustices ! " he writes back with mock humility, 
" Ce n'etait pas la peine de vous faire tant importuner. . . . 
pour m'e'crire des cruautes ; je n'ai pas laisse de baiser ces 
inhumanites, et de vous en remercier, comme je fais bien 
humblement ; car c'est toujours m'ecrire que de m'ecrire 
en colre, et c'est ce que vous ne ferez plus, des que vos 
appas ne logeront qu'a trois pas de moi/' 1 

If we associate Anthony Hamilton more with Henrietta 
Bulkeley than with the other ladies for whom and to whom 
he wrote, it is because his prose works are infinitely superior 
to his poetry and his letters are thus more easily read than 
the far more numerous chansons and rondeaux written in 
honour of ' Clare/ ' Clarice/ ' Vance/ ' Laire/ in other 
words of Charlotte Bulkeley, Viscountess Clare. Needless 
to say, the ' adorable Varice ' is cruel and unkind, and, 
like all the other nymphs to whom Hamilton presents his 
homages, she is a ' tigress/ One is more than once reminded 
of the complicated but superficial gallantry of Voiture, of 
Voiture posing as the hapless lover of Sylvie and Uranie. 
Like Voiture Hamilton delights to complain of the unjust 
harshness with which he is treated. " Pray, Madam/' he 
writes very seriously to a lady in a note accompanying a 
copy of verses which he had composed in her name for her 
sister, Mrs. Nugent, " pray, Madam, be pleased to write 
out these verses with your own fair hand. I should be very 
loath that anybody should beleive that I could be so ridicu- 
lous, as to be so bold, as to presume to go about, to take 
the liberty to endeavour to write anything for you, that 
were worthy to be own'd in a manner, as it were a thing 
proceeding from your own sweet judgment and imagina- 
tion ; and, moreover, lett me tell you, that Mylady your 
sister would not tuch this song or sonnet with a paire of 
tongs, so be that her Ladyship could suspect that I had 
a hand in the matter ; the truth is that her mind and fancy 
does so runn on a younger brother of mine, lately come from 
the wars, that it would pity your soul to see how she uses 
one." 2 His lot, he says elsewhere, is always to be much 

1 GZuvres, p. 1 59. 

1 Jb., edition of 1776, Vol. VII, pp. 26-27, r edition of 1777, Vol. 
VII, p. 30. The only English letter ever printed and only in these par- 
ticular editions. 


more appreciated when he is at a distance than when he 
is present, especially by those whom he desires most of all 
to please, 1 and sometimes the ladies for whom he writes 
affect to despise not only him but his writings ; he has no 
more authority as a poet than a prophet has honour in his 
own country. 2 At times he fixes on the walls of Venus' 
temple his arms and his useless lyre (Regina, sublimi flagello 
tange Chloen semel arrogantem), but it is not long before 
he forgets the decisive step he has taken. 3 

Through his connexion with the Gramonts Hamilton 
became known to other circles. In January, 1701, the 
Mercure Galant printed the letter he had written in 
Gramont's name to the Due de Berry. 4 A letter likewise 
written in Gramont's name to Boileau first roused the 
latter 's curiosity as to the person of the author, " Quis 
novus hie vestris successit sedibus hospes ? " he asks of the 
Due de Noailles who had forwarded the letter. 5 And though 
Hamilton was never willing to have his works printed 6 
(nor would he have applied the term ' works ' to his writings), 
he sent his friends manuscript copies of whatever struck 
him as a pretty piece of wit. Dangeau received a copy of 
one of his letters to Berwick which, unfortunately, has not 
come down to us and he writes back to say that the letter 
has been " du gout de tous les honnetes gens de Marli." 7 
To Madame de Caylus Hamilton sent a manuscript of 
Le Belier and two other volumes of his compositions. 8 
Madame, mother of the Regent, was honoured in the same 
way. 9 Madame de Maintenon was well enough acquainted 

1 OSuvres, III, p. 157. 

2 Ib., p. 144. 
8 Ib., p. 302. 

4 " Je suis bien aise," the Mercure remarks to the reader, " de vous 
pouvoir envoyer une copie de la lettre que vous avez tant envie de voir. 
Elle est extremement recherchee et vostre curiosit6 s'accorde en cela avec 
celle de toute la cour." 

* Hamilton, (Euvres, III, p. 192. 

6 Avis du Libraire, Fleur d'Epine, 1731. 

7 Hamilton, (Euvres, III, p. 54. 

8 Bibl. Nat., ma. fr. 32964, Nos. 357 and 358. These letters from 
Hamilton to Madame de Caylus have been printed in Du Boscq de Beau- 
mont et Bernos, La Cour des Stuarts a Saint-Germain en Laye, but for some 
reason or other the authors have not reproduced the remark on Le Btlier 
which is a postscript to the second of the letters. 

9 Lettres, II, pp. no, in. 


with his writings to declare that a certain " Histoire de la 
Poupee " had not and could not have come from his pen. 1 
A set of verses that Hamilton had sent to Coulanges in 
answer to some he had received, was copied out by Cou- 
langes and forwarded to Madame de Grignan. " Eh bien, 
Madame, n'etes-vous pas contente de cette re*ponse et 
ne merite-t-elle pas bien que je vous 1'envoie ? " 2 A 
translation of the Essay on Criticism reached Pope, who 
with great exaggeration remarked that Hamilton's verses 
were no more translations of his than Virgil's were of 
Homer, but that they were " the justest imitation, and the 
noblest Commentary/' 3 Boileau and others received 
copies of his famous " Epistle to Gramont," and the great 
critic, pleased by a flattering allusion to himself, wrote 
back that everything in the Epistle had struck him as 
" fin, spirituel, agreable et inge*nieux " and that the one 
thing he objected to was its shortness. 4 It is this Epistle, 
written in the end of 1704 or in the very beginning of 1705, 
that first won Hamilton a certain amount of celebrity. 
Complimentary letters in prose and in verse congratulated 
him on his achievement, and these letters, copied and circu- 
lated in turn, contributed as much to the renown of him 
who was their object as to the fame of the ingenious authors. 
With this letter we are not far off from the Memoires de 
Grammont, for Hamilton is here considering the question of 
leaving to posterity an account of the chevalier's exploits. 
The Memoirs, as we know, appeared in print in 1713, six 
years after Gramont's death, but they seem to have been 
written during his lifetime, viz. in 1705 or I7o6. 6 There 
is a well-known anecdote to the effect that it was Gramont 
himself who sold the manuscript for fifteen hundred francs, 
and that it was Gramont who, after complaining to the 
Lord Chancellor, forced the unwilling Fontenelle, at that 
time censor, to license the book. Duclos, who tells this 
story, assures us that he had it from Fontenelle himself. 6 
There is probably a certain amount of truth in it ; not that 
Gramont sold the manuscript which appeared only some 

Geffroy, Madame de Maintenon d'apr&s sa correspondence, II, p. 148. 
S6vigne, Lettres, X, pp. 495, 496. 

Pope, Works (London, Elwin and Courthope, 1886), X, p. 103. 
Hamilton, (Euvres, III, p. 48. 
Cf. p. 202 infra. 
Duclos, (Euvres (Paris, 1821), III, p. 462. 


time after his death, not that he obliged Fontenelle to give 
his consent, since the book appeared under the rubric of 
Cologne and so needed no licence, but it is quite possible 
that Gramont wished to have the book published and that 
Fontenelle uncompromisingly opposed its publication. 

In any case, Gramont cannot have carried on his struggle 
with Fontenelle long. His health for some time past had 
been critical ; twice he had been on the verge of death, 
in 1692 and again in 1702. His friends called these recoveries 
' resurrections/ and remarked that he crossed and re- 
crossed Cocytus with more ease than they could cross a 
brook. 1 During his illness in 1692 the pious Countess had 
been in great distress about her husband's salvation, for 
no one could pretend that Gramont had much ' religion.' 

Allait-il souvent a la Messe ? 
Entendait-il vepres, sermon ? 
S'appliquoit-il a 1'oraison ? 
II en laissoit le soin a la Comtesse. 2 

Madame de Gramont read to her husband, prayed with 
him and seems to have instructed the one-time Abbe, the 
Chevalier du Saint- Esprit, in the rudiments of religion ; 
at least, if Saint-Simon and Madame may be believed. 
The latter, and she gives the Countess as her authority, 
relates that when the Countess read the passage where the 
Apostles abandon Christ, Gramont began to weep and 
said : " Oh, the traitors ! But why did He choose out 
varlets as His followers and common people like fishermen ? 
Why did He not rather have Himself attended by Gascon 
noblemen ? They would never have abandoned or betrayed 
Him/' 3 The Countess was not the only one who thought 
of his salvation. Dangeau is sent by the King. " Gramont, 
il faut songer a Dieu," and Gramont, amused at so much 
solicitude, turns with difficulty to his wife, " Comtesse, si 
vous n'y prenez garde, Dangeau vous escamotera ma 
conversion ! " His philosopher, Saint-Evremond, is so 
charmed by this remark that he exclaims : " Je voudrois 
etre mort et avoir dit en mourant ce que vous avez dit dans 
1'agonie." 4 

1 Hamilton, (Euvres, III, pp. 193, 197. 

* Saint-Evremond, (Euvres, V, p. 192. 

* Madame, Lettres, I, p. 128 ; cf. Menagiana (Paris, 1715), III, p. 14. 
4 Saint-Evremond, V, p. 198. 


We do not know to follow out Gramont's train of 
thought whether the Countess or Dangeau was successful, 
but, in any case, Gramont adopted a kind of piety which 
seemed to satisfy his contemporaries. We find Fenelon 
wishing him a long and happy life since he seriously intends 
to make good use of it, 1 and Saint-Evremond, who hears 
the news from Ninon, believes his ' conversion ' to be 
' honest and sincere.' 2 Neither Saint-Evremond nor Ninon 
can be said to dwell in the House of God, or even in the 
outer courts ; but in the opinion of Saint-Evremond and 
the men of his time it was a natural, one would almost say 
the correct, thing to retire after a long period of riotous and 
careless living and to prepare oneself to ' die well/ In 
December, 1706, Gramont had an attack of apoplexy and 
in the end of January he died, though one of his last and 
very characteristic remarks was, " II n'y a que les sots qui 
meurent. >>3 He had attained the age of eighty-five, retain- 
ing his energy and spirits to the very end, the only old man 
who could not be called ridiculous, according to Ninon. 

With Gramont there disappears from the scene one of the 
most extraordinary of the great King's courtiers, a man 
famed for his ' grand air,' his extravagance, his adventures 
in love, his success as a gamester, his unabashed shameless- 
ness, his familiarity with the King, his insolence to the 
great at court, known above all for his gifts of repartee, for 
his wit more often charitable than otherwise. The author 
of the supposititious Letters of Waller and Saint-Evremond 
is not far from truth when he makes Gramont remark to 
Rochester that if he could by any means divest himself of 
one-half of his wit, the other half would make him the most 
agreeable man in the world. 4 " Diseur de bon mot mauvais 
caractre," wrote La Bruyere, and the manuscript keys to 
his book at once named the Comte de Gramont as one of 
the men he had in mind. 6 Gramont's wit pleased those 

1 Correspondance, VI, p. 258. 

* (Euvres, V, p. 195. 

8 Maintenon, Lettres incites, I, pp. 69, 75. 

4 Letters supposed to have passed, etc., I, p. I . 

6 La Bruydre, (Euvres (Ed. des Grands Ecrivains), I, pp. 330, 533. 
Gramont's numerous bon mots are, as a rule, too well known to be repeated 
here. One does not come across the two following anecdotes quite so often. 

" Le comte de Grammont voyant que Louis XIV ne donnoit aucun 
ben6nce a 1'Abbe de Feuquidres, son neveu, lui dit, ' Sire, j'avois toujoure 
cm que 1'Abbe de Feuquieres homme d'une conduite a engager Votre 


who were not its victims, and for the sake of his wit much 
was forgiven him. Madame de Sevigne remarks, " M. de 
Gramont . . . est en possession de dire toutes choses sans 
qu'on ose s'en facher." x None delighted more in his 
brilliance than Bussy, that kindred spirit. It is Bussy, by 
the way, who describes him as a very good friend but a 
terrible enemy. 2 That much at least can be said to the 
credit of Gramont that he never abandoned his friends ; 
after his disgrace Fenelon wrote gratefully to the Countess, 
assuring her that he would always remember that the Count 
had not been ashamed of him and that he had openly con- 
fessed him before the courtiers of Marly. 3 

But if Gramont 's friends considered him one of the most 
original and delightful of men, his enemies hated him with 
most excellent hatred. Of his enemies none was more 
bitter and virulent than Saint-Simon, 4 and it is the most 
passionate dislike that has inspired the following portrait 
or series of portraits, though doubtless there is much truth 
in what he says. " Le Comte de Gramont etoit un vieux 
sacripant de cour et de monde et qui avoit honte bue sur 

Majeste de penser a lui, mais comme votre choix est la recompense du 
merite et qu'il n'est point encore tombe sur lui, je suis porte a croire qu'il 
est sans merite. Si Votre Majeste 1'oublie dans la premiere nomination, 
trouvez bon que je le fasse enfermer dans un Seminaire pour le reste de 
ses jours.' Louis XIV ouvrit les yeux sur cet Abbe et lui donna une bonne 

" La musique de Louis XIV ex6cutait le ' Miserere magnifique ' de Lully. 
Le Roy etant a genoux y tenait toute sa cour. II demanda a la fin du 
Pseaume au Comte de Grammont comment il trouvait la musique. ' Sire, 
dit le Comte, elle est fort douce a 1'oreille, mais elle est bien rude aux 
genoux.' " (Amelot de la Houssaye, Memoires Historiques, Politiques, 
Critiques et Litteraires (Amsterdam, 1738), III, pp. 336-337.) 

1 Lettres, IV, p. 12. " Jamais homme n'a ete plus agreable," says an 
unknown writer (Bibl. Nat, ms. fr. 12618, p. 177). The contemporary 
annotator of the Memoir es de Sourches has a great admiration for Gramont. 
" Le caractere de son esprit le rendoit inimitable ; il etoit tou jours nouveau 
quoiqu'il plaisantoit depuis cinquante ans et plus ; il ne disoit jamais les 
choses comme les autres et leur donnoit toujours un tour infiniment 
agreable ; la moindre bagatelle devenoit en sa bouche une plaisanterie 
charmante par le sel dont il savoit 1'accompagner, et cela si naturellement 
qu'il sembloit qu'on ne pouvoit pas le dire d'une autre maniere, quoique 
personne ne le put dire de meme." (Sourches, III, p. 303.) 

2 Lettres, II, p. 312. 3 Correspondance, VI, p. 277. 

4 Saint-Simon had been brought up in an atmosphere hostile to the 
court of Louis XIV, and a courtier of the type of Gramont could not but 
be distasteful to him. There was another, more personal, reason. Saint- 
Simon had suddenly left the army in the middle of a campaign ; his con- 
duct was viewed very disfavourably at court, and Gramont's merciless 
wit had not failed him on this occasion. (Histoire Genealogique de la Maison 
de Gramont, p. 241.) 


tout. . . . C'etoit un homme de beaucoup d'esprit, mais de 
ces esprit s de plaisanteries, de reparties, de finesse et de jus- 
tesse a trouver le mauvais, le ridicule, le foible de chacun, 
de le peindre en deux coups de langue irreparables et in- 
effacables, d'une hardiesse a le faire en public en presence 
et plutot devant le roi qu'ailleurs, sans que me'rite, grandeur, 
faveur et places en pussent garantir hommes ni femmes 
quelconques. A ce me'tier, il amusoit et il instruisoit le roi 
de mille choses cruelles, avec lequel il s'e*toit acquis la 
libert^ de tout dire, 1 jusque de ses ministres. C'e*toit un 
chien enrage a qui rien n'e*chappait. Sa poltronnerie connue 
le mettoit au-dessous de toute suite de ses morsures. Avec 
cela escroc avec impudence et fripon au jeu a visage de*- 
couvert, et joua gros toute sa vie, d'ailleurs prenant a 
toutes main et toujours gueux, sans que les bienfaits du Roi, 
dont il tira toujours beaucoup d'argent aient pu mettre 
tant soit peu a son aise. ... II attrapa les premieres entries 
chez le Roi a qui il se rendit agre*able par son assiduite*, ses 
bouffonneries et se montrer valet a tout faire. . . . Nulle 
bassesse ne lui coutoit aupr&s des gens qu'il avait le plus 
dechires lorsqu'il avoit besoin d'eux, pret a recommencer des 
qu'il en auroit eu ce qu'il en vouloit ; ni parole ni honneur 
en quoi que ce fut, jusque la qu'il faisoit mille contes plaisants 
de lui-meme et qu'il tiroit gloire de sa turpitude. . . . Ce 
ne fut pas une le*gre tache a notre cour qu'un aussi publique- 
ment malhonnete homme. C'etoit un homme a qui tout 
etoit permis et qui se permettoit tout. De ses dits et de ses 
faits, on en feroit des volumes, mais qui seroient deplorable 

1 " Le comte avail une grande Iibert6 de langage et le Roi riait de tout 
ce qu'il disait ; le jour pourtant ou il resolut le siege de Maestricht le Roi 
demeura stup6fait de sa franchise. C'etoit a Tongres ; le Roi avait pen- 
dant trois heures conf6r6 avec Louvois, qui 1'avoit indispos6 contre les 
courtisans parce que ceux-ci, 4 toutes les entreprises trouvaient quelque 
chose 4 redire. Le Roi, venant s'asseoir a table avec les principaux cour- 
tisans qui ont coutume, en campagne de partager ses repas, declara d'un 
ton assez dur, qu'il avait resolu le siege de Maestricht, qu'il n'avait cure 
des criailleries des courtisans et qu'il ne se souciait nullement de leurs 
personnes. II revint a. la charge, disant qu'il n'avait que du mepris pour 
eux ; tous se tenaient silencieux et tremblants lorsque le Comte de Gramont, 
se levant de table et mettant chapeau bas riposta : ' Sire, les courtisans 
sont pauvres ; ils sont les premiers de vos sujets ; c'est sur eux que tombe 
tout le mal. Ils dorment sur la terre, s'exposent, biens et personnes, pour 
le service de Votre Majeste, ne disent rien qui ne soit dans votre interdt ; 
ils ne ressemblent pas a. ceux qui viennent de s'entretenir avec Votre 
Majest6 ; ceux-li dorment dans de bons lits, ne courent aucun risque, 
bien plus, ils sont tout couverts d'or et d'argent.' Le Roi ne souffla mot 
et tous les courtisans coururent embrasser le comte." (Primi Visconti, 
Mtmoires, pp. 52-53.) 


si on en retranchoit Feffronterie, les saillies et souvent la 
noirceur. Avec tous ces vices sans melanges d'aucun 
vestige de vertu, il avoit debelle la cour et la tenoit en 
respect et en crainte : aussi se sentit-elle delivre d'un 
fleau que le Roi favorisa et distingua toute sa vie. ... 
Son visage etoit celui d'un vieux singe." 1 

At Versailles it was supposed that the Countess would 
not feel great grief at the death of a husband who certainly 
had not numbered constancy among his virtues. His 
brother-in-law closes his Memoirs by remarking that 
Gramont at last received Mademoiselle Hamilton as the 
reward of a constancy which he had never known before 
or practised since. " On vous aura parle sans doute de mes 
amours en ce pays-ci," writes Gramont on one occasion 
from England to Lionne, long after his marriage. 2 A 
chanson alluding to Gramont 's love affairs is explained 
by the following naive note : " It is impossible to know with 
whom the Comte de Gramont was in love at the time, for 
he is such an extraordinary man that perhaps he did not 
know himself/' 3 At the same time he was a most jealous 
husband. The Countess once confessed to the Abbe Primi 
Visconti that he was the only man the Count did not suspect. 
He would come home suddenly and unexpectedly ; when 
he was supposed to be away playing at ' brelan,' he would 
be in hiding behind a door or occasionally, in a fit of jealousy, 
he would carry off his wife to his country house in Beam. 4 
The Countess seems to have borne it all with great dignity ; 
Saint-Simon says that she joined a wifely dutifulness and 
respect to the perfect knowledge of her husband's mis- 
demeanours and ' miseres,' and a most sincere contempt 
for them. 5 

1 Saint-Simon, XIV, pp. 262-268, 470-472 (Additions to Dangeau, IV, 
p. 206, and XI, p. 293). English editors of the MJmoires de Grammont 
have sometimes credited Dangeau with the remarks that Saint-Simon 
scrawled on the margin of Dangeau's journal. Dangeau is made to say 
of Gramont, " Son visage etoit celui d'un vieux singe." The excellent 
Dangeau Saint-Simon finds his journal " d'une fadeur a faire vomir " 
was incapable of any such highly coloured and uncharitable statement. 

' Aff. Etr., Corr. Pol. d'Angleterre, 99, f. 246, July I2th, 1670. 

3 Bibl. Nat. ms., fr. 12618, p. 177. 

4 Primi Visconti, Mdmoires, pp. 52-53, 137. Cf. p. 54, where the 
following explanation is given of the Count's jealousy : " Alors que la 
comtesse sa femme etoit encore a Londres, il 1'avait trouvee si facile, avant 
meme qu'il ne 1'eut epousee, qu'il la supposait plus facile encore pour les 

5 M6moires, XVI, pp. 73, 501. 


But after the death of her husband those who knew her 
were amazed to see how downcast and discouraged she was 
for a while. Her ill-health added to the depression of her 
spirits ; she was constantly in tears, the fear of death 
weighed heavily upon her, she thought herself abandoned 
by her friends ; in short, as Madame de Maintenon remarked, 
her strength of character and her English courage seemed 
to have failed her completely. l She lived alone and intended 
to retire altogether from court, but the King would not hear 
of it. 2 When she reappeared at Versailles, the well-informed 
hinted mysteriously that the Countess had come back for 
certain reasons, and those who wished Madame de Maintenon 
to think them her friends, insinuated that the widow had 
certain ' pretensions/ 8 Her ill-health, however, increased 
and she died in June of the next year, 1708, after two months 
of great suffering which she endured with no little courage 
and piety, so Madame de Maintenon herself tells us. 4 

Even before her death many had been anxious to secure 
Pontalie. The day after she died Pontalie was given to the 
Marshal d'Harcourt and her rooms at Versailles to the Due 
de Villeroy. 6 One favourite disappears and there are 
twenty ready to fill the vacant space. A fleeting thought 
is given to those who disappear and the place wherein they 
dwelt knows them no more. 

1 Lettres inedites, I, p. 106. " On n'auroit pas cm autrefois," writes the 
Princesse des Ursins in reply, " que M. son man cut pu si fort contribuer 
a sa consolation." (Ib., Ill, p. 464.) 

* Saint-Simon, XVI, p. 73. 

^ " J'aurois de la peine," writes Madame de Maintenon to the Princesse 
des Ursins, " a vous ecrire toutes les sottises qu'on lui imputait [a la 
Comtesse de Gramont], qui se r6duisent pourtant a attendre ma mort avec 
impatience pour remplir ma place. Elle auroit pu 1'envisager depuis 
quatre jours que j'ai eu une tres violente fievre." (Lettres inedites, I, 
pp. 142-143 I cf. pp. 123-124.) 

4 Ib., p. 266. She seems to have passed through deep waters. " Elle 
avoit toujours vecu," we read in the Mercure Galant for July (pp. 302-303), 
" d'une maniere qui devoit empecher qu'elle apprehendat les approches de 
la mort ; cependant elle a fait connaftre que les plus justes la doivent 
craindre dans ces terribles moments." 

* Lettres ine'dites, I, p. 265 ; Sourches, XI, p. 93. 



THE year in which Madame de Gramont died was 
an important one for the Jacobites of Saint- 
Germain. ' James III ' had attained his majority 
in June, 1706, and the one great desire of the 
young king was to go to Scotland, though Louis was against 
the plan. In the end Louis gave in to public opinion, 1 and 
six thousand men were given to the Pretender, as his enemies 
now began to call him. Forbin was chosen to command the 
fleet and the Duke of Perth, Middleton, Skelton, Richard 
Hamilton and a few other English officers accompanied 
James to Dunkirk in March, 1708. According to Saint- 
Simon Anthony Hamilton also took part in the expedition, 
but Dangeau's Journal and Sourches' Memoirs only men- 
tion Richard Hamilton, the oldest of the lieutenants- 
general. 2 

The ill-luck of the Stuarts attended them. After hin- 
drances and difficulties of all kinds, including the ill- 
health of the King, they embarked on the I7th of March. 
Near the Firth of Forth they beheld a large number of 
English battleships, and Forbin, anxious to save his fleet, 
put out to sea again, in spite of all that Perth, Richard 
Hamilton and the other English officers could say or do. 
He would neither land James at Edinburgh nor sail to 
Inverness, as it was proposed he should do, but returned 
to France. James seems to have been the victim of the 

1 " Jamais entreprise n'a eu un si general applaudissement que celle-la 
. . . depuis M. le dauphin jusqu'au dernier galopin de la cour et aux 
harengeres de la halle de Paris, tout vouloit qu'on allat en Ecosse." (Main- 
tenon, Lettres incites, I, p. 243.) 

1 Cf. Luttrel, Relation of State Affairs, VI, p. 252. Besides the French 
general officers on board he has with him four of his own country, viz. 
Dorrington, Richard Hamilton, Skelton and Galmahoy. 



jealousy existing between Pont chart rain and Chamillart, 
and the lack of zeal on Forbin's part ; moreover, if Saint- 
Simon is to be believed, Middleton's loyalty was not above 
suspicion. Forbin's Memoirs read like the apologia of a 
man anxious to prove that the expedition could not possibly 
succeed and who at the outset had remarked that the utmost 
they could hope for was to return in safety. 1 

The despondency at Saint- Germain was indescribable. 
Mary of Modena, usually so brave, could not keep from 
sobbing when she attempted to speak. 2 She now wrote 
to Louis, asking him whether her son might enter his service 
and take part in this campaign, because, she said, she had 
heard that the Duke of Marlborough had remarked men 
were astonished in England that the Prince had not yet 
been to the army. 3 Permission was granted ; the Chevalier 
de St. George served that year under the Due de Bour- 
gogne and was present at Oudenarde. 4 Richard Hamilton 
accompanied him, and when Hamilton left Saint-Germain, 
the Queen entreated him to have every care of his young 
master. " In the dreadfull expectation wee are in of a 
battle," she writes on the ist of September, " i can not say 
anything to you but coniure you to remember your promise 
to me not to quit the King one step in a day of action and 
also to tell him frankly and positively what is fitt for him 
to do, for he has promised the King of France and me at 
parting that he would upon such occasions do what you and 
Mr. Sheldon should advise, i relye extremely upon your 
judgment." 6 

The year following, 1709, accompanied by Richard 
Hamilton, Middleton and Sheldon, James again joined the 
army of Flanders, under Villars, and it was reported that 
the English had seen him at Malplaquet and were delighted 
with him and that Marlborough had drunk his health. 8 

1 See St. Simon, XV ; Dangeau, XII ; Sourches, XI ; Forbin, Memoires; 
Berwick, Mtmoires ; Colbert (Torcy), Journal, Mercure, April, 1708, etc. 
8 Maintenon, Lettres intdites, I, 240. 
8 Aff. Etr., Mtmoires et Documents, Angleterre, Vol. XXIV, f. 108. 

4 Berwick, Mtmoires, p. 405. 

5 B.M., Add. MSS. 18966, f. 7. The letter from which this and the 
following quotations are taken is given in full in Appendix VII, pp. 296-297. 

6 Dangeau, XII, p. 434; Maintenon, Lettres intdites, I, p. 465. See 
also a Lettre circulaire de la mire superieure de la Visitation de Sainte- 
Marie [de Chaillot], dated Chaillot, Oct. joth, 1712, p. 6. "... Le terns 
de la celebre et malheureuse bataille de Malplaquet. Comme Sa Majeste 
etoit en ce monastere avec la Princesse on luy manda que le Roy son nls. 

THE END 157 

In 1710 he left ' for the wars ' in May, ' with much good 
will and very little health/ 1 to serve again under Villars, 
and the poor mother, before she retired to Chaillot to 
spend her time praying for her son's safety, recommended 
him earnestly to Hamilton's care and made him promise 
that he would write regularly to let her know how the King 
was. " The tre of the 10 brings news," she writes on the 
I2th of July to Hamilton, " that the enemys were marching 
and that if they will com to Arras ther must be a battle, 
wher i know the King will be, if he be able, and i praise him 
for it, but at the same time you can not but beleeve that 
my poor heart akes, I putt all my confidence in God who 
has given him to me and i hope in his mercie he will preserve 
him ; after that i put my trust in you that you will be 
close to him and let him do no more than is fitt for him as 
you promised me when you took leave of me." 2 

This campaign was known as " the King's Third Cam- 
paign," and as in the preceding one, the English saw the 
young Chevalier de St. George. One morning when James 
was out riding with Richard Hamilton and Charles Booth, 
a groom of the Bedchamber, they came across a group of 
their own soldiers talking to the enemy across the river. 
Charles Booth and Hamilton rode forward and finding 
several English and Scots among the enemy, they inquired 
after their friends, and Hamilton sent his services to Marl- 
borough and ' Lord George/ 3 Then Hamilton showed them 
the King who was on the bank of the river. 4 The King's 
health continued to be far from satisfactory, so, in August, 
Hamilton wrote to the Queen " the naked truth of the 
King's condition," and the Queen at once despatched her 

qui avoit la fidvre tierce s'etoit fait porter au camp pour se trouver au 
combat. . . . Son Altesse Royale pleurait sans cesse, mais elle prioit en 
me'me temps sans relache. Deux jours aprds Ton seut que le Roy s'etant 
expose en personne au plus grand feu de cette sanglante journee en etoit 
sorti glorieusement." 

1 Maintenon, Lettres inldites, II, p. 66. 

* B.M., Add. MSS., 18966, f. 3. 

3 Lord George Hamilton, no doubt, a lieutenant-general under Marl- 

4 This is the incident which Thackeray describes in Esmond. " ' There's 
a friend of yours, gentlemen, yonder/ " Thackeray makes Hamilton re- 
mark. " ' He bids me say he saw some of your faces on the i ith of September 
last.' . . . We knew at once who it was. It was the King, then two-and- 
twenty years old, tall and slim, with deep brown eyes that looked melan- 
choly though his lips wore a smile. We took off our hats and saluted him. 
(Esmond (Nelson's New Century Library), pp. 383-385.) Cf. Macpherson, 
Original Papers, II, p. 171. 


surgeon to examine the King. His report reassured her, 
but she wrote and thanked Hamilton for writing so openly : 
"it is a satisfaction to me to have from you an account 
of the King, becaus i dare count upon it to be literally trew 
and that is what i would have, and for which and your having 
done it so constantly in this his last illnesse, i can never 
thank you enough, but i am sure i shall never forgett it." 1 

In 1711 James spent the summer travelling in France, 
and Richard Hamilton doubtless accompanied him. In 
1712 his health once more gave the Queen great cause 
for anxiety ; he suffered from an attack of small-pox, 
but recovered happily ; the Princess, his sister, however, 
died, and with her went the joy of St. Germain. Well might 
James write to the Pope, " Nostrum inter tantas fortunae 
angustias praecipuum decus periit et gaudium." 2 His 
illness delayed his departure from France on which the 
English were now insisting, but it was understood that as 
soon as he was well enough he would leave the country. 
Even his friends were anxious that he should go so that 
a conclusion of peace, which necessarily preceded ayn 
movement in his favour, might be brought about. He 
went to Chalons in September and spent the greater part 
of the winter there. Richard Hamilton, as the Master of 
the Robes, 8 was one of those who accompanied him, but in 
the end of February, 1713, the French court saw Hamilton 
suddenly return to Saint-Germain while James went on to 
Bar in Lorraine. The Queen allowed him to occupy his old 
rooms at the palace and to retain his office, but as a matter 
of fact he was no longer in the service of the King. The 
reasons for his dismissal were not made public. 4 

What had happened was, briefly, this : Secret negotiations 
with England had been going on all the time, but in the 
very end of 1712 the Abbe* Gaultier gave James to under- 
stand that he must part with his Secretary of State, for as 
long as Middleton remained with him, his friends in England 
would hesitate about disclosing their plans. 5 Richard 
Hamilton was suggested as a suitable substitute. Both 

B.M., Add. MSS. 18966, f. i. 

Hist. MSS. Comm., Stuart Papers at Windsor. I, p. 244. 
Ib., p. 162. 

Dangeau, XIV, pp. 129, 217, 349. 

Salomon, Geschichte des letzten Ministeriums Konigin Annas von 
England, p. 189. 


James and the Duke of Berwick were under the impression 
that these proposals emanated from a cabal whose sole 
object was to raise Hamilton at the expense of Middleton, 
Gaultier being a great friend of the Hamiltons. 1 Father 
Innes writing from Paris in January to Middleton says : 
" I was never more surprised than when the Queen showed 
me some letters the King had sent her about Mr. Massey 
[Middleton], and the more I think of it the more I am 
convinced, that villainy must proceed originally either 
from the Irish, to remove one they generally look upon as 
none of their friends, and to make way for one of their 
friends, or else that it is a trick of the Whig's invention to 
ruin Jonathan [the King] by insinuating a correspondence 
with them to give jealousy to the other party." 2 Middleton 
expressed himself quite ready to go, but the Queen did 
not wish to hear of his leaving and James was most reluctant. 
He desired Torcy to find out through some channel other 
than Gaultier what Oxford and the English Jacobites really 
thought of Middleton, and finally, as a proof of his con- 
fidence in Oxford, he requested the latter to send him 
from England a person worthy of their confidence, to act 
as his adviser if Middleton must really go, Hamilton being 
out of the question for such a post. 3 As for Hamilton, 
he was, as we have seen, dismissed for having attempted 
to get Middleton removed. In a letter the Queen calls him 
" the troublesome hero of this disagreeable scene," and 
remarks that the King is very sensible how much he was 
mistaken in this man. 4 

Torcy now wrote to Gaultier that the departure of M. 
Hamilton must not lessen the forwarding of the King's 
affairs, but that Gaultier must address himself directly 
to him. 5 Hamilton's disgrace did not, however, make 
Middleton more popular, for the Jacobites in England 

1 Ib., p. 328. The editor of the calendar of Stuart Papers (Hist. MSS. 
Comm.), referring in Vol. I, p. xliii to Salomon, translates inaccurately that 
" James wrote to M. de Torcy from Chalons, suspecting that Berwick was 
caballing in favour of Hamilton." 

2 Macpherson, Original Papers, II, pp. 371-372. 

8 Salomon, pp. 328-329. He writes with some bitterness, " Ceux qui 
donnent a entendre qu'ils sont de mes amis attendent de moi une confiance 
aveugle ... me tiennent dans une ignorance profonde, veulent oter la 
seule personne autour de moi qui merite et qui possdde ma confiance, et 
me privent de tout conseil." 

* Macpherson, II, p. 382. 

6 Hist. MSS. Comm., Stuart Papers, I, p. 256. 


"feared an ill character of Mr. Philips" [Middleton], 
because he was the cause of Mr. Hamilton's leaving Mr. 
Jenkins [the King]. 1 Nor were all convinced of Hamilton's 
guilt ; Berwick again and again assured James that he 
could not without certain proof suspect a man who for these 
sixty years past had always borne the character of an 
honest man 2 and subsequent correspondence revealed that 
Gaultier had not misrepresented things in Hamilton's 
favour when he insisted on the distrust with which the 
English Jacobites regarded Middleton. As Innes suggests, 
many probably thought that Mr. Massey [Middleton] had 
contributed to the King's being so firm in his religion and 
for that reason wished him removed. 3 A Jacobite agent 
remarked to Lord Newcastle that " people in England were 
loth to shew themselves or venture any thing whilst he 
the King had so ill advisers," and Lord Newcastle realised 
that he was alluding to Middleton, " since he changed his 
religion, they had not soe good an opinion of him." 4 The 
Duchess of Buckinghamshire wrote to her brother, the 
Duke of Berwick, to ask whether it was really true that 
Hamilton was no longer with James and why he had left 
him, adding that the Protestant Jacobites were very much 
displeased, because they could not suffer Mylord Middle- 
ton. 6 Even Torcy became convinced that the only motive 
which actuated Hamilton's partisans was distrust of Middle- 
ton. 6 It would therefore seem that James dismissed 
Hamilton somewhat rashly from his service, though doubt- 
less Hamilton had by no means opposed the cabal formed 
against Middleton ; the prospect of becoming Secretary 
of State cannot but have been a pleasant one to him. 

Two years later when Richard Hamilton wished to go 
to Ponthey in Lorraine, to visit his niece, he had humbly 
to ask permission of James through the Duke of Berwick, 
promising not to pass through Bar, James's residence, nor 
even to be at Ponthey when James went to the waters of 
Plombieres. 7 In the rising of 1715 he had no part. In 1716 

Macpherson, II, p. 425. 

Hist. MSS. Comm., Stuart Papers, I, p. 258. 

Macpherson, II, pp. 371-372. 

76., p. 377. 

Stuart Papers, I, 260. 


Ib. t pp. 350-35L 

THE END 161 

he was bBck at St. Germain, where there devolved upon 
him the sad task of conducting the body of the Duke of 
Perth to the College des Ecossais. 1 One by one the lights 
were going out. Louis had died the year before. The 
Hamiltons were considered ' vieille cour ' and old-fashioned. 
Anthony Hamilton's health had begun to fail ; he probably 
suffered from gout, like his friends Chaulieu, La Fare and 
Coulanges. Already in 1713 Berwick had remarked : 
" I wonder M. Antony [sic] Hamilton will still be rambling, 
his age and infirmitys should induce him to be quiet some- 
where with his friends. 2 But the Hamiltons had scarcely 
any friends or relatives left and the pleasure of ' rambling ' 
was surely a most innocent one in a life that was becoming 
very dreary. No doubt Berwick could not help nourishing 
some resentment against the man who had described his 
mother as " cette haridelle de Churchill/' 3 

The poverty of the exiles was worse than ever. The 
pensions they depended on were often not forthcoming. 
" Saint- Germain is dying of hunger," the poor Queen was 
heard to exclaim in great agitation to the nuns at Chaillot. 
The great palace was half empty, many had gone to England, 
others had joined the Chevalier de St. George at Bar ; the 
town, however, was full of starving Irish. 4 Ever since the 
death of her daughter and the departure of her son the 
Queen had forsaken Saint-Germain, dwelling with the nuns, 
and only returning reluctantly with tears and sighs to the 
' frightful solitude ' when pressure was brought to bear 
upon her and when she remembered that in the interest 
of her son her presence there from time to time was neces- 
sary. 5 We have one more letter from Hamilton written to 
the Duke of Berwick in 1716 eight years after the last 
of the letters from which quotations have been made, a 
letter which has little or none of the badinage and the 
familiarity of his earlier epistles. Berwick had been ap- 
pointed governor of the province of Guyenne and had gone 

1 Dulon, Jacques Stuart, p. 93. 
* Stuart Papers, I, p. 267. 

3 Hamilton, (Euvres, I, p. 337. The Memoirs appeared in print in 1713, 
but had been circulated in manuscript some time already. 

4 Du Boscq de Beaumont, La Cour des Stuarts, pp. 339, 352 (Memorial 
de Chaillot). 

8 " Elle y est accablee de la misre, quelquefois des reproches de tout 
ce qui 1'environne," writes Mme de Maintenon. (Lettres incites, II, p. 411 ; 
cf . Ill, p. 8 and the Memorial de Chaillot quoted in Du Boscq de Beaumont.) 


to Bordeaux. 1 " Je n'attendois que la nouvelle de votre 
heureuse arrive'e pour vous en feliciter," says Hamilton, 
" mais comment m'y prendre ? C'est 1'usage, pour ces 
sortes de compliments, d'emprunter le langage des vers, 
et je n'en sais plus faire, il faut etre de bonne humeur pour 
cela : et trouve-t-on ici de quoi s'y mettre depuis votre 
depart ; ici ou Ton ne respire que par habitude, et non 
pour jouir de la vie ; ou Ton aime sans succes, ou Ton rime 
sans raison, et ou Ton se marie sans savoir pourquoi ? 

Le solitaire Saint-Germain 
Jadis passablement fertile 
A produire un couplet badin 
Et quelquefois un peu malin, 
N'est plus a present que 1'asile 
D'un ennui qui n'a point de fin, 
Et de ce loisir inutile 
Qui pese plus que le chagrin." 2 

Hamilton wrote very rarely now ; almost all his writings 
are prior to 1712 ; 8 those for whom he had composed were 
either dead or had left. The two brothers were now living 
in such poverty that Richard Hamilton at last decided 
in 1716 or early in 1717 to go and live with his niece, the 
Abbess of Poussay, so as not to die of hunger. Saint-Simon, 
who relates this, says that the niece, Marie Elizabeth de 
Gramont, was very poor herself, but not quite as badly off 
as her uncle, to whom she was able to offer a shelter for his 
last days. He died in December, 1717. 4 Saint-Simon, 

1 Berwick, Mtmoires, p. 445. It is through the allusion to this event 
that the letter can be dated. 
1 (Euvres, III, p. 134. 

3 His works can usually be dated through references to persons or 
current events ; to the Princess, who died in 1712 ; to the Gramonts who 
died in 1 707 and 1 708 ; to Pontalie, which belonged to Madame de Gramont 
from 1703-1708 ; to Viscountess Clare who married Lord O'Mahony in 1712 
and left Saint-Germain for Spain (Dangeau, XIV, p. 158). Berwick's 
Memoirs and the Divertissemens de Seaux (printed in 1712) give further 

4 Dangeau, XVII, p. 216. One wonders whether Hamilton in his 
poverty remembered a letter he had sent to the garrison of Londonderry : 
" Yet if so wonderful a Deliverance should attend you, your Rewards 
notwithstanding will be uncertain and future Interest will always be 
prized beyond past merit. Eaten Bread is commonly forgotten and 
former Services are too often swallowed up in Oblivion, especially if there 
be no future Expectation from those that performed them. So that all 
the assurances you depend upon will vanish into the Air and the Result of 
all your Hardships will only be the Repetition of this miserable proverb. 
We have our Labours for Our Pains." (Proposals made by Lieutenant- 

THE END 163 

remembering the brothers vaguely traces a portrait, as he 
supposes, of Richard. Unfortunately, he confuses Anthony 
and Richard and in what follows the greater part applies 
to Anthony : " C'etoit un homme de beaucoup d'esprit, 
qui savoit, qui amusoit, qui avoit des graces et beaucoup 
d'ornement dans 1'esprit, qui avoit eu une tres aimable 
figure et beaucoup de bonnes fortunes en Angleterre et en 
France ou la catastrophe du roi Jacques II 1'avoit ramene. 
II avoit servi avec distinction et la Comtesse de Gramont, 
sa sceur, 1'avoit initie dans les compagnies les plus choisies ; 
mais elles ne lui procurement aucune fortune, pas meme le 
moindre abri a la pauvrete. II etoit catholique et sa sceur 
1'avoit mis dans une grande piete, qui Tavoit fait renoncer 
aux dames pour qui il avoit sou vent fait de tres jolis vers 
et des historiettes elegantes." 1 This is obviously a com- 
posite picture of the author of Fleur d'Epine and Le 
Belier and of the lover of the Princesse de Conti. 

What Saint-Simon says of the latter-day piety of Richard 
Hamilton is certainly also true of Anthony. His sister's 
influence, indirectly the influence of Port Royal, does not 
seem to have made itself felt at once and some of the elegant 
stories and verses were written after her death. But a 
change was coming over him. Shortly after his seventieth 
birthday he wrote a curious and long-winded poem, De 
V Usage de la Vie dans la Vieillesse. It is no longer Horace 
he quotes, but the Psalms of David. 

Je dois . . . 

Aprds avoir su long temps vivre 

Essayer d'apprendre a mourir. 2 

In this respect Hamilton is still of the seventeenth century. 
He belongs to that generation of men who aimed, not at 
holy living, but at holy dying, or at least at decorous dying. 
The savoir-vivre of the honnte-homme included the savoir- 
mourir. He not only lived gallantly but died unamazed. 
Hamilton, therefore, in a leisurely fashion plans out the use 
of his old age. Before he becomes too infirm, he will medi- 
tate on the manner of concluding one's life, on what man is 

General Hamilton to the garrison of Londonderry Together with a Copy 
of the Report of the Commissioners appointed by the Honourable House 
of Commons, the First Session of this Parliament, 1705.) 

1 Memoires, XIV (ed. Cheruel), pp. 210-211. 

* (Euvres, III, p. 303. 


and on what man ought to be ; before his mind begins to 
give way he will prepare the account he must render his 
Master ; but, above all, he will strive to bear his old age with 
dignity. The great fear of him who had so mercilessly 
ridiculed others, is to appear ridiculous in the eyes of the 
world. Few people, he contends, know how to be old, 
and when the time comes, instead of preparing for the 
last hour in some retreat, they still drag about the world 
and force their weary presence on those who would fain be 
done with them, on those, in short, who wonder that they 
" will still be rambling " when their age and their infirmities 
should induce them to be quiet somewhere with their friends. 
There is another of these semi-religious poems, the 
Reflexions, and while one can hardly agree with Sir Walter 
Scott, 1 who sees no diminution of Hamilton's powers in 
these poems, one cannot but be interested in them as 
documents humains. The Reflexions are even more pro- 
nounced in their tendency than the Usage de la Vie dans 
la Vieillesse. If Hamilton's works were to be classified, 
according to the spirit that pervades them, we should 
have two classes, the one utterly different from the other, 
and the second class would include only the two poems 
just mentioned. And the difference is not because on the 
one hand we have the works of youth and on the other the 
works of crabbed age ; ten years at most lie between the 
Memoires de Grammont and the religious poems and 
never was there a greater contrast. 

Grace au ciel ! je respire enfin 

Au bord fatal du precipice 

Ou m'avaient entrain^ le desordre et le vice 

Qui regnent dans le coeur humain ; 

Le Sauveur m'a tendu la main, 

Et j'ai senti cette bont6 propice 

Qu'on n'invoque jamais en vain. 1 

All the vain things of this earth are abjured and princi- 
pally the things that charmed him most. Quietly and 
calmly Hamilton awaited the end. The Queen died in May 
1718. The little court was now altogether without a member 
of the Royal Family. Some of the exiles went to other 
countries and some withdrew to the shelter of religious 

1 In the Preface to the edition of the Mbnoires de Grammont printed 
in 1812. 

* (Euvres, III, pp. 308-311. 

THE END 165 

houses. A few ladies still remained at Saint- Germain, piously 
cherishing the memory of their Queen, lighting evening after 
evening, so it is said, the candles on her dressing-table. 
Hamilton died on the 2ist of April, 1719, aged seventy-four, 
and was buried next day in the parish church of 
Saint- Germain. 1 His cousins, John Nugent and Richard 
Butler, together with a priest and another Englishman, 
saw him to his grave. 2 His death is passed over in silence 
by the indefatigable Dangeau, and Saint-Simon, as we have 
seen, has so vague a recollection of the date that in his 
Memoirs he confuses it with the date of Richard Hamilton's 
death. In a few cases the tombstones of the Jacobites 
buried in the church have been found, 3 but nothing remains 
to us of Anthony Hamilton, no tablet to his memory, no 
trace of an epitaph that sums up the story of a long life. 

We know him best in his old age. From an engraving 
made late in life, and for long supposed to be the only 
likeness in existence, we carry away the impression of a 
well-featured, refined face under the flowing wig, of calm 
eyes that bend a penetrating gaze from beneath the shaggy 
eyebrows, of a well-shaped nose and a very firm, somewhat 
sensual, mouth, round which there ever lurked a mocking 
smile Voltaire's words, " II etait fort satirique," come 
back to our mind. His own writings and the remarks of 
his contemporaries show him far advanced in life, a man 
of taste and culture, gifted with an exquisite sense of the 
ridiculous which went with a certain incapacity for rever- 
ence, a man whom the vicissitudes of a chequered career 

1 Acte de deeds, Registres paroissiaux de Saint-Germain, annee 1719, 
f . 3 1 . In some early English editions of the Memoirs the date of Hamilton's 
death is given as August 6th, 1 720, but in practically all other authorities 
from the ' notice ' printed in the 1731 edition downwards, the date appears 
as April 2ist, 1720. In 1878 the question of the date was raised in the 
Intermediate des Chercheurs [1878, p. 741 ; 1879, pp. 25 and 48], but as 
no direct reference was made to the parish registers, April 2ist, 1720, was 
accepted. M. Dulon in his Jacques Stuart, sa Famille et les Jacobites de 
Saint-Germain, pp. 103-104, quoting from the registers, once more drew 
attention to the fact that the date was always given incorrectly, and 
M. de Boislisle in his edition of Saint-Simon, XIV, p. 562, and M. Kissen- 
berth in his Antoine d' Hamilton, sein Leben und seine Werke, have availed 
themselves of his information. M. Kissenberth prints the Acte de deces 
in full (p. 43). Cf. the Ancien Etat Civil de Paris (Bibl. Nat., nouv. acq., 
fr. 3618, ff. 4070-4071), where the correct date is given. C. E. Lart's 
Jacobite Registers, II, p. 73, only gives the date of the ' inhumation,' viz. 
April 22nd, 1719. 

* Acte de deces. 

3 Dulon, op. cit. 


had stripped of every illusion and in whom unusual oppor- 
tunities for witnessing the instability of human institutions 
had produced a cynical contempt for humanity and an 
attitude of frivolous levity to life that was so futile ; a 
' connaisseur en matire de femmes/ who united with the 
most graceful gallantry towards the fair sex, a perfect and 
merciless knowledge of its weaknesses ; an aristocrat for 
whom the bourgeoisie was a ' foule ignoble ' and the poorer 
classes a ' populace incomprehensible ' ; * an exile, proud 
with the pride of poverty, though naturally modest and 
of a retiring disposition, haughty with his equals when it 
pleased him to be haughty, " gens d'un caract6re un peu 
me'prisant," he describes himself and his kind, " mais aussi 
fort me'prise's ici," 2 spare of utterance, taciturn at times 
like other great wits before him, easily irritated by the 
mediocrity of his fellow-men and so not altogether popular, 
nor did he aim at popularity, and when all is said, he was 
a foreigner and had a " bon coin de singularity," as Saint- 
Simon expresses it, to which he alludes again when he 
says that Hamilton and his brother were 'aimables mais 
particuliers.' 3 And so he has come down to us through 
the ages, a somewhat enigmatical figure, overshadowed by 
him whose exploits he set himself to relate, amiable on the 
whole, but slightly eccentric and redoubtable, " Anthony, 
the most brilliant and most accomplished of all who bore 
the name of Hamilton." 4 

His two nieces, Claude Charlotte 6 and Marie Elisabeth 
de Gramont, 8 survived him till 1730 and 1735. Both of 
them had been maids of honour to the Dauphine and seem 
to have been worthy daughters of their father if Saint-Simon 
may be believed. He describes them as " fort dangereuses, 

1 (Euvres, II, p. 402 ; cf. a fragment of a letter quoted in Charavay, 
Lettres autographes composant la collection de M. Alfred Bovet, I, p. 413. 
1 (Euvres, III, p. 400. 

* Saint-Simon, XIV, p. 416 ; XVI, p. 501 ; cf. Voisenon, (Euvres, IV, 
p. 129 ; the biographical note in Vol. 37 of the Cabinet des Fees ; and a 
kind of humorous self-portrait traced in Zeneyde, (Euvres, III, p. 411. 

* Macaulay, History of England, III, p. 243. 

* She died on the 22nd of May, 1739, in England. (Bib. Nat., Pieces 
originates, Vol. 1388, dossier Gramont 136.) 

* Born on Dec. 27th, 1667 ; baptised on May 26th, 1669 ; died on 
May 1 2th, 1735. (Bib. Nat., Pieces originates, Vol. 162, dossier 3664 ; 
Vol. 1388, dossier 136.) 

THE END 167 

fort du grand monde . . . avec de 1'esprit comme deux 
demons, mechanics et galantes a Tavenant quoique fort 
laides." 1 Marie Elisabeth was made Abbess of Poussay in 
1695 and led a life of great piety, though at the time of her 
election to office the King was at first unwilling to ratify 
the choice because she had introduced " des sentiments de 
libertinage sur le sujet de la religion " at court. 2 Horace 
Walpole, always interested in anything that concerned 
Gramont and his relatives, tells us that she was ten times 
more vain of the blood of Hamilton than of an equal amount 
of the blood of Gramont, " to the great scandal," he adds 
delightedly, "of the ambassadress," Madame de Mirepoix, 
from whom he gleaned this story. 3 Claude Charlotte 
married in 1694 " un vilain Mylord Stafford," very much 
older than she. He died about the same time as Anthony 
Hamilton. The marriage was not a happy one and husband 
and wife soon separated. His will, dated February 2nd, 
1699-1700, is an extraordinary document. " I give to the 
worst of women except being a . . ., who is guilty of all 
Ills, the daughter of Mr. Grammont, a Frenchman who 
I have unfortunately married, five and forty brass half- 
pence, which will by her a pullet to supper, a greater sume 
than her father can often make her, for I have known when 
he had neither money nor credit for such a purchase, being 
the worst of men and his wife the worst of women in all 
Debaucheries, had I known their character, I had never 
married their daughter nor made myself e unhappy." 4 

Lady Stafford was a chosen friend of Lady Mary Wortley 
Montague, who used to say that Lady Stafford knew her 
better than anybody else in the world. 5 Walpole remem- 

1 Memoires, XVI, pp. 73, 502. 

2 Ib., p. 75 ; Dangeau, V, p. 140 ; Archives Nationales MM. 825, f. 60 
(quoted by M. Boislisle in his notes to Saint-Simon, XVI, p. 75). 

3 Letters, III, p. 65. 

4 Westminster Abbey Registers (Harleian Soc. Publ., 1875), pp. 295-296. 

5 Letters (Everyman's edition, 1906), p. 417 ; cf. p. 241. " My Lady 
Stafford set out towards France this morning and has carried half the 
pleasure of my life with her." It is sometimes said (e.g. Cunningham, 
Story of Nell Gwyn, p. 211, Encyclopedia Britannica, article Hamilton) 
that Hamilton used to write to Lady Mary in Lady Stafford's name. There 
seems to be no foundation for this statement. Lady Mary is never men- 
tioned in Hamilton's correspondence, nor does Lady Mary ever speak of 
Hamilton. The various MSS. collections of Lady Mary's letters contain 
no letters from Hamilton. I owe this information to the kindness of Miss 
E. M. Symonds. (George Paston, author of Lady Mary Wortley Montague 
and her Times.) 


bered having seen her when he was quite a child, " she used 
to live at Twickenham when Mary Wortley and the Duke 
of Wharton lived there too, she had more wit than both 
of them." 1 

Of John Hamilton's daughter, Margaret Hamilton, we 
know nothing beyond the fact that she lived for a while 
with Marie Elisabeth de Gramont at Poussay and finally 
married a Comte de Marmier. 2 

1 Letters, III, p. 65. 

Bib. Nat. ms. fr. 32964, f. 85 ; Pieces originates, Vol. 1472, No. 33357, 
f. 17 (verso). 



"IT ORD DORSET and Lord Rochester/' says Pope, 
" should be considered as holiday writers, as 
* gentlemen that diverted themselves now and 
* then with poetry, rather than poets/ 1 The 
same remark applies to Hamilton. He is what Walpole 
would call a ' noble author/ Literature was but an episode 
amongst many others in his career. He was averse to having 
his works appear in print ; l with the accidental exception 
of the Memoires de Grammont none of his works were 
published till long after his death. He is not a professional 
writer ; he is a courtier and a soldier, whereas the author 
is a bourgeois and to be patronized. He writes en homme 
de qualite like Bussy before him and the Prince de Ligne 
after him, and rhomme de qualite differs as an author 
from rhomme de lettres in that he is under no obligation 
to write and to write well ; he does it gracefully and 
naturally like everything else, but there can be no question 
of effort or zeal on his part. " Les gens de qualite/' we 
know, " savent tout sans avoir jamais rien appris." And 
so Hamilton composes carelessly ; 2 with an aristocratic 

1 Avis du Libraire, Fleur d'Epine, 1730. 

* In Le Better much is left unexplained, we are not told, e.g., how the 
famous knife passes from Merlin's possession into that of the druid ; in 
Fleur d'Epine it is not at all clearly brought out in what way Dinarzade's 
story reveals what has been going on in Schahriar's council and how 
Dinarzade fulfils her promise of making Schahriar acknowledge that he 
himself gave away the secret of the proceedings (CEuvres, II, pp. 3, 63-65). 
In Les Quatre Facardins, Hamilton forgets that he is making the Prince 
de Trebizonde tell a story, and from the first person he lapses into the 
third (II, 387) ; there are numerous geographical and historical inexacti- 
tudes, e.g. the kingdoms of Astracan and Bactriana are spoken of as having 
existed at the same time ; the Atlas is an isolated mountain almost sur- 
rounded by the sea ; the Red Sea takes the place of the Persian Gulf ; in 
L'Enchanteur Faustus, Jane Shore is substituted for Eleanor of Guienne, 
Essex and Sidney figure as contemporary favourites of Elizabeth, etc, 



disdain for anything that savours of the pedant 1 he deliber- 
ately sets himself free from the restraint of dates and order 
of events in his Memoirs; his verse is full of negligences, 
some of his works are unfinished, others deteriorate towards 
the end, but then he never thought much of his achieve- 
ments. " De mauvais vers grand e'en vain," he describes 
himself, and elsewhere he likens his poems to the madrigals 
of Trissotin. Apollo, he declares, has no very high opinion 
of him : 

Mon pauvre Hamilton, 

Vous n'Stes pas du Parnasse, 

Et je vois a ces couplets 

Que vous n'en serez jamais. 1 

He pretends to have had little to do with most of his works 
Gramont himself dictates the Memoires, Le Belter is 
founded on some document discovered by Mabillon, L'En- 
chanteur Faustus was related to him by the Duke of 
Ormonde and is really taken from the Memoirs of Sir 
Philip Sidney, the Relation d'une Partie de Chasse comes 
from the pen of a member of the Academy of Clermont 
and so on. 

In a writer of the type of Hamilton we shall not, of course, 
look for depth or sentiment, he is eminently a ' wit/ but 
he has considerable imagination, excellent powers of observa- 
tion, an extraordinarily quick eye for the ridiculous, marked 
narrative skill, a certain faculty for rhyming in difficult 
metres and an even greater facility for imitating and 
parodying, be it Amadis or the Arabian Nights, Horace or 
Marot. 8 He is, after all, in a certain limited sense, one of 
our Restoration writers and the age, as has been well said, 
is one of cleverness rather than genius. 

There is, however, little in him that directly recalls his 
English origin his faculty of self-ridicule perhaps and 
a certain dry humour which makes him say the most 
absurd things with imperturbable gravity. As a matter 
of fact, it is not so surprising, as some would have us believe, 
that he should have become a Frenchman for all practical 
purposes, and that he should write French with the greatest 

1 Cf. what Hamilton says about Scaliger and Casaubon, (Euvres, II, 
pp. 115-116. 

1 (Euvres, III, pp. 129, 190, 251, 372. 


And to these may be added Benserade, Voiture, Jean de Lingendes. 


ease. 1 He lived in England and Ireland at three different 
times, it is true, but never for very long. At most he can 
have spent twenty-five or twenty-six years of his long life 
out of France (this includes the years of his early childhood) 
and we know that he lived to be seventy-four. Madame de 
Gramont and her brothers seem to have corresponded only 
in French. 2 Except for a curious elaborate little note 
quoted elsewhere, we have really nothing English from 
the pen of Hamilton. 3 He is far more versed in French 
literature than in English. With the literature that pre- 
ceded the Restoration he is, of course, not well acquainted ; 
presumably it ' disgusted ' him with the rest of that refined 
age, ' since His Majesty's being so long abroad/ He admires 
the Restoration poets, but apart from them he has no great 
opinion of English poetry. 

Dans nos climats Ph6bus s'endort, 
Les graces sont mal habil!6es, 
Et les neuf sceurs devers le Nord 
Ne sont jamais fort eveillees. 4 

If Hamilton's literary position be examined closely, one is 
struck by the fact that he is both, as it were, an attarde of 
la bonne regence and a precursor of the Orleans regency. 
One can imagine him involved in the quarrel of the Uranistes 
and the Jobelins, contributing his share to the Guirlande 
de Julie, exchanging elaborate letters with Voiture and 
figuring in the Grand Dictionnaire as Le Chevalier Amilcar ; 
one can just as well imagine him composing somewhat 
shallow Lettres Persanes or even Le Sopha, or, a score of 

1 " II serait difficile de trouver chez lui le moindre anglicisme," says 
M. Bastide (Anglais et Franfais du 17 si&cle, p. 99). M. Gausseran is, 
however, of a different opinion (Preface to his edition of the Mtmoires). 
" L'idiome maternel d'Hamilton se reconnait a certaines traces. II emploie 
volontiers supprimer pour reprimer : II supprima son impetuosite naturelle; 
elle supprima une envie de rire. Squadron signifie la fois escadron et 
escadre, aussi prend il 1'un de ces deux mots pour 1'autre : Le roi partit 
apres un faucon et toute la brillante escadre apres lui. Mais voici un 
example plus frappant, sans souci de notre syntaxe il ecrit : Le roi laissait 
tout le monde en repos dans leur commerce. C'est le their anglais se rap- 
portant & un nom collectif singulier." 

8 Bibl. Nat., ms. fr. 32965, f. 229. 

8 We know that he once wrote some English verses in praise of Mile de 
Nevers, but his first editor (1731, (Euvres m&lees) did not think it neces- 
sary to give them to a French public. He merely notes, " On a omis ici 
quelques vers anglois 4 la louange de cette demoiselle." 

* (Euvres, III, p. 384. 


years later, calling with Walpole upon Madame du Deffand. 
He scarcely seems to belong to the reign of Louis le Grand. 
Writing in his old age he still follows the authors he admired 
in his boyhood ; writing at a time when the piety and 
decorum of Versailles cast a shadow on all things, he suggests 
the levity and the disbelief of the eighteenth century. 
He is far removed from the grave beauty and noble sim- 
plicity of the classical age. An elegant trifler, his province 
is the ingenious, the artificial and the gracefully complicated 
of the early salons ; at the same time, in an age that more 
than any other respected the King and the Church, his 
works have a distinct flavour of irreligion and flippant 
contempt for authority. Though he was only about seven- 
teen at the time of the production of L'Ecole des Femmes 
he persistently ignored the great school of 1660. There are 
various explanations for his clinging to the past one of 
them is his friendship for Saint-Evremond, another is 
that he left France in the beginning of 1661, at a very 
receptive age, his mind full of the prdcieux miscellanies 
and the Cyrus and Clelie romances, and though he returned 
to France in 1667 or not later than 1671, he from this time 
onward led an unsettled life, fighting in summer and spend- 
ing the remaining months, a subordinate officer, in outlying 
winter-quarters or, more often, raising recruits in Ireland 
when, as a rule, other nobles returned to court and polite 

Saint-fivremond's influence on Hamilton deserves to be 
taken up briefly. It is curious to compare the literary 
careers of these two men, the one exiled from France and 
writing in England, the other exiled from England and 
writing in France, Saint-Evremond acquiring a certain 
soberness and gravity from the English, and Hamilton 
revealing himself exquisitely French in his levity and wit. 
The coincidence had already struck the seventeenth century, 
and we find the author, La Chapelle, suggesting to Hamilton, 
" La Tamise a fait une restitution a la Seine et lui donne 
en vous un autre Saint-fivremond," 1 and the compliment 
meant very much more at that time than it does now ; for 
the cry of the booksellers was, " Faites nous du Saint- 
fivremond," whereas Hamilton had not yet written any 
of these works by which he is remembered and better 
remembered, in England at least, than Saint-Evremond. 

1 Hamilton, CEuvres, III, p. 43. 


Saint-Evremond and Gramont had come to England 
at much the same time, the former exiled for his imprudent 
letter on the peace of the Pyrenees ; the latter, as we know, 
in disgrace for presuming to interfere with the amours of 
a royal rival. A certain friendship had always united them. 
Saint-Evremond was attracted by the insolent grace of 
the chevalier, and the chevalier repaid his philosopher by 
a genuine, if slightly condescending affection. A kind of 
literary oracle, Saint-Evremond rapidly became as well 
known in England as he had been in France, and Anthony 
Hamilton would probably sooner or later have found his 
way to him ; it is, however, significant that Gramont intro- 
duced Hamilton and that a common admiration for Gramont 
how far sincere on Hamilton's part it is difficult to say 
formed a bond between Saint-Evremond and Hamilton. 
They seem to have met frequently at the salon of Madame 
Mazarin, where Hamilton could find a small centre of French 
grace and culture, for France was, after all, his spiritual 

Saint-Evremond had left France in 1662, and though 
he never lost sight of the literary movement of his country, 
keeping himself well supplied with the new books, yet 
somehow he is out of touch with it, his literary sympathies 
are with the past and he remains to the end of his days 
a man of that bonne regence which he always remembers 
with a wistful affection, a lover of Montaigne, Malherbe, 
Corneille and Voiture. Now his gods are certainly Hamil- 
ton's gods ; learning to admire Saint-Evremond Hamilton 
is learning to admire the representative of a bygone age. 
No doubt Saint-Evremond's ideas on other subjects must 
have been agreeable to Hamilton too ; his easy-going and 
indifferent Epicureanism was quite after the heart of a 
Restoration cavalier. Saint-Evremond would not, perhaps, 
have cared to admit that he was an esprit fort, a libertin ; 
nevertheless the fact remains that he is one of the links 
between Montaigne and Bayle, and that he leads up to the 
materialism of the eighteenth century which Hamilton, too, 
foreshadowed, and more so, of course, than Saint-Evremond. 

If the influence of Saint-Evremond is to be discerned in 
Hamilton's ways of thinking it is also discernible, in a lesser 
degree, in Hamilton's manner, though it is not the author 
of thoughtful musings on the Roman people or the essence 
of tragedy that Hamilton, less profound and more brilliant, 


less capable of analysing complex sentiments and more 
quick to hit off externals, recalls after a fashion, but rather 
the Saint-Evremond before the exile, the Saint-Evremond 
who had winged his shafts of polite ridicule at Condd and 
Mazarin, had mocked at Jesuits and Jansenists with im- 
partiality and had written very gallant letters to the ill- 
famed Madame d'Olonne. There is no doubt that Hamilton 
learned from Saint-Evremond his suave irony and, bringing 
to perfection Saint-vremond's skill in dealing lightly with 
serious subjects, became one of Voltaire's masters in this 

Hamilton's Relation d'un Voyage en Mauritanie has 
reminiscences of the urbane malice and bland simplicity 
of Saint -Evremond's Retraite de Monsieur le Due de 
Longueville : " le Marquis d'Hectot demanda le commande- 
ment de la cavalerie : ce qui lui fut accords', parce qu'il 
e'toit mieux monte que les autres ; qu'il e'toit environ 
de 1'age de M. de Nemours lorsqu'il la commandoit en 
Flandre, et qu'il avoit une cassaque, en broderie, toute 
pareille a la sienne." 1 The inimitable Conversation du 
Marechal d'Hocquincourt avec le P. Cannaye has something 
not only of Pascal, but of Hamilton. A perfidious remark 
like the following might well have occurred in the Memoir es 
de Grammont: " le Pere, surpris du discours, et plus efrraye* 
du transport [du mare'chal] eut recours a 1'oraison mentale 
et pria Dieu secretement qu'il le de*livrat du danger ou il se 
trouvoit ; mais, ne se fiant par tout a fait a la priere, il 
s'eloignoit insensiblement du marechal par un mouvement 
de f esses imperceptible." 2 And supposing he had been 
asked whether it was prudent for a Catholic to marry a 
Protestant lady, would Hamilton not have answered with 
Saint-Evremond, " si vous etes d'humeur a ne pouvoir 
souffrir 1'imagination d'etre separes en 1'autre monde, 
votre femme et vous, je vous conseille d'epouser une catho- 
lique : mais si j'avois a me marier, j'epouserois volontiers 
une personne d'une autre religion que la mienne. Je 
craindrois qu'une catholique, se croyant sure de posseder 
son mari en 1'autre vie, ne s'avisat de vouloir jouir d'un 
galant en celle-ci." 8 

Some of the graver passages in the Memoires de Grammont, 

1 Saint-Evremond, (Euvres choisies (ed. Giraud), II, p. 13. 
Ib., I, p. 42. 
Ib. t p. 26. 


for instance the portrait of Mazarin, recall Saint-Evremond's 
style, and the antithetical turn, the symmetry of Hamil- 
ton's sentence are occasionally to be met with in Saint- 
Evremond, e.g. " Tarquin ne savoit ni gouverner selon 
les lois, ni r^gner contre," 1 but in Hamilton's case the trick 
has been carried further, his style is more artificial and 

Finally, there is no doubt that the writing of the Memoires 
de Grammont was due, in part, to the influence of Saint- 
fivremond, though one would not go so far as to say with 
Sainte-Beuve, 2 that the Memoirs are Saint-Evremond's 
best work. But it was Saint-Evremond who first set up 
Gramont on a kind of pedestal and, making himself his 
panegyrist, suggested to Hamilton such feelings of admira- 
tion as Hamilton was capable of entertaining and passed 
on to him the idea of perpetuating the chevalier's so-called 

Hamilton's literary background in 1700 is a curious 
thing. Horace he knows by heart, and the mythological 
allusions with which, after the manner of the day, he 
ornaments his writings show an acquaintance with the 
legends of antiquity which remind one of the praise be- 
stowed on his cousin Ossory that he was never at a loss 
to explain a tapestry. The medieval romances of Amadis, 
Tiran le Blanc, Palmer in d' Olive and Kyrie E ley son de 
Montauban, seem to have been the delight of his youth, 
and in his old age he is amused by their naivete. Don 
Quixote is more than familiar to him. He has read 
Cassandre and Pharamond, Le Grand Cyrus and Polex- 
andre, and though he is quite aware of their defects, 
he prefers them infinitely to the fairy-tales that come into 
vogue after the day of the grands romans is past, and to 
the Arabian Nights. After the fashion of the day he 
dislikes Ronsard and considers him an ' Ostrogoth ' and 
worse, and though he imitates Marot, another fashion of the 
day, he likes him little better. Malherbe, Racan, Sarasin and 
Benserade are more after his own heart. Certain aspects 
of Moliere and La Fontaine possibly appealed to him, but 
Racine, Boileau, Pascal, Bossuet are practically non- 
existent as far as he is concerned. He only knows the school 

* ib., ii, P . 43 . 

1 Nouveaux Lundis, XIII, p. 431. 



that turned Roman history into madrigals, Tacitus into 
octaves and Ovid into rondeaux, and no one can approach 
Voiture in his esteem. 

Hamilton is never tired of praising Voiture, he imitates 
him, he feels with pleasure that he is like him. " Ne trouvez- 
vous pas/' he asks Madame de Caylus, " que ce commence- 
ment de lettre semble estre tiree d'une de celles de Voiture 
a Mademoiselle de Rambouillet ? " l Boileau is struck by 
their resemblance. Voiture confesses to a lady, " J'ay 
bien de la honte a vous le dire. Mais ce malheureux qui 
devoit estre mort il y a longtemps est encore au monde," 2 
and Hamilton writes to Henrietta Bulkeley, " J'ai honte 
d'etre encore en vie aprs avoir me*rite votre indignation 
et apres les assurances que je vous avois donne'es de ne vivre 
plus que quelques jours." 8 Voiture elaborates a letter in 
extraordinarily bad taste to the Due d'Enghien, " Eh 
bonjour, mon compere le brochet," etc. 4 And Hamilton 
almost verges on something similar in certain passages of 
a letter to Berwick : 

Brochet qui des hautes montagnes 
Salt grimper tout au fin sommet . . . 
Ce brochet qui dans les Espagnes 
A si bien pouss son bidet 
Pendant trois ou quatre campagnes 
Me semble un maltre brochet.* 

If Hamilton had written nothing but his letters and his 
minor works epistles, rondeaux, chansons, etc. he would 
have been merely a second or third-rate Voiture, worthy to 
be ranked with the Benserade of the Plainte du Cheval 
Pegaze aux Chevaux de la petite Ecurie qui le veulent 
deloger de son Galetas des Thuileries, or, to compare him 
with an author of his own period, with the Perrault who 
wrote the Banquet des Dieux pour la Naissance de Mon- 
seigneur le Due de Bourgogne. 

Describing a dull forenoon Hamilton will say after the 
approved manner of the pre*cieux, " 1'Aurore semblait 
s'etre mise en coiffe et en e*charpe ds le matin, tant Tair 

Du Boscq de Beaumont et M. Bernos, La Cour des Stuarts, p. 373. 
Voiture, (Euvres (Paris, 1858), p. 406. 
Hamilton, (Euvres, III, p. 148. 
Voiture, p. 313. 
Hamilton, III, p. 104. 


etait encore sombre/' 1 or, in order to explain that a certain 
place was reached at sunset he must needs paraphrase, 
" on gagna le rivage . . . sur le point que le dieu du jour 
allait passer la nuit dans 1'humide palais de Thetis." 2 Not 
a few of his letters are marred by such doubtful elabora- 
tions. When he writes, it is at the bidding of Apollo, 
" inventor of poetry, director of music, president of the 
science of medicine and composer of oracles/' and we hear 
how Apollo, not wishing to scorch Hamilton, laid aside 
his fiery darts and distributed them to the ladies of Saint- 
Germain for the time being, or we get a description of the 
visit of Hamilton's muse in her ' habit d'opera/ and we are 
told what compliments she ordered the poet to transcribe 
for the recipient of the letter (who, in turn, writes back, 
describing the visit of a muse, unpropitious till the name 
of Hamilton is pronounced) ; we are told of the admiration 
with which a nymph of the Garonne beheld the Duchess 
of Berwick ; we hear of Iris, Aminte and Sylvie, when 
we should give anything for those little personal details 
that abound in some of the seventeenth-century corre- 

An admiration for Voiture is no uncommon thing at the 
end of the seventeenth century, and Hamilton is no striking 
exception if the classical age is a kind of blank to him. 
Untouched by the great authors he does not stand alone ; 
a certain section of society persistently held aloof from the 
movement and a large number of the nobles never acknow- 
ledged the sway of Moliere. In this connexion it may be 
useful to recall briefly the curious resemblance between the 
first part and the last part of the grand siecle, a resemblance 
that deserves further study and to which this sketch of 
Hamilton may be a slight contribution. 3 

The seventeenth century, or at least the main part of it, 
has been described as a kind of breathing space between 
two periods of criticism and negation, between the age of 
Montaigne and Charron and that of Voltaire and Diderot, 
a period of authority and affirmation contrasting with the 

1 Ib., p. 21. * Ib., p. 32. 

3 Cf. Brunetidre, Histoire de la Literature Francaise Classique, II, 
Introductory chapter ; Etudes critiques, Vol. I (le Naturalisme au 1 7 e 
sidcle not printed in the first ed.) ; Vol II (Les Precieuses) ; Vol. Ill (Le 
Sage, Marivaux, etc.) ; Sainte-Beuve, Portraits de Femme (une ruelle 
poetique) ; Causeries du Lundi, I (Chaulieu) ; Vinet, Histoire de la littera- 
ture francaise au 18' siecle, Introduction. 


Que sais-je of the sixteenth century and the universal 
doubt of the eighteenth, and the periods of transition at 
the beginning and at the end of the century, the one leading 
from, the other leading to, an age of relative freedom and 
licence, are not at all unlike. The same groups exist, the 
same tendencies are manifested. The scepticism of Mon- 
taigne and Charron is represented by Fontenelle and Bayle ; 
the ' libertins ' The*ophile and Saint- Amant find their 
counterparts in Chaulieu, La Fare and other habitues of the 
Temple. Balzac and Voiture live again, for the pre*cieux, 
in particular, begin to recover from the blow Moliere has 
dealt them, for Moliere is dead and Racine has ceased to 
write, La Bruyere and Bossuet, La Fontaine and Boileau 
are nearing their end. And if proof were needed that the 
pre*cieux have survived, 1 has not Le Sage made a discreet 
attack on a prcieux salon in Gil Bias, 2 and is there not a 
sly hit at the prcieux manner of speaking in the descrip- 
tion of the langage proconchi in Le Bachelier de Sala- 
manque " un style obscur, enfle*, un verbiage brillant, 
un pompeux galimatias, mais c'est ce qui en fait 
1'excellence " ? 8 

The personal action of Louis XIV no longer making itself 
felt, the coteries that had almost disappeared during his 
reign begin to flourish again. Pradon, Quinault and to a 
certain extent Perrault and Fontenelle continue the tradi- 
tions of Voiture and Mademoiselle de Scude*ry. The pros- 
perous Pavilion is considered to be Voiture's successor, and 
the public can admire verses of the kind addressed to 
Mademoiselle du Chatelier, " en luy envoyant pour e*trennes 
une boite dans laquelle il y a une petite tortue brillante 
et mouvante." Montesquieu is not infrequently some- 
thing of a bel esprit. Even the dignitaries of the Church are 
not free from reproach ; Ftechier is the well-known example, 
Massillon himself lacks simplicity, and as for Fe*nelon, one 
quotation from his spiritual correspondence with Madame 
de Gramont will suffice to illustrate his occasional lapses. 
" II faut vous rabaisser sans cesse," he writes, " vous ne 
vous releverez toujours que trop. II faut vous apetisser, 

1 Since the above was written Mr. Tilley's articles on Preciosite after 
Les Precieuses Ridicules have appeared in the Modern Language Review of 
Jan., April and July, 1916. 

Book 4, ch. 8. 

* Bachelier de Salamanque (1812, 2 vols.), II, p. 112. 


vous faire enfant, vous emmailloter et vous donner de la 
bouillie : vous serez encore une mediant e enfant." 

Two salons recall the Hotel de Rambouillet, the salon of 
Madame de Lambert, which has the dignity and the decorum 
of the chambre bleue, and the salon if salon it can be called 
of Madame du Maine, which resembles the Hotel de 
Rambouillet in its less happy days. Fontenelle and La 
Motte belong to Madame de Lambert's circle, though La 
Motte has also a platonic friendship for Madame du Maine, 
which inspires some letters in the style of Voiture almost 
at his worst. Among the habitues of Sceaux is Hamilton, 
as we have seen. The Litterature de Societe, which Voiture 1 
and his contemporaries Godeau and Menage had really 
created, flourishes at the court of Madame du Maine. The 
ingenious poetical correspondences, the stances, bouts- 
rimes, acrostiches, rondeaux, parodies of Marot, ' centuries ' 
or predictions a la Nostradamus, are the favoured 
occupation of the Duchess and her friends, just as they I 
had amused the Hotel de Rambouillet, especially towards) 
its decline. 

The resemblance between the first and last part of the 
seventeenth century may strike one at first as a curious 
coincidence, but it is not to be interpreted as such. The 
fact is that there was never really a break between these 
two periods, but that, towards the middle of the century, 
the constellation of great men completely eclipsed the 
doings of the rhyming poets and society writers who, in 
the meantime, found a refuge in certain salons, with the 
Bouillons, the Nevers, the Hotel d'Albret and the Hotel 
de Richelieu, where the Abbe Tetu reigned supreme " il 
s'en croyoit le Voiture/' Madame de Caylus tells us and 
particularly perhaps at Madame Deshoulieres', who, a 
kind of poet herself, gave hospitality to Renault and 
Saint Pavin, and counted Flechier amongst her best friends. 
And if the age of Louis XIV was an age of faith and religion, 
the sceptical tendencies of the preceding reign are still 
there, they wisely do not appear on the surface, Saint- 
fivremond, Lassay, Ninon, Mazarin's nieces and their 
friends are unostentatiously and tranquilly indifferent to 
the fervour of the Jansenists and the suave piety of the 
Jesuits, but the irreligiousness becomes more and more 
pronounced towards the end of the period. 


Long ago Sainte-Beuve summed up all this in a famous 
passage : " II y a deux siecles de Louis XIV, Tun noble, 
majestueux, magnifique, sage et regie jusqu'a la rigueur, 
decent jusqu'ci la solennite, represent e par le Roi en personne, 
par ses orateurs et ses poetes en titre, par Bossuet, Racine, 
Despreaux ; il y a un autre sicle qui coule dessous, pour 
ainsi dire, comme un fleuve coulerait sous un large pont, 
et qui va de Tune a 1'autre Regence, de celle de la reine- 
mere a celle de Philippe d'Orleans." 1 

Hamilton certainly partakes of this liberty of manners 
and morals which makes itself more felt again at the close 
of the reign. It is true that he is in a sense one of the new 
generation of precieux, but a characteristic of the new 
precieux, as compared with the friends of Madame de 
Rambouillet, is ' de meler dans son bel esprit un grain 
d'esprit fort ' the remark is again Sainte-Beuve's 2 and 
the spirit of the Memoires de Grammont is in no wise akin 
to the refined prudery of those who have been called les 
Janse*nistes de 1' Amour. Moreover, as has been pointed 
out, Hamilton is a friend of the Vendomes, men whose 
ways foreshadowed and in a measure coincided with 
those of the Regency. He is numbered among those 
who with Chaulieu and La Fare used to gather at the 

As a matter of fact Hamilton professes to dislike the 
precieux of his day, and he has too much good sense to be 
led too far astray in the paths of the new pr^ciosite". Of 
Madame du Maine and her ' mouches/ the members of that 
curious order which she had instituted, he speaks contemp- 
tuously as " ces pre*cieuses et ces espdces inconcevables " 
(III, p. 155) ; he has no great affection for the ' modern 
Sapphos ' (III, p. 200) ; he despises ' les dames du bel 
air et les beaux esprits de Paris ' (III, p. 162), though here, 
of course, the aristocrat's contempt for the bourgeois mani- 
fests itself as well. In the Memoires de Grammont he makes 
a designedly ridiculous Marquis send some gloves to a lady, 
accompanied by a note, " ces gants baiseront les plus belles 
mains du monde." The Marquis and his lady have got as 
far as the ' muets Interpretes/ which is doubtless a reminis- 
cence of the language of Belise, ' tant que vous vous tiendrez 

1 Causeries du Lundi, I, p. 362. 
* Portraits de Femmes, p. 389. 


aux muets Interpretes/ 1 no less than the expression, ' les 
tendres truchements ' 2 which he uses in speaking of the 
Duke of York's ogling Miss Hamilton. 

The habitues of the Temple were known by a certain 
freedom of manner, thought and speech ; they were not very 
much concerned with the life to come, they believed in 
taking their good where they found it, since pleasure was 
but of the moment, and their creed or absence of creed 
satisfied Hamilton, though not quite till the end. He is 
one of those polite Epicureans who are still slightly out of 
their place in the end of the seventeenth century. He has 
the scepticism of the eighteenth century, though the time 
has not yet, of course, come to manifest it very openly. 
But still it is there, it reveals itself in a gesture, a shrug of 
the shoulder, a passing insinuation, a vague hint. The 
Queen of England, he will tell you, does everything she can 
to obtain an heir from heaven, but " les vceux, les neuvaines 
et les offrandes ayant ete tournes de toutes les manieres, 
et n'ayant rien fait, il fallut en revenir aux moyens 
humains," 3 which, he implies, was after all the only sensible 
thing to do from the very beginning. Such a remark does 
not attract much attention, it is not very destructive, but 
the Memoirs and the Tales are full of such significant touches 
that belittle the faith of the grand siecle. 

Bersot has an interesting remark on the morality of some 
of the eighteenth-century fiction. Let us imagine a line 
of demarcation, he says, drawn between what is good and 
what is evil. The immoral thing is, not to show us some 
one who crosses this line, but to insinuate that in everyday 
life we habitually disregard it and in walking over gradually 
efface it. 4 This is the accusation that can be brought against 
Hamilton, at least to a certain extent. There is something 
cold-blooded and perfidious about the Chevalier de Gramont 
and his friends that shows us how far we have travelled 
from the loyalty and good faith of the lovers in the grands 
romans. One has but to remember the ' counsel ' Madame 
de Senantes gives to her would-be gallant Matt a. Even 
though Hamilton's intentions are satirical, the sentiments 
expressed are those which the young roues will presently 
carry into practice. 

1 Femmes savantes, line 284. 

* Ib., line 278. 8 (Euvres, I, p. 366. 

E. Bersot, Etudes sur le dix-huitieme siecle (Paris, 1855), Vol. I, p. 367. 


En Equipage, en airs bruyants, 

En lieux communs, en faux segments, 

En habits, bijoux, dents d'ivoire 

Mettez vous bien. 

Ayez pour plaire aux vieux parents, 
Toujours en main nouvelle histoire, 
Pour les valets force presents ; 
Mais eut-il 1'humeur sombre et noire 
Avec l'6poux, malgr6 ses dents, 

Mettez vous bien. 1 

Hamilton's critical disposition inclines him, as we know, 
to that ironical manner which is one of the pronounced 
features of his works. " Je serai ravi que vous parliez pour 
louer, approuver, complaire, de*fe*rer, e*difier, mais je suis 
sur que quand vous ne parlerez de cette sorte, vous parlerez 
fort peu, et que la conversation vous semblera fade." 2 That 
is what Fe*nelon writes to Anthony Hamilton's sister, and 
that is what, without any doubt, he might have written to 
Anthony Hamilton. But his irony, imperceptible often, 
more noticeable at other times, this strain of light mockery 
is in keeping with the spirit of this age of transition, restless, 
unsettled, impatient of the restraint of the past, distrustful 
of dogma and tradition, and this irony, from Bayle onwards, 
will take the place of the warmth of faith and the vehemence 
of conviction. 

With Hamilton it does not yet, as a rule, go very deep ; 
it takes the form of a very graceful persiflage that holds up 
everything to derision, the dramatis personae, the readers 
and even the author ; it does not yet attack any serious 
problems as Montesquieu will do a few years later in the 
Lettres Persanes. It is tempered by the author's urbanity 
unless he happens to give way too much to his natural 
malice. In that case one can only say to him with Bulwer 
Lytton's Chaulieu, 3 " Ah mon aimable ami, you are the 
wickedest witty person I know ; I cannot help loving 
your language while I hate your sentiments." 

A few words remain to be said about Hamilton as an 
eighteenth-century writer, or at least as a writer of the 
transition, from the point of view of style. It is true that 

1 (Euvres, I, p. 59. 

* Correspondance, VI, p. 228. 

' In Devereux. 


his style is not altogether free from a certain preciosity. 
Describing Miss Jennings he says : " Ses yeux faisoient un 
peu grace tandis que sa bouche et le reste de ses Appas 
portoient mille coups jusques au fond du coeur " (I, p. 268). 
Gramont is telling Miss Hamilton that he has been sum- 
moned to France, " II eut beau protester qu'il aimoit 
mieux mourir que de s'eloigner de ses Appas, ses Appas 
protesterent qu'ils ne le reverroient de leur vie s'il ne 
partoit incessamment " (I, p. 345). Little Jermyn is " un 
trophe*e mouvant des Faveurs et des Libertez du beau 
Sexe" (I, p. 306). Miss Blagge notices the attentions of 
the Marquis de Brisacier, " prenant toujours la chose 
pour elle, ses Paupieres s'en humiliaient par reconnaissance 
et pudeur " (I, p. 142) ; the Marquis imagines that he is 
the first to win her favour, " le seigneur Brisacier crut que 
ces longues paupieres de la Blague n'avaient jamais couche 
que lui en joue " (I, p. 139). Hamilton's desire to be witty 
and original leads him to perpetuate such far-fetched con- 
ceits as the following : " Un visage assortissant mettait 
la derniere main au desagrement de sa figure " (I, p. 139). 
" Ses gestes et ses mouvements etoient autant d' Im- 
promptus " (I, p. 268). The President de Tambonneau 
returns " aux pieds de ses premieres habitudes," in other 
words to Madame de Luynes (I, p. 244), and as for M. de 
Wetenhall, " au lieu de prendre les Ordres il prit le chemin 
d'Angleterre et Mademoiselle Bedingfield pour femme " 
(I, p. 320). 

On the other hand, Hamilton does not hesitate to use 
quite familiar and forcible expressions such as the precieux 
would have condemned for their lack of elegance, e.g. : 
radouber (I, p. 332), empuantir (I, pp. 162, 173), se decrasser 
(I, pp. 231, 286), brailler (II, p. 295), goguenarder (I, p. 176), 
magot (I, p. 360), malotru (II, p. 23), chiche (I, p. 130), 
caquet (II, 382), flux de bouche (II, p. 381), empiffrerie 
(I, p. 309), bombances nocturnes (I, p. 253), faire ripaille 
(II, p. 120), perdre le boire et le manger (I, p. 279), epouseur 
(I, p. 277), lorgneries (I, p. 131), les brimborions d'amour 
(I, p. 264), se coiffer d'un visage (I, p. 342), se fourrer une 
creature dans la tete (I, p. 254), rengainer ses desseins (I, 
p. 202), crever de depit (I, p. 306 ; II, p. 103), se crever de 
pommes vertes (II, p. 389), monter sur ses grands chevaux 
(I, p. 386), jurer ses grands dieux (I, p. 285), gronder quel- 
qu'un de la belle maniere (I, p. 44), laver la tete a quelqu'un 


(I PP- 53> 2 9) chanter pouille (I, pp. 295, 308), e"plucher 
les particularity d'une aventure (I, p. 222), etre colle* sur 
ses livres (I, p. 320), secher d'impatience (I, p. 140), e*crire 
pis que pendre (I, p. 210), tremper dans un complot (I, 
p. 146), escamoter la nouvelle (I, p. 93), rire a gorge deploie'e 
(I, p. 146), rebattre les oreilles (I, p. 145), se faire tirer les 
oreilles (I, p. 192), s'embarquer dans un fiacre (I, p. 312), 
sentir le rissole* (II, p. 502), sourd comme un pot 
(II, p. 271), etc. M. de Senantes, we are told, " se piquoit 
d'etre Stoicien et faisoit gloire d'etre salope et de*goutant 
en honneur de sa profession. II y r^ussissait parfaite- 
ment ; car il toit fort gros, et suoit en hiver comme en 
M " (I, p. 51). 

None of the above examples are taken from the conversa- 
tions of Hamilton's personages, since the object of these 
examples is to give an idea of Hamilton's own vocabulary. 
When Hamilton makes certain personages speak, Gramont, 
Matta, the valet Termes and Brinon, the Giant in Le 
Belier, the Caliph and the witch in Fleur d'Epine, 
Cristalline and the high priest in the Quatre Facardins, 
their language is, of course, very much more picturesque 
and vigorous than that which Hamilton habitually uses. 
This applies even to Lady Castlemaine, who calls Miss 
Stuart, Miss Wells and Nell Gwyn (" cette petite gueuse 
de comedienne ") ' oisons bride's/ and threatens the King 
" de mettre ses enfants en capilotade et son palais en feu " 

(I. P. 304). 

Like some of his contemporaries, Ftechier in particular, 
Hamilton has a great affection for antithesis. Often he 
employs it very effectively, at other times there is some- 
thing forced and mannered about his use of it ; had Matthieu 
Marais read the Memoires de Grammont he would probably 
have classed Hamilton among the ' modern Lucans and 
Senecas,' whom he dislikes so much. The following are 
some typical instances : De grands hommes commandaient 
de petites armees et les arme'es faisoient de grandes choses 
(I, p. 21), Comme il etait un peu sorti de son devoir pour 
entrer dans les interets de M. le Prince, il crut pouvoir en 
sortir pour rentrer dans son devoir (I, p. 81). Ses maximes 
favorites etaient . . . qu'on dit beaucoup de mal de lui, 
pourvu qu'il amassat beaucoup de bien (I, p. 81). II avoit 
6t6 fort hai du roi, parce qu'il avoit e*te fort aime de la 
Castelmaine (I, p. 184). II se moquoit tout haut de la folie 


du Chevalier de Gramont et tout has de la credulite* des 
Piedmont ois (I, p. 78). Les medecins ay ant considere que 
les eaux froides de Tunbridge n'avaient pas reussi 1'annee 
precedente, conclurent qu'il falloit 1'envoyer aux chaudes 
(I, p. 366). In cases like the last sentence quoted, one 
cannot help noticing how admirably this style adapts itself 
to Hamilton's scepticism ; there is nothing infallible, 
nothing absolute in existence, against every statement 
the contradictory may be advanced with equal reason ; 
the empirical method of the doctors is merely a typical 
instance of the larger empiricism which underlies our 

The effect of his antithesis is sometimes very comic in 
its simplicity, thus, for instance, " Monsieur le Prince 
assiegait Lerida, la place n'etait rien, mais Dom Gregorio 
Brice (the governor) etoit quelque chose " (I, p. 175). Or 
elsewhere, a description of the Earl of Oxford, " a le voir 
on diroit que c'est quelque chose mais a 1'entendre on voit 
bien que ce n'est rien " (I, p. 279). Often the antithesis 
is emphasized by the repetition of the important word, e.g. : 
Personne ne se mit en tete de troubler un commerce qui 
n'interessoit personne, mais Killegrew s'avisa de le troubler 
lui-meme. . . . L'imprudent Killegrew qui n'avoit pu se 
passer de rivaux fut obliger de se passer de maitresse (I, 
pp. 362-363). Elle rougissoit de tout sans rien faire dont 
elle eut a rougir (I, p. 266). And, less happily: le papier 
souffre tout, mais par malheur elle ne souffroit pas le papier 
(I, p. 271). Tandis que le frere jouoit de la guitare, la sceur 
jouoit de la prunelle (I, p. 205). 

The repetition of certain words is very characteristic of 
Hamilton's style. The Duke of York, he says, " se prit 
done a ce qui se trouva d'abord sous ses mains. Ce fut 
Madame de Carneguy qui s'etait trouvee sous la main de 
bien d'autres" (I, pp. 195-196). As for Lady Muskerry, 
" son imagination ne cessait de danser a Summerhill toutes 
les contredanses qu'elle s'imaginoit qu'on avoit dansees a 
Tunbridge" (I, p. 329). Little Jermyn undertakes to ride 
twenty miles in an hour, " en gagnant la gageure il gagna 
la fievre " (I, p. 338). " Le jeu rendoit a merveille dans les 
commencemens et le Chevalier rendoit en cent fa9ons ce 
qu'il ne prenoit d'une seule " (I, p. 23). A favourite pro- 
ceeding is to reinforce the expression in the second part of 
the sentence, e.g. : Us s'aimoient beaucoup, mais ils aimoient 


encore plus le vin (I, p. 252). On s'dtonna qu'il arriva des 
derniers dans cette occasion, on s'e*tonna bien plus de le 
voir enfin paraitre en habit de ville (I, p. 148). Milord 
Taffe s'dtoit imaging qu'il e*toit amoureux d'elle et la 
Warmestre* non seulement s'imagina qu'il e*toit vrai, 
mais elle compta qu'il ne manqueroit pas de 1'^pouser 

(I. P- 252). 

These mannerisms naturally affect the build of the 
sentence. Hamilton's sentences are short, well balanced 
and symmetrical. With him we have entered on the prose 
of the eighteenth century. 1 All the examples above quoted, 
happy and otherwise, are taken from the Memoirs, where 
there is only too large a choice of typical expressions. There 
is a curious contrast between the Memoirs and the Tales 
as far as style goes ; the latter are written in a much simpler 
language ; 2 though exquisitely witty they are less sparkling 
than the Memoirs, but also more free from anything arti- 
ficial, from too obvious striving after effect. One wonders 
whether Hallam was not thinking of the Tales rather than of 
the Memoirs when he wrote : ' The language of S^vigne* 
and Hamilton is eminently colloquial ; scarce a turn 
occurs in their writings which they would not have used 
in familiar society, but theirs was the colloquy of gods, ours 
of men." Even more than the Memoirs the Tales must 
be considered an excellent example of the prose in the 
beginning of the eighteenth century, clear, delicate, graceful, 
even, divested of everything clumsy and cumbersome. 3 We 

1 " II (Hamilton) a mani6 le premier en perfection le style du 18* sigcle, 
style ' desinvolte,' alerte, aiguise, eclaire d'esprit et parfaitement sec en 
sa finesse brillante." (Lanson, Histoire de la Literature franpaise (9th 
edition), p. 614 n.) 

* The Tales being intended as parodies, a certain naivet6 is made to 
manifest itself in places, e.g. : II y a dans le monde une foret et dans cette 
fort il y a un arbre difficile a trouver, et dans cet arbre il y a une gafne 
d'or (II, p. 245). Dans ce pays regnoit un calife ; ce calife avoit une fille. 
et cette fille un visage, mais on souhaita plus d'une fois qu'elle n'en cut 
jamais eu (II, p. 4). The exaggerated use of superlatives is, of course, also 
intentional : Tandis que la divine princesse rafraichissoit le plus beau corps 
du monde dans 1'eau la plus claire et la plus delicieuse qui fut jamais, Tune 
disoit qu'il falloit que le dieu de ce fleuve fut le plus sot poisson du monde 
de voir la beaute la plus parfaite de 1'univers dans son lit, sans donner le 
moindre signe de vie (II, pp. 381-382). 

* M. Lanson in his Art de la Prose quotes Fleur d'Epine at some length. 
" II a fallu prolonger la citation," he says, " pour donner le temps au 
lecteur d'fitre impregn6 du charme de cette fine prose. Elle n'a pas un 
eflfet qui n'appartienne 4 la conversation de tous les jours. La condition 
de son elegance artistique est presque inanalysable, c'est une justesse aisee 


have left La Fontaine and La Bruyere slightly behind us ; 
we are not far off from Voltaire. Hamilton stands about 
midway between these writers. 

qui la separe du parler usuel comme une modification de la courbure des 
lignes presque imperceptible classe une commode et un fauteuil dans le 
mobilier d'art (p. 47). 


THERE are two ways of looking at the Memoires 
de Grammont. To an Englishman Hamilton's 
book at once suggests the court of Charles II, 
and he therefore associates the Memoirs with 
the Diaries of Pepys and Evelyn. The Cambridge History 
of English Literature, for instance, gives the Memoires de 
Grammont a very respectable place among the Memoirs 
of the Age of Dryden. 1 The Frenchman, on the other hand, 
sees in Hamilton a ' conteur aimable/ he is one of the 
family of Madame d'Aulnoy and Courtilz de Sandras ; the 
Memoires de Grammont belong to the class of works known 
as the roman pretendu historique, or else, and we prefer 
this, to certain ouvrages divers ayant influence* Involution 
du roman. No history of the novel in France will ever 
pass the Memoires de Grammont in silence. 

Both views, though very natural, are somewhat extreme. 
To discuss the Memoires de Grammont along with the works 
of Pepys, Evelyn and Sir John Reresby is to isolate the 
French work from its natural surroundings ; to rank it 
with the Memoires de la Cour d'Angleterre and the Memoires 
de M. d'Artagnan is to disparage the documentary value 
of Hamilton's work. The object of the following pages is 
to give an account of the literary movement in France to 
which the Memoires de Grammont belong, and at the same 
time to show that, except for the chronological sequence 
which is often incorrect, the Memoirs are not so unreliable 
a source of information as some would have us believe. 

It is a well-known fact that during the second half of the 
seventeenth century the novel in France seems to suffer 
a kind of eclipse ; the ' grands genres ' have thrown it into 

1 Vol. 8. Chapter X. 


A M 11 LT -I > i> 


the shade ; the roman heroique shares the disgrace of the 
Precieuses ; l the roman comique, being of a lowly origin, 
hardly counts. But though the novel is thus for a time 
obscured, it does not disappear ; on the contrary, it is 
gathering new forces, it is finding out new ways, it is adapt- 
ing itself to new circumstances ; left to itself, it is developing 
more freely ; from having been too ideal with the Precieux 
and too distorted with the Burlesques it is gradually 
approaching a mean, Gil Bias is not far off. The narratives 
are considerably reduced in length, even Mademoiselle de 
Scudery writes a novel of only five hundred odd pages ; 
the new novels are less overloaded with improbable and 
impossible incidents, since Boileau has banished the ' mer- 
veille absurde ' which, in turn, will find its place in the 
Tale ; they aim at being more true to life, for has not 
Boileau proclaimed, " jamais de la nature il ne faut s'ecar- 
ter " ? Historical subjects are chosen, the authors read 
memoirs and letters of the period they are describing, they 
append lists of their authorities, 1 they are anxious not to 
be reproached with any ' Caton galant ' or with a ' Brutus 
dameret ' ; 2 "on s'eloigne autant que Ton peut de 1'air 
romanesque dans les nouveaux romans," Bayle remarks. 3 
From 1665 onwards there is a constant flow of historical 
novels, anecdotes, memoirs, annals, a movement that con- 
tinues far down the eighteenth century, when, curiously 
enough, most of the authentic seventeenth-century memoirs 
are printed for the first time, 4 in order to satisfy the craving 

1 See, for instance, Baudot de Juilly's Relation historique et galante de 
r Invasion de I'Espagne par les Maures (La Haye, 1699) or the preface to 
Mile de La Force's Histoire secrette de Catherine de Bourbon (Nancy, 1703). 
It must, however, be admitted that Mile de La Force mentions such works 
as Les Amours du Grand Alcandre and the Galanteries des Rois de France. 

1 The change for the better, of course, takes place very gradually. Some 
of Madame de Villedieu's works still savour strongly of the Illustre Bassa 
and Polyxene. In the Exilez de la Cour d'Auguste (1675), Virgil gallantly 
tells a story to four ' ladies,' and the personages habitually converse about 
'le grand Jules.' In the Journal Amoureux (Part II, 1671) the Due 
d'Aumale, the Cardinal d'Armagnac and Gaspard de Coligny, all three the 
gravest of men, are made to appear as eminently ridiculous lovers. 
8 Dictionnaire, in the article on Nidhard. 
* e.g. in 1709 Memoires de la Duchesse de Nemours. 
1717 Memoires de Retz. 
1717 M6moires de Brienne. 

1720 Memoires de Pontchartrain (grandfather of the Chan- 
cellor Pontchartrain). 

1720 Memoires de Madame Henriette d* Angleterre (Madame 
de La Fayette). 


of the public. La Princesse de Cleves is one of the earliest and 
really the only important novel of the transition period ; 
the numerous authors, women chiefly, who follow in the 
train of Madame de La Fayette seldom come near her. 
Among these feminine predecessors and contemporaries of 
Hamilton may be mentioned Madame de Villedieu and 
Madame d'Aulnoy, the least mediocre ; Mademoiselle de la 
Rocheguilhem, Catherine Bernard, Madame DurandBedacier, 
Mademoiselle L'Heritier, Hamilton's friend, Mademoiselle 
de La Force, and Madame Petit-Dunoyer. Madame de 
Fontaines, Madame de Gomez and Mademoiselle de Lussan 
wrote after him. The men are less numerous and, with 
one exception, even less well known ; Vanel, Mailly, Baudot 
de Juilly, Gregoire de Challes before, Serviez and Ne'e de la 
Rochelle after Hamilton are mere names to us now, but 
the adventurer Gatien Courtilz de Sandras, that curious, 
amazingly prolific, picturesque writer, so convincing when 
he assures us that his chief preoccupation has always been 
the strictest veracity, author of Memoirs of Turenne, of 
Coligny, of the Comte de Rochefort, of Colbert, of the 
Due de Rohan, of J. B. de La Fontaine, of M. d'Artagnan, 
of the Marquise de Fresne, of the Marquis de Montbrun, of 
M. de Bouy, of the Mardchal de la Feuillade, of the Comtesse 
de Strasbourg, him we remember as a not altogether un- 
worthy ancestor of Alexandre Dumas pere. 

The ' new novels/ to use Bayle's expression, may be 
divided into different groups as far as the subject matter 
is concerned. A certain number still go back to ancient 
Greece and Rome, but they are in the minority. It is the 
history of France that receives most attention from the 
writers, and, commencing with the age of Pharamond, 
there is hardly a reign that does not find its chronicler. 
Finally, the histories of other nations are found to be 
fruitful sources of incident and picturesque character, and 

1723 Mtmoires de Madame de Motteville. 

1724 Memoires de Gourville. 
1727 Mtmoires de Montglat. 
1 729 Memoires de Lenet. 

1729 Memoires de Mademoiselle de Montpensier. 

1730 Histoire de la Mete et du Fils (a fragment of Richelieu's 


1731 Memoires de Madame de La Fayette. 

1732 Me" moires de Talon. 

1 7 34 Memoires d' A rnauld d'A ndilly. 

1735 Memoires de Turenne (in Ramsay's Histoire de Turenne) 

1735 Memoires du Due d' York (ibid.). Etc. 


besides a large number of novels that are qualified as 
Spanish, we have others that can be variously labelled as 
Portuguese, Italian, Savoyard, Sicilian, English, Swedish, 
Moscovite, Moorish, Tartar and Chinese ; x the more exotic 
the country the more curious the events described, until at 
length, the Oriental tales that flourish in the first half of 
the eighteenth century take us from the novel to the 
fantastic tale. 

Now those works that deal with the events of bygone 
ages or of fairly inaccessible countries could hardly pretend 
to be more than historical novels ; 2 it is otherwise when 
we come to works that treat of contemporary events and 
well-known persons. Narratives of this class, unless bearing 
the subtitle ' nouvelle historique/ as a rule claim to be 
absolutely authentic and trustworthy. 3 They may be 
autobiographical confessions written to defend a reputation 
unjustly attacked 4 or to help others to avoid the misfortunes 
that have befallen the author, 5 and this form will enjoy 
a considerable vogue throughout the eighteenth century. 
Or again, they are biographical, dates are set down the 
margins, 6 the authors write moved alone by the desire of 

1 Lenglet Dufresnoy gives a long and classified list of them in Vol. II 
of his Usage des Romans, and even more are noticed in the Bibliotheque 
des Romans. 

2 But not all are as frank as the editor of the Prince de Condi (by 
Boursault, Paris, 1675). " O n P eut regarder comme autant de veritez," he 
explains, " les endroits qui ne concernent que la guerre, mais on ne garantit 
pas ceux oil 1'amour a quelque part. Et a proprement parler, ce n'est icy 
qu'un petit Roman a quoy Ton prete des Noms Illustres pour le faire 
recevoir plus favorablement parce que Ton est plus sensible aux avantures 
d'un Prince que Ton connoist qu'a celles d'un heros que Ton ne connait 
pas." (Le libraire au lecteur.) 

8 See, for instance, the various prefaces of Courtilz de Sandras or the 
Memoires des avantures singulieres de la Cour de France (La Haye, 1692, 
2 e edition), where Madame d' Aulnoy warns the reader : " Ne vous attendez 
point que j'ajoute rien a la verite, ni pour embellir ni pour diminuer les 
incidents ; je crains meTne d'etre trop sincere dans la suitte de mon 
discours et qu'il ne s'y trouve quelques endroits qui ne vous paroissent pas 
d'une conduite assez regulidre : mais, Madame, pardonnez le moi, car en 
prenant la plume, j'ai resolu 

De nommer tout par son nom, 

Un chat un chat et rolet un fripon. (pp. 166-167.) 

4 e.g. the Memoirs of Mmes de Villedieu, Mazarin, Murat, etc. 

8 e.g. the Memoires de la Vie du Comte D*** Avant sa retraite, redigez 
par M. de Saint-Evremond, Paris, 1696 (attributed to the Abbe de Villiers). 

6 e.g. in Courtilz de Sandras's Vie de J. B. Colbert (1695) and Memoires 
de M. de Bouy (1711), in Boursault's Prince de Conde (1675), Madame 
d'Aulnoy's Comte de Warwick (1703), etc, 


instructing posterity ;* sometimes it ' happens ' that 
memoirs of well-known people have fallen into their hands 
and they publish them just as they have received them, 
without adding or suppressing anything. 2 

These memoirs and pseudo-memoirs contain, of course, 
a very varying amount of truth. They range from pro- 
ductions such as the Memoir es de la Vie du Comte D. * * * 
Avant sa retraite, or some of the works of Courtilz de Sandras, 
whom Bayle indignantly describes as a ' compilateur de 
toutes les rapsodies satiriques qu'on peut apprendre dans 
les auberges et dans les arme'es,' 8 to certain memoirs that 
can practically be included among the authentic memoirs 
written in all good faith. Among the memoirs that 
belong far more to the domain of history than that of 
fiction may be included Madame de La Fayette's Histoire 
de Madame Henriette d'Angleterre, in a lesser degree the 
Memoires de Grammont, and after these the Memoires de 
M. L. D. M. (Madame la Duchesse Mazarin), 4 probably 
composed by herself and Saint-Re*al, and the memoirs 
of her sister edited by Bremond, Les Veritable* Memoires de 
Madame Marie Mancini, conne'table de Colonna, ecrits par 
elle-meme. 6 The Lettres Portugaises, not having been 
written for the public or even for a circle of friends, are pur- 
posely omitted here. Other works belonging to this some- 
what indefinite class are the much earlier Histoire amoureuse 
des Gaules, certain works of Madame d'Aulnoy, the largely 
autobiographical Memoires de la Vie de Henriette Sylvie de 
Moliere by Madame de Villedieu* and Madame de Murat's 
Memoires de Madame la Comtesse de * * * ou la Defense 
des Dames dans lesquels on verra que tres souvent il y a 
beaucoup plus de malheur que de de*reglement dans la 
Conduite des Femmes, 7 also largely autobiographical. 

1 e.g. Courtilz de Sandras in the Vie de /. B. Colbert. 

1 Thus the Memoires de M. L. C. D. R. (Rochefort) by Courtilz de 
Sandras (1687). In the Memoires du Marquis de Montbrun (1701), Courtilz 
de Sandras declares impudently that if some of the events described should 
astonish certain ' personnes ' " tant pis, Ton n'est pas cause qu'elles soient 
si mal instruites." 

* Dictionnaire, in the article on Schomberg. 
4 Cologne, 1675. 

Leyden, 1678. These Memoirs are supposed by some to be apocry- 
phal. But see Amedee Ren6e, Les Nieces de Mazarin (Paris, 1 856), pp. 286- 
287, where it is urged that they are authentic and really written by her. 

9 Paris, 1672. 
7 Lyon, 1697. 


It must be remembered that, at this time, there is no 
very hard and fast line between history and fiction. The 
historiographers of Louis XIV can hardly be considered 
free in their profession (and one of them, Mezerai, well 
aware of his bondage, being dismissed writes on a bag, 
" This is the last money I ever got from the King and 
from that time onwards I have not found anything good 
to say of him "). Other historians favour the histoire 
anecdotique, and ' secret * histories. Varillas is at best a 
' historien romanesque ' ; his work was found to be full of 
inexactitudes and deliberate inventions. Saint-Real learns 
from him the ' art of embellishing history ' ; historiographer 
of Savoy, he writes both historical treatises and historical 
novels. Vertot, composing a History of Malta, is said to 
have refused the offer of some authentic documents con- 
cerning the siege of Malta. " It is too late, I have written 
my siege." And whoever may be responsible for the 
apocryphal (Euvres posthumes of Saint-Real, the following 
remark is not uncharacteristic of the period, " les incerti- 
tudes de la Philosophic ne sont gueres plus grandes que celles 
de 1'Histoire, et ceux qui 1'ont beaucoup lue disent que Ton 
accommode 1'histoire a peu pres comme les viandes dans 
une cuisine : chaque nation les apprete a sa maniere." 1 

On the other hand, some of the ' nouvellistes/ Baudot de 
Juilly, Vanel, Lesconvel, for instance, write historical works 
as well as purely imaginary narratives ; Madame d'Aulnoy 
gives a fairly detailed and sober account of the wars of 
1672-1679,2 and even the works of Courtilz de Sandras may 
be divided into those that have a strictly historical character, 
such as the lives of Turenne and Colbert, and those that 
deal with more imaginary personages while still purporting 
to be true. One is nowhere on very sure ground. Bayle 
preparing his dictionary is constantly inconvenienced by 
these hybrid productions. In his article on Louis XIII he 
not infrequently refers to the Memoir es d'Artagnan while 
having to admit that some of the author's statements are 
' very great falsehoods/ Elsewhere 3 he points out that 

1 Saint-Real, Nouvelles (Euvres posthumes (Paris, 1699), pp. 145-146. 

* Nouvelles ou memoires historiques, contenant ce qui s'est pass6 de 
plus remarquable dans 1' Europe, tant aux Guerres, prises de Places et 
Batailles sur terre et sur mer qu'aux divers interests des Princes et 
Souverains qui ont agy depuis 1672 jusqu'en 1679 (Paris, 1693). 

1 In his article on Nidhart. 


Madame d'Aulnoy's Memoires de la Cour d'Espagne are 
really much more reliable than they are supposed to be, 
but then, what can be done ? The public classes them with 
other more or less ingenious works of fiction and they share 
the general discredit. This state of confusion increases 
from day to day, and, says Bayle, " Je croi qu'enfin on con- 
traindra les Puissances a donner ordre que ces nouveaux 
Romanist es ayent a opter : qu'ils f assent, ou des Histoires 
toutes pures ou des Romans tout purs ou qu'au moins ils se 
servent de crochets pour separer Tune de 1'autre, la ve*rite 
et la faussete." 1 

Then there is the impudence of these new authors. Their 
books are full of the most barefaced untruths ; the persons 
they write about are, however, not yet too remote, and 
these inventions can still be easily enough exposed, but 
what about the future ? Do we know what will happen 
between the eighteenth and the twenty-eighth century ? 
What if there be a complete eclipse of all learning followed 
at length by a renascence ? Thousands of admirable works 
may perish while such a one as the Amours de Gregoire VII 
may escape destruction, and perhaps being unearthed by 
some eager seeker, it will be supposed to contain priceless 
anecdotes. We have been duped more than once by such 
works, we are evidently to be duped in the ages to come. 
Patience. 2 

It may be asked whether Hamilton owes anything to 
his predecessors who, with the fewest exceptions, are so 
immeasurably below him. One page of the Memoires de 
Grammont, it has been remarked, and rightly too, is worth 
all Madame de Villedieu's works put together. 3 From the 
mass of dull and feeble productions that encumber the last 
thirty years of the reign of Louis XIV the Memoires de 
Grammont emerge all the more triumphantly. But whether 
they would have been written if Courtilz de Sandras had not 


1 Dictionnaire, article on Gregoire VII ; cf. articles on Brez6 and 
Schomberg. The excellent La Harpe, writing about a hundred years later, 
cannot resign himself to the nouvelle historique either. " C'est une cor- 
ruption de 1'histoire inconnue aux anciens et qui caracterise la 16gerete des 
modernes que de defigurer par un vernis romanesque des faits importants 
et des noms celdbres et de meler la fiction a la realite." (Lycee, VI, p. 230.) 

* Cf. de Gallier, Madame de Villedieu, Bulletin de la Societe d' Archeologie 
de la Drome, 1883, p. 128. 


poured forth his would-be historical monographs, if Madame 
d'Aulnoy had not described the court of Charles II in a work 
that left much room for improvement is certainly doubtful. 
The various lives composed by Courtilz de Sandras may 
very well have given Hamilton the idea of writing the life 
of his brother-in-law, though he did not quite carry out his 
original intentions ; his own brother Richard figures in the 
Memoires de J. B. de La Fontaine. As for Madame d'Aulnoy 
who writes historical novels dealing with England, after 
Courtilz de Sandras she is the author who most frequently 
abandons the nouvelle historique, concerning itself with the 
past, and launches forth into accounts of things she has seen 
and of persons she has known, for like Courtilz she has 
travelled much. She does not hesitate to call things by 
their names ; she wishes the reader to be convinced of 
what she relates. It is true that she often mars her narra- 
tives by lapsing into the most unlikely and insipid fictions, 
but still she is one of those who has helped to direct the 
novel into new channels and who knew how to take advan- 
tage of the ever-ready interest of the public in contemporary 
events and personalities. She writes of the Spanish court, 
the English court and the French court, very seldom dis- 
guising the persons whose intrigues amoureuses she is 
naturally relating. If the Memoires secrets de M. L. D. D. 0. 
are really by her, 1 they are a most daring and libellous 
account of Madame Henriette's relations with the Comte 
de Guiche and others. 

There is one author, however, with whom Hamilton 
shows a decided affinity, the perpetrator of the notorious 
Histoire Amour euse des Gaules, Gramont's friend and 
kindred spirit, Bussy Rabutin, who is in some measure 
responsible for what is least estimable in this transition 
period of the novel, for the mass of half-libellous, half- 
satirical anecdotes that are brought forward in some form 
or other, for the prying curiosity, the unconcealed interest 
in things indelicate, the lack of discretion, the complacent 
disregard of the feelings of others, sparing not even the 
King in that monarchic age nor, a fortiori, the Church 

1 Mtmoires secrets de M. L. D. D. O[rleans] . . . par Mme d'Aulnoy, 
Paris, 1696. As a rule Madame d'Aulnoy publishes her books anony- 
mously. She complains in some of her prefaces that all kinds of works 
not written by her are given under her name or, at least, attributed 
to her. 


and the ladies at court 1 in short, for that spirit of opposi- 
tion and barefaced cynicism that was to characterize the 
regency. Brantome's bonhomie 2 has given way to a treacher- 
ous persiflage. We must admit that Hamilton is of the 
school of Bussy ; both of them, however, and Hamilton 
in particular, are far above the unreadable productions of 
half a century that separate the Histoire Amour euse from 
the Memoir es de Grammont, works like the Amours des 
Dames illustres de Notre Siecle, the Intrigues Amour euses 
de la Cour de France, the France Galante and others of this 
type. The Histoire Amour euse foreshadows the manner 
of Hamilton, his lightness of touch, his irony, his uncharit- 
able malice, the skill with which the portraits are drawn, 
but here Hamilton's superiority is very apparent. Bussy's 
portraits are much less varied than those of Hamilton's ; 
there is a certain monotony about them ; compared to 
some of those of the Memoires de Grammont they seem simple 
enumerations of the ' charms ' of the persons described. 3 
Moreover, Hamilton's style is even more polished than 
Bussy's. A certain trenchant conciseness of expression, the 
frequent epigrammatic turn of the phrases give the Memoires 
a curious hard glamour that the Histoire Amour euse lacks. 4 
Madame d'Aulnoy's Memoires de la Cour d'Angleterre 

1 " L'on voit aujourd'hui des Gens qui osent avancer corame une chose 
certaine qu'il n'y a point d'honnSte Femme," remarks Madame de Murat 
in her Memoirs (1697), and the Abbe Lenglet Dufresnoy, looking back over 
the novels of that age, points out at great length and not without some 
naivete the wrong it is " de censurer dans un roman la personne des Rois, 
de critiquer leur conduite, de les attaquer par des railleries, d'6taler leurs 
vices et leurs defauts, de blamer leur gouvernement . . . surtout point de 
satyre, point de railleries piquantes, point de bons mots, eloignons les de 
nos oreilles autant que ceux qui ecrivent les doivent eloigner de leurs 
livres." (De I'Usage des Romans, I, pp. 141, 152.) Similarly he remarks, 
" Surtout n'oublions point les femmes a la cour . . . qui les offense a 
tout redouter. Bussy ne 1'a que trop eprouve. II aimoit les bons mots 
et il en a et6 recompense de la bonne sorte : il a recu dans toute son 
etendue le fruit de cette ingenieuse satyre que la mre de tous les vices, 
c'est a dire 1'oisivete lui a fait ecrire contre des femmes vraiment aimables." 
(Ib., p. 160.) 

1 Cf. Doumic, Brantdme et ' Vhonn&te ' Galantevie. (Etudes sur la 
Litterature franfaise, Deuxieme Serie.) 

8 Bussy's famous portrait of Madame de Sevigne is an exception. 

4 Cf. for instance the following characterization of Turenne by Bussy 
and of Charles II by Hamilton. The idea underlying is much the same in 
both cases. " A 1'ouir parler dans son conseil, il paraissait rhomme du 
monde le plus irresolu, cependant quand il etait presse de prendre son parti, 
personne ne le prenait ni mieux ni plus vite." So much for Turenne. As 
for Charles II, "II etait capable de tout dans les affaires pressantes et 
incapable de s'y appliquer quand elles ne 1'etaient pas." 


appeared anonymously in 1695. They are of very slight 
importance and hardly deserve the honour that has recently 
been given them of a new English edition, 1 though Mr. 
Gilbert's able editorship has done something to show that 
they are not quite so negligible as had been thought. The 
Memoires de la Cour d'Espagne and the Voyage d'Espagne 
were marked by a certain simplicity and soberness, 2 by 
a relative absence of the usual intrigues amoureuses, but 
in the Memoires de la Cour d'Angleterre we have a series of 
futile and largely imaginery adventures from which only 
two or three episodes can be singled out as being confirmed 
by contemporary authority, thus, for instance, the story of 
the Count of Oxford and of the unfortunate actress Roxolana. 
During the second half of the seventeenth century 
various events the wanderings of Charles II, his Restora- 
tion, the brilliance and dissoluteness of his court, the second 
exile of the Stuarts had kept things English fairly con- 
stantly before the French public ; a certain number of the 
historical novels deal with England, 3 ' Bouquinkam ' was 

1 Memoirs of the Court of England in 1675, by Marie Catherine Baronne 
d'Aulnoy. Translated from the original French by Mrs. William Henry 
Arthur. Edited . . . with Annotations by George David Gilbert. London. 
John Lane, 1913. 

2 The superiority oi these Memoirs is partly due to the fact that 
Madame d'Aulnoy had had access to a MS. entitled " Etat de 1'Espagne de 
1678-1682," attributed to the French Ambassador, the Marquis deVillars, 
and since printed in 1733. 

3 e.g. 1670 Ethelrod et A If rede in Les Annales Galantes, by Madame de 

Villedieu, Paris, 1670. 

1674 Nouvelles Galantes de la Reine Elisabeth d'Angleterre, by 

Madame d'Aulnoy, Paris, 1674. 

1675 Marie Stuart, Reine de France et d'Ecosse, nouvelle historique, 

by Pierre le Pesant de Boisguilbert, Paris, 1675. 

1676 Hattige ou les Amours du Roy de Tameran, nouvelle, by 

Bremond. A. Cologne, chez Simon 1'Africain, 1676. 

1677 Frideric, Prince de Galles, Paris, 1677. 

1677 La Princesse d'Angleterre, Paris, 1677. Two vols. 

1678 A If rede, Reine d'Angleterre, Paris, 1678. 
1680 Le Comte de Richemont, Amsterdam, 1680. 

1682 La Comtesse de Salisbury ou I'Ordre de la Jarretiere, by 

d'Argences, Paris, 1682. Two vols. 
1686 Le Due de Montmouth, nouvelle historique, Lidge, 1686. 

1689 Marie de France, Reine d'Angleterre, by Cotolendi, Paris, 


1690 Histoire secrete de la Duchesse de Portsmouth, Cologne, 1690. 

1690 Hypolite, Comte de Douglas, by Mdme. d'Aulnoy, Paris, 1690. 

1691 Les Amours de Messaline ci-devant Reine d' Albion ou sont 

decouverts les secrets de I' imposture du Prince de Galles, 

Villefranche, Plantie, 1691. 

1695 Edward, Histoire d'Angleterre, Paris, 1695. 
1695 La Cour de Saint-Germain, Paris, 1695. 


a name not unknown to French fiction, Bremond's Hattige 
ou les Amours du Roy de Tamer an was a thinly disguised 
narrative of the relations existing between Charles II and 
Lady Castlemaine, x and Madame d'Aulnoy's Memoir es once 

1696 Hisloire de Catherine de France, Reine d'Angleterre, by 

Baudot de Juilly, Paris, 1696. 
1696 Mylord Courtenay ou les premiers amours d 1 'Elizabeth, Reine 

d'Angleterre, by Eustache le Noble, Paris, 1696. 
1698 Histoire des Intrigues amoureuses du Pere Peters, Jesuite, 

Con/esseur de Jacques II, ci-devant Roy d'Angleterre, 

Cologne, 1698. 
1700 L' Histoire du Comte de Clare, nouvelle galante, Amsterdam, 

1700 Les Galanteries Angloises, nouvelles historiques, La Haye, 

Louis Van Dole, 1700. 

1704 Histoire du Comte de Warwick, by Madame d'Aulnoy, Paris, 

1704. Two vols. 

1705 La Tour Unebreuse et les Jours lumincux, Conies anglais 

tires d'anciens manuscrits contenant la Chronique, les 
Fabliaux et autres Potsies de Richard Premier, by Made- 
moiselle L'heritier, Paris, 1705. Etc. 
The following translations may also be mentioned : 

1703 Memoires du chevalier Hasard, traduits de I'Anglois sur 

I' Original Manuscrit, Cologne, 1703. 

1708 Histoire secrtte de la Reine Zarah et les Zaraziens. Seconde 
edition corrigee (by Mrs. Manley) dans le Royaume 
d' Albion, 1708. 

1713 L' Atlantis de Mad. Manley, contenant les intrigues politiques 

et amoureuses d'Angleterre, La Haye, 1713. Three vols. 

1 On the 4th of October, 1676, Bayle writes to Minutoli : " J'ai lu ces 

jours passez les Amours du Roi d'Angleterre et de la Castelmaine sous le 

npm des Amours du Roi de Tamaran. C'est un fort joli petit ouvrage, 

bien 6crit et contenant des avantures bien tournees, mais qui ne donnent 

pas une haute id6c du Prince." [Lettres, Amsterdam, 1729, I, p. 128.] 

England is described by Br6mond as follows : " Le Tamaran . . . est 
aujourd'hui un Royaume ou 1'Amour regne plus souverainement qu'il n'a 
jamais fait en Chypre ni en Grenade. L'usage des galanteries y est devenu 
si familier qu'il est presque aussi naturel d'etre galant que de vivre. L'on 
y aime jusqu'aceque Ton soit tout a fait use et les jeunes gens, que 1'exemple 
de leurs pdres autorise, ont encore besoin d'un Maltre qu'ils cherchent a 
faire une Mattresse. . . . Les sujets, comme les Royaumes sont tels que 
les Rois les font et celui de Tamaran etant un des plus galants Princes 
qu'il y ait au monde, il ne faut pas s'etonner si dans tout son etat on ne 
parle que de galanterie." 

Keys were soon circulated. One of them was at one time in Nodier's 
possession (cf. Nodier, Melanges tires d'une petite bibliotheque, Paris, 1829, 
p. 95), another is preserved at the Record Office, among the French State 
Papers for 1676, Vol. 141, No. 249. According to this key the personages 
are explained as follows : 

Roy de Tamaran . le roy d'Angleterre. 

Hattige . la Duchesse de Geflande. 

Zara . confidente de la Duchesse. 

Rajep . M. de Chasuelle (Churchill), Amant de la Duchesse 

Osman . le Due de Bouquaincam. 

Moharen . Milord Candiche. 

Roukia . Femme du Milord. 

The book was printed in Holland, but Br6mond brought some copies to 


more recalled ' Witehal ' and ' Hidparq ' and set forth the 
love affairs of Monmouth, ' Bouquinkam/ of the Counts 
of ' Candich ' and ' Evincher/ of the Countess of ' Schros- 
bery/ of ' Nellecuin ' and of many others. This book, in 
which Hamilton's cousin, the Count of Arran, is one of the 
doubtful heroes, in which his uncle, the Duke of Ormonde, 
is so unworthily made to act the part of a foolish elderly 
lover, cannot but have been instrumental in turning back 

England and had a certain number printed in London. The bookseller, 
Bentley, to whom Bremond had entrusted some of them, ' finding the sale 
quick,' ' innocently ' intended to have the book translated, but Oldenburg, 
then secretary of the Royal Society, refused to license it, considering the 
book " very unfit, not only to be translated, but to be vended in French, 
as looking like a libel against the King." Bremond had impudently 
dedicated it to Lord St. Albans, and assured Bentley that as soon as he 
got any more copies, he would present one to the King, and that he was 
engaged in writing a second part. A warrant was issued to L'Estrange to 
search for the book, author, printer and publishers and bring them before 
Williamson or a justice, and Bentley was seized on and examined ; 
Bremond, however, seems to have been too elusive. Meanwhile Williamson 
took steps to find out whether the book was really intended as a libel, and 
his secretary managed to secure one of the above-mentioned keys through 
a Paris correspondent. " I send you here inclosed," writes the latter, 
" what you order' d me to enquire after, which I met with before I signified 
so much to you, for otherwise I should have been loath to have explain'd 
Tamaran in such terms. I have seen three severall editions of the book, 
the First had the Clef printed with it, and I think I met with the first of 
them that came to light in the Streat, so soft and dampy though stitched 
up in a parchement Cover that one who had skill would rather say it was 
newly corned out of the presse, then sweaty by its journey from Cologne. 
The second Edition was printed without the Clef and the book and the 
Clef each sold by themselves. This enclosed is one of them wch belongs to it 
and the third has none that I can find. The first I saw in the hands of a 
Woman that Cryed Garetes in the Streets, but since they have bin sold 
at the Quay des Augustins where all books of that trampe are to be had." 
(R.O. St. P., Foreign, France, 141, No. 249, W. Lancaster to Francis 
Benson, Sept. 3oth, 1676.) 

As for Bremond, he went on writing somewhat doubtful books and dedi- 
cating them to English patrons : in 1676, the same year, la Princesse de 
Mont/errat to the Earl of Plymouth ; in 1677, le Galant Escroc to Mulgrave, 
le Triomphe de I' Amour sur le Destin to the Earl of Middlesex, I'Heureux 
Esclave to Lord Ossory ; in 1678 le double Cocu to the Earl of Pembroke, etc. 

In 1680 the translation of Hattige appeared in spite of all, viz. Hattige 
or the Amours of the King of Tamaran. A Novel. Amsterdam. Printed 
for Simon the African at the Black Prince in the Sun [R. Bentley, London ?], 
1680. A reprint appeared in 1683 (Amsterdam), and in 1692 another 
edition was openly published in England, viz. London, printed for R. 
Bentley in Russel Street in Co vent Garden, 1692 (Vol. I of a series in 
twelve volumes, called Modern Novels). Other editions appeared in 1720 
and 1729. 

(Cal. St. P., Dom., 1676-1677, pp. 76, 80, 81, 82, and Bayle, op. cit., 
note by Desmaizeaux). 

Bremond publishes all his books anonymously ; he is usually called 
Gabriel de Bremond, but it should be noted that Bentley, who knew him 
personally, calls him Sebastien Bremond. 


Hamilton's thoughts to the Stuart court at the time that 
it was gayest. Though the Memoir es de Grammont were 
not composed until ten years later, there can be little doubt 
that the errors and the feebleness of the earlier work are 
in some measure responsible for the brilliant narrative to 
which the reign of Charles II is indebted for part of its bad 

In 1704 then or in the beginning of 1705 Hamilton 
announces his intention of composing a work that may give 
some idea of the chevalier's ' merit/ 1 With a kind of mock 
humility he acknowledges that there are many others 
more capable of undertaking this task ; Boileau, for instance, 
or Chaulieu and La Fare, or the reverend Fathers Massillon 
and De la Rue or the Mercure Galant, but there being 
difficulties in every case, there remains nothing but for 
him to become the panegyrist. The plan was one that could 
not but delight Gramont, for Gramont did not doubt that 
he was " le plus joly courtisan qui ait jamais est." 2 We 
read in a manuscript copy of lampoons : 

Tou jours le Comte de Gramont 

D'un Amant aura la figure, 

II bnisle comme Cupidon, 

II est plus galant que Mercure 

Que coutait-il aux Dieux, nous 1'ayant donn6 tel 

De le rendre immortel ? * 

The best part of the story remains to be told ; it was 
Gramont himself who composed the above lines. 4 A certain 
amount of irony does, of course, enter into them, but 
Gramont was not so very far from being in earnest when 
he spoke about his deserving immortality. He often 
jestingly assured his contemporaries that he would never 
die, and in a sense his prediction has been fulfilled. Two 
hundred years have elapsed since his death and he is still 
very present to us. 

Hamilton seems to have set to work soon after writing 
the epistle alluded to, for the Memoirs, or at least the 
largest part of them, were composed during the lifetime of 

1 Epftre a Monsieur le Comte de Gramont, (Euvres, I, pp. i sq. 

2 Bibl. Nat., m3. fr. 12688, p. 285. 
8 Ib., p. 279. 

4 Ib., p. 285. 


Gramont, 1 and Gramont, it will be remembered, died in 
January, 1707. Early in 1712 Madame read them with 
great delight in manuscript, and had a copy made for the 
Duchess of Hanover, who professed to be no less ' diverted.' 2 
In 1713 the Memoirs were suddenly published anony- 
mously with the usual imprint of the doubtful and dis- 
reputable books of the period, A Cologne, Chez Pierre 
Marteau. 3 The editor gave out that he had received a 
manuscript copy from Paris and that he had reproduced it 
with the greatest exactitude possible. At any rate he com- 
posed the title, for whereas from the extant manuscript 
copies it would seem that Hamilton had given his work 
the modest name of Fragmens de la Vie du Comic de Gramont, 
it appeared in print as Memoires de la Vie du Comte de 
Grammont, contenant particulierement I'Histoire Amoureuse 
de la Cour d'Angleterre sous le Regne du Roi Charles II. The 
sub-title especially was characteristic of the type of litera- 
ture issued by that apocryphal person, Pierre Marteau, and 
was calculated to attract the public. 

There can be little doubt that the appearance of the 
Histoire Amoureuse de la Cour d'Angleterre was as unwelcome 
to its author as that of the Histoire Amoureuse des Gaules 
was to Bussy, and that he was as little responsible for its 
publication as Fenelon was for that of the Telemaque, or, 
to quote a less illustrious example, his friend, M. de Cou- 
langes, for that of his chansons which were printed to his 
' great affliction/ 4 It was all very well to circulate the 
manuscript among a few friends ; it was a different thing 
to divulge it to the public at large. A few of the personages 

1 Hamilton would hardly have written as he did in the following 
sentences had he been writing after the Count's death : " Persuade, comme 
il est encore, qu'en amour on gagne toujours de bonne guerre": MS. copy 
preserved at the Bibliothdque Mazarine, cf. p. 301 infra (I, p. 79) ; and 
" Pour moi, je ne me serais jamais avise de croire, que 1'attention du Comte 
de Grammont, si vive aujourd'hui pour les inconvenients et les perils, lui 
eut permis autrefois de faire de tendres raisonnements sur la route, s'il ne 
me dictoit a present ce que j'ecris " (I, p. 348). 

In any case the Memoirs were not written later than 1710, for Richard 
Jones, Count of Ranelagh, mentioned as still alive (I, p. 125), died in 
January, 1711. 

2 Madame, Correspondance, II, pp. no, in. 

8 As a rule these books were printed in Holland, but the bibliographer!, 
Guillaume Fran9ois Debure, in his Catalogue des Livres du Cabinet de feu 
M. Louis Jean Gaignat (Paris, 1769), enters the word Rouen in parenthesis 
after Cologne in his description of the editio princeps (Vol. I, p. 571). 

4 Sevigne, Lettres, X, p. 213. 


of the Memoirs were still alive ; Progers and Chesterfield 
had disappeared just in time, but there remained Sir Stephen 
Fox, Marlborough, Arabella Churchill (Mrs. Godfrey), the 
Duchess of Monmouth, Miss Temple and her husband, 
' Le Serieux Lyttleton/ Lady Robartes, Miss Hughes and 
la belle Jennings, the widowed Duchess of Tyrconnel. 1 
Except for the last-named, they were all indifferent enough 
to Hamilton, especially as he no longer saw them ; still, 
he had spoken of the mother of his friend Berwick in a way 
that could not but be considered outrageous ; ' la belle 
Stuart/ the aunt of the four sisters Bulkeley to whom he 
was so much attached, had been treated little better, and 
the ' young king ' could not be expected to appreciate the 
account that was given of his father. Moreover, it could 
hardly please Hamilton to contribute to the amusement 
of the bourgeoisie by a work that was not intended for it 
and to have his family affairs discussed by a class for whom 
he had always entertained a profound contempt. 

We do not know how the Memoirs were received by those 
whom they concerned, but no special outcry seems to 
have been raised. Apart from a circle of intimates nobody 
knew who had written the book. Saint-Simon, and doubt- 
less many others, believed that the author was really 
Gramont himself, and spoke with righteous indignation 
of the ' strange ' Memoirs that Gramont had not been 
' ashamed ' to write. 2 Books of that type, all anonymous, 
appeared so frequently at the time that, in France at least, 
the Memoirs were not considered as anything particularly 

Were the Memoirs really dictated by Gramont ? Once 
or twice Hamilton interrupts his narrative to assure the 
reader that he is only holding the pen for Gramont, 3 and 
there was doubtless a certain amount of collaboration 
between them. The Memoirs, it will be remembered, con- 

1 The maid of honour, Mademoiselle La Garde, is, as a rule, mentioned 
among the survivors ; she is stated to have lived till 1730, this, however, 
must be an error. Hamilton tells us that she married Sir Gabriel Sylvius, 
and Sir Gabriel Sylvius married in 1677 Miss Anne Howard (Evelyn, III, 
p. 1 1 ). One is therefore led to suppose that Mademoiselle La Garde died 
before this date, and, as a matter of fact, we find that in 1670 a certain 
Madame Henriette de Bordes d'Assigny was appointed dresser and woman 
of the chamber to the Queen ' in place of Lady Sylvius, deceased.' (Cal. 
St. P., Dom., 1670, p. 437.) 

1 Mtmoires, XI, p. 109 ; XIV, p. 265. 

* (Euvres, I, pp. 20, 348. 


sist of two distinct parts : first, the adventures of the 
Chevalier de Gramont before his exile, that is to say, certain 
events which took place between the years of 1643 and 
1662 ; and second, roughly speaking, the chevalier's 
adventures in England from 1662 to 1664, though events 
which took place in England after the chevalier's return to 
France are occasionally alluded to. For the first part 
Hamilton was altogether dependent on the information 
that Gramont gave him ; for the second part he could and 
did draw on his personal recollections as well, though he 
was only seventeen or eighteen when the chevalier came 
to England. At any rate, Gramont 's collaboration cannot 
ever have amounted to anything more than the furnishing 
of the materials. As we know, he was an awkward writer 
though a brilliant talker, and the Memoirs are a very 
elaborate work of art that must have cost their author 
many an hour of patient, loving labour such as was unknown 
to Gramont. 

Sometimes Hamilton found the task very hard. From 
the very beginning he had decided that to reproduce the 
chevalier's bons mots or even his personal accounts of his 
adventures was an undertaking altogether beyond his 
powers, and as he progressed with his work, he became 
more and more confirmed in his resolution. " This would 
certainly be the place to mention his adventures," he 
exclaims on one occasion, " but who can describe them 
with such ease and elegance, as may be expected by those 
who have heard his own relation of them ? Vain is the 
attempt to endeavour to transcribe these entertaining 
anecdotes, their spirit seems to evaporate upon paper and 
in whatever light they are exposed, the delicacy of their 
colouring and their beauty are, lost." 1 What made 
Gramont 's stories so irresistible was not so much, according 
to Bussy, the matter, as his Gascon accent and the expres- 
sion on his face. 2 Whether Hamilton was successful or not 
in laying hold of the chevalier's manner is a question that 
could only have been settled by his contemporaries ; we 
may note that Madame, at least, was extremely enthusias- 
tic ; 3 to his latter-day readers it certainly seems that when 
the chevalier is made to describe the misfortunes of Termes 

1 Memoirs (ed. Gordon Goodwin), I, p. 66. 

8 Correspondence, II, p. no. 

8 Madame, Correspondance, II, p. no. 


and the embroidered coat, the siege of Lerida or the adven- 
ture at the Lyons inn, his vivacity, his polite impudence, 
his mock gravity, his flippant wit, his vainglorious affability 
are rendered with the utmost skill. 

Hamilton had originally intended to confine himself 
to the adventures of Gramont after his return from exile 
in 1664 ; his participation in the campaigns of 1668 and 
1672 to 1678, his visit to England in 1670 and his connexion 
with Buckingham's mission to France, his last appearance 
in the Dauphin's army at the age of seventy, his various 
' resurrections ' from severe illnesses, etc. 1 But, as we have 
seen, he went back to the early years of Gramont's youth 
it was possibly Gramont himself who persuaded him to do 
this and though, for a while he still thought of continuing 
the Memoirs down to more recent times, 2 his first plan was 
ultimately abandoned. 

The original draft of the Memoirs seems to have included 
two chapters that unfortunately have not come down to 
us ; the chevalier's adventures at the French court after 
leaving Turin, the abduction of Mademoiselle de Boute- 
ville by Gaspard de Coligny, 3 in which Coligny was aided 
by Conde* and, as it would seem, by Mademoiselle de 
Bouteville's cousin, Gramont ; Gramont's ' counsels ' before 
the imprisonment of Conde, Conti and Longueville, his 
' generous actions ' after that occurrence, and other minor 
events. 4 It is impossible to say what became of these 

1 Epltre a Monsieur le Comte de Grammont, passim ((Euvres, I). 

1 Cf. (Euvres, I, p. 46. " Trin se rendit enfin . . . Je ne sais pas si le 
chevalier de Grammont cut quelque part a la prise de cette place ; mais 
je sais bien que, sous un regne plus glorieux et des armes partout victori- 
euses, sa hardiesse et son adresse en ont fait prendre quelques-unes depuis, 
a la vue de son maltre, C'est ce qu'on verra dans la suite de ces Mtmoires." 
Now the Memoirs end abruptly with the chevalier's marriage. 

3 Cf. the Histoire d'Angelie et de Ginolic in the Histoire amoureuse des 
Gaules and Madame de Motteville, pp. 85-87. 

4 Cf. the original ending of Chapter IV, quoted infra p. 303. This 
is the text given in the two manuscript copies preserved, the one at the 
Bibliotheque Nationale the other at the Bibliotheque Mazarine. Both 
of these go straight on from Chapter IV (Chapter IV in the 1713 edition) 
to Chapter VII (Chapter V in the 1713 edition). No pages have been cut 
out of the MSS., no explanation is given of the gap. The copy at the 
Bibliotheque Mazarine is divided into two parts, the second (Fragmens de 
laViedu Comte de Gramont, Seconde Partie) beginning with the story of 
the siege of Lerida. It is significant that the first part, in which the 
missing chapters ought to have been, contains 1 76 pages over against the 
244 pages of the second part. The copy at the Bibliotheque Nationale is 
unfortunately imperfect and consists only of a first part which corresponds 
with the first part of the Mazarine copy. 


chapters ; they may have been lost accidentally, and 
Hamilton was not the man to trouble to rewrite them ; 
he may have suppressed them as not being equal in merit 
to the rest of the work, or they may not have been to the 
liking of Gramont ; in any case, we cannot but regret the 
disappearance of what promised to be not the least interest- 
ing chapters in this life of Gramont. 

The ending of the Memoirs strikes one as singularly 
abrupt. Hamilton, as if tired of his self-imposed task, 
suddenly marries off all his personages without any warning, 
but promises to give another instalment in which it is to be 
set forth how these marriages came about, 1 a promise which 
he probably never kept, for no sequel to the Memoirs has 
ever been known to exist. 

How has the hero of the Memoirs fared at the hands of 
his biographer ? Saint-Simon, imagining that Gramont 
had himself composed the Memoirs, remarked that his worst 
enemies would not have dared to publish them. 2 Voltaire, 
too, thought little of the role that was assigned to the 
chevalier, a role which, according to him, amounted to little 
more than cheating his friends at play, being robbed by 
his valet and uttering some imaginary bons mots. 3 Neither 
he nor Saint-Simon are altogether just to Hamilton ; so 
skilfully are Gramont's shortcomings handled that he has 
come down to us through the ages with his insolent ease 
in no wise diminished. Not that Hamilton disguises his 
hero's failings, from the very outset he gives his readers 
to understand that he does not mean to pass these over 

1 " Ce sera dans la troisiSme partie de ces Memoires, qu'on fera voir de 
quelle manidre arriv^rent ces differentes avantures " ending of the manu- 
script copy preserved at the Bibliothe'que Mazarine. Madame, writing to 
the Duchess of Hanover, says : " Le Comte de Gramont . . . alia en 
Angleterre. C'est a cette epoque qu'il y eut toutes les avantures que vous 
trouverez dans le deuxidme livre. Dans le premier se trouve relatee sa 
galanterie a la cour de Savoie. DSs que je pourrai avoir le tome troisidme 
je vous le ferai copier et vous I'enveiTai " (Corr., II, p. no). One might 
almost conclude from this that the sequel above mentioned was in 
existence, but Madame is probably only alluding to Hamilton's promise 
which, she must have discovered, he had not troubled himself to carry out. 

Boyer ends his translation (1714) with the following words: "How 
Love Affairs were manag'd in the English court, after these matches, shall 
be faithfully related in the second volume of these Memoirs." But this is 
a frank addition to the 1713 text and very likely refers to some continuation 
that Boyer intended to undertake. The statement is omitted from the 
1719 reprint. 

Mtmoires, XIV, p. 265. 

8 (Euvres, XIV (Sidcle de Louis XIV), pp. 78-79. 


in silence. But there are, of course, different ways of 
treating the lapses of our fellow-men ; those of Gramont 
are set forth as being very original, very amusing, very 
witty and therefore very pardonable. Gramont is calmly 
described as a man, " distinguished by a mixture of virtues 
and vices so closely linked together, as in appearance to 
form a necessary dependence, glowing with the greatest 
beauty when united, shining with the brightest lustre when 
opposed." 1 As for Gramont's cheating at cards, 2 that was 
a less serious offence in the seventeenth century than it 
would be now ; in Madame de Sevigne and Saint-Simon 
we read of gentlemen addicted to similar habits ; Mazarin 
is by no means free from reproach, and Madame de Staal 
de Launay tells us that the Duchesse de la Ferte* used to 
assemble her attendants and her purveyors at Lansquenet 
and get the better of them by more than doubtful means, 
because, she said, they robbed her in other ways. 3 

Occasionally the praises of Gramont ring somewhat 
hollow. One is slightly bored by the frequent rehearsal of 
the chevalier's ' merit ' and popularity ; one wonders 
whether Hamilton is quite serious and it is often exceed- 
ingly difficult to know when Hamilton is serious and when 
not in speaking of Gramont as a kind-hearted, noble, 
generous defender of the oppressed and the helpless ; 4 one 
wonders whether Hamilton, the most caustic and clear- 
sighted of persons, is quite sincere in his professed admira- 
tion for his brother-in-law. One thing is certain, and that 
is that he is not quite in his element when, lapsing from his 
usual ironical manner, he speaks charitably and without 
the hidden sting. " On n'a pas tant d'esprit quand on 
demande pardon que quand on offense/ 1 he says somewhere 
in his Memoirs. " On n'a pas tant d'esprit quand on loue 
que quand on critique," one might say, and apply this 
adaptation to the case of Hamilton. The Tales show none 
of this restraint. 

1 Memoirs (ed. Gordon Goodwin), I, p. 3. 

1 Goujas hints at Gramont's cheating Monsieur (Gaston d'Orleans). 
(Mimoires de Nicholas Goujas (Paris, 1879, three vols.), II, p. 212, for the 
year 1647.) Forty years later the Due du Maine, aged sixteen, has to 
confess to Madame de Maintenon that, finding nobody who would play 
petit jeu, he had played with Gramont and lost fifty pistoles against him. 
(Maintenon, Correspondance Generale, III, p. 59.) 

8 Mtmoires de Madame de Staal (ed. Michaud et Poujoulat, 1839), p. 689. 

4 See especially (Euvres, I, pp. 44-45. 


In the second part of the Memoirs Gramont is less in 
evidence. In the earlier chapters we have Gramont 's 
emancipation from the guardianship of the sagacious 
Brinon, his first exploits at the siege of Trino, his stay at 
the court of Turin, the episode of the Fronde when Gramont 
visits the hostile camps of Conde and Turenne ; everything 
turns round Gramont, though we are introduced to some 
other no less interesting personages, M. Cerise, the host, and 
the fat little horse-dealer at Lyons ; that altogether delight- 
ful kinsman of Brantome, Matt a, whose bons mots Madame 
de Caylus still quotes fifty years after his death ; the 
menage Senantes and M. de Cameran, who is so gracefully 
fleeced, etc. But in the second part the mode of treatment 
changes. Gramont is no longer quite the central figure. 
The^ biographer forgets that his original intention was to 
set forth the doings of the chevalier, so many are the recol- 
lections that force themselves upon him. The portraits that 
are almost absent from the first part now begin to abound. 
The scene is suddenly thronged with the lords and ladies 
of -the English court whom Hamilton had known so well, 
the King, the Queen, the Duke and Duchess of York, those 
amazing maids of honour, Mrs. Middleton, Lady Shrews- 
bury, certain members of the Hamilton family ; Killegrew, 
Arran, Talbot and Falmouth, all ' gens d'honneur,' Roches- 
ter and Buckingham, ' little ' Jermyn, le beau Sydney and 
many more. With some of the episodes Gramont has very 
little to do. His love affair with Elizabeth Hamilton is 
hardly given as much prominence as those of Charles II, 
Lady Castlemaine and Miss Stuart, the Duke of York and 
Miss Churchill, James Hamilton and Lady Chesterfield, 
George Hamilton and Mrs. Wetenhall. This, however, is 
intentional, for if Hamilton does not spare the beauties of 
the English court, he is naturally careful in what he says 
of his sister ; moreover, is not one of the less avowed 
objects of the Memoirs to dispose of the legend of a certain 
' manage force/ to dispel certain vague suspicions that 
Miss Hamilton had been over-easy of access ? She is 
certainly made to contrast very advantageously with the 
other ladies. This was rather a difficult task to undertake, 
but, on the whole, Hamilton has succeeded well enough, 
especially by placing most of the praise bestowed on her 
into Saint-vremond's mouth. 

For the light it throws on some aspects of court life the 


second part of the Memoirs is the more important, but, 
except for the inimitable portraits already mentioned, it 
ranks less high than the first part from a literary stand- 
point. Here every one of the episodes is a masterpiece, 
unless, perhaps, we except the lengthy chapter dealing with 
the chevalier's stay at Turin. Few will share Wieland's 
preference for the second part. 1 Here Hamilton is led too 
far away by his souvenirs, he himself becomes obviously 
tired of his task ; some passages are frankly dull. Towards 
the close of the book he makes us feel, unintentionally no 
doubt, the hollow artificiality that crept into the pleasures 
at court, the fatigue overtaking the constant pursuit of 
cloying delights. The very headings of the chapters 2 
betray a growing monotony, ' Intrigues amoureuses de la 
cour d'Angleterre,' ' Autres intrigues amoureuses de 
la cour d'Angleterre,' ' Autres intrigues amoureuses de la 
cour d'Angleterre,' ' Suite des intrigues amoureuses de la 
cour d'Angleterre,' ' Suite des intrigues amoureuses de cette 
cour/ Pepys sums up the situation in a few words, " All 
the court are in an uproare with their loose amours." 3 He 
is less drawn out and more pithy than Hamilton. " She 
[Lady Castlemaine] is fallen in love with young Jermyn 
who hath of late been with her oftener than the King, 
and is now going to marry my Lady Falmouth. The 
King is mad at her entertaining Jermyn and she is mad 
at Jermyn's going to marry from her : so they are all mad 
and thus the kingdom is governed." 4 

Of the more serious events of the reign Hamilton has 
nothing to say. Whatever does not concern the court 
does not concern him. As Michelet remarks of the court of 
Louis XIV, " Que voulez-vous ? Ces gens-la se croyaient 
un monde complet et ignoraient le reste." 6 And so let no 
one be surprised if there is no mention of the great fire 
or of the plague or of the ill-omened war with Holland. 6 
As a matter of fact, Hamilton was too consummate an 
artist to introduce anything so discordant into his picture. 

1 Der neue Amadis (first edition, Leipzig, 1771), I, pp. 190, 192 n. 
* These headings were not, of course, given by Hamilton, but they fit 
the chapters remarkably well. 
3 Diary, V, p. 148. 
76., VII, p. 50. 

5 Histoire de France, XV, p. vii. 

6 These events, it is true, took place after the chevalier's departure, 
but then a number of such events are included in the Memoirs, 


There is no doubt, however, that if Hamilton had set himself 
to give a serious account of the events he had witnessed, he 
might have accomplished something excellent in its way. 
Certain passages, the description of the state of France 
under Louis XIII, for instance, or the portrait of Cromwell 
make one wish that he had devoted his talents to something 
more worthy of them. 

Like Le Sage Hamilton is a shrewd observer, and the 
Memoirs are not without some curious remarks on the 
world he lived in. It is interesting to find him describing 
London as the most beautiful city in the world and the 
English as the least submissive nation of Europe. The 
English are also credited with a penchant for ' ce qui sent le 
gladiateur/ while the French have the privilege of a certain 
air of elegance which the foreigner can only acquire by 
sojourning in France during his youth. The Spaniards 
have imparted to Arlington his ponderous gravity and his 
slowness in the conduct of affairs, while Chesterfield imitates 
the Italians in his ceremonious manner and his exaggerated 
jealousy of his wife. And so on. 1 There is a slightly ill- 
natured sketch of a country wedding at Abbeville, a curious 
account of the bowling greens and the ' rooks ' at Bath, a 
charming little description of Tunbridge Wells that has 
been compared to one of Meissonier's paintings, 2 and 
scattered all through the Memoirs are illustrations of the 
customs of the time that M. Charlanne, for one, has been 
able to utilize in his recent book, L 'Influence fran$aise en 
Angleterre au Dix-septieme Siecle. 

The question whether Hamilton is trustworthy in his 
facts and in his chronology has often been discussed, though 
the critic is somewhat disarmed by Hamilton's peremptory 
statement that neither dates nor order of events shall 
trouble him. For the first part of the Memoirs and for the 
passages of the second that deal with the private life of 
Gramont there is not much verification possible, but the 
fact that Gramont himself furnished Hamilton with the 
materials is significant ; Gramont, as we know him, and a 

1 The remark that Hamilton makes about the Swiss merchants (they 
are also indifferently called Germans), viz. that they played like horses at 
trictrac, formerly gave great offence to the German translators, and the 
word ' Germans ' has been suppressed in the 1780 edition. (I, p. 14 ; cf. 
also the preface.) 

2 E. D. Forgues, Revue des Deux Mondes, September, 1857, p. 174, 
(Le Comte de Rochester.) 


Gascon to boot, would not have the slightest scruples in 
embellishing these materials if he thought best. Thus it is 
by no means so very certain that Gramont was as haughty 
to Mazarin as he would have us believe, 1 and as for what 
he is pleased to call ' Mrs. Middleton's disgrace/ we know 
that if there was any ' disgrace ' it was his own and not 
Mrs. Middleton's. He had, it would seem, bribed Mrs. 
Middleton's maid, and this estimable person kept not only 
his money but the declarations intended for her mistress. 
When at length Mrs. Middleton was informed of the 
chevalier's pretensions she ordered him to keep quiet and 
look elsewhere. 2 

The second part, in so far as it deals with the English 
court, has been subjected to frequent and minute examina- 
tions. From Walpole downwards Englishmen have anno- 
tated their Gramont. The British Museum possesses the 
copies of Sir William Musgrave, Isaac Reed and the Rev. 
John Mitford with their manuscript notes. Peter Cunning- 
ham added an interesting appendix to his Story of Nell 
Gwyn, endeavouring to show that practically all the events 
alluded to in the second part of the Memoirs took place 
during the chevalier's stay in England. Unfortunately, 
misled by a letter of Charles II to which Dalrymple had 
assigned a wrong date, 3 he assumed that the chevalier had 
not been married till 1668 and had not left England till 
1669. 4 All the English editions of the Memoirs are supplied 
with copious notes, the late Henry Vizetelly's and Mr. 
Gordon Goodwin's being among the best in that respect. 
Quite recently there has appeared a German edition by 
Dr. Karl Federn, Der Chevalier von Gramont, Hamilton's 
Memoiren und die Geschichte, in which an entire volume is 
given up to a very thorough investigation of Hamilton's 

1 Maintenon, Corr. Gdnerale, I, p. 76. 

1 Jusserand, French Ambassador, p. 93. Hamilton tells us that Gramont 
"sans s'amuser aux formalites, ne s'adrcssa qu'a son portier pour 6tre 
introduit " (I, pp. 24, 25). According to Courtin, she once refused a purse 
of 1 500 jacobus that Gramont wished to give her. ( Forneron, Louise de 
Keroualle. p. 67.) 

* Dalrymple, Memoirs, II, p. 26. 

4 Whereas, as we know, the Count and the Countess left in October, 
1664. Sir William Musgrave said that the events mentioned in the Memoirs 
appeared to have happened between the years 1663-1665. Cunningham 
thought this too restricted, and set himself to prove it. (Story of Nell 
Gwyn, p. 185.) 


As a rule, Hamilton's facts are roughly confirmed by 
contemporary authorities, such as Pepys, Evelyn, Reresby, 
Clarendon, Burnet, the French Ambassadors' correspond- 
ence, especially the correspondence of Cominges, etc. The 
intrigues between Charles II, Lady Castlemaine and Miss 
Stuart, the accusations brought against the Duchess of 
York before her marriage was formally declared, the Queen's 
illness and the King's short-lived emotion, the Duke of 
York's intrigues with Lady Southesk, Lady Denham, Lady 
Chesterfield and Miss Churchill, Chesterfield carrying off 
his wife to the country, the Duchess of York's affection for 
Henry Sydney, the seduction of the actress Roxolana, the 
Muscovite embassy, the exiled Rochester in disguise, Miss 
Jenning's orange girl escapade, the duel between Jermyn 
and Howard, the duel between Shrewsbury and Bucking- 
ham, the mysterious attack on Killegrew we know from 
Hamilton's contemporaries that all these things really 
took place, even the ugliness of the Portuguese ladies in 
the suite of the Queen we read about in Evelyn and 
Clarendon ; in the main Hamilton's narrative is certainly 
correct. 1 And let us remember that most of the anecdotes 
he relates are intimately connected with members of his 
family and relations such as Arran, Lady Chesterfield 'and 
Mrs. Wetenhall ; that at St. Germain he was well acquainted 
with Lady Sophia Bulkeley, 'la belle Stuart's' sister, and 
that writing mainly for a small circle of friends who were 
very familiar with all the events and personalities described 
he would hardly have dared to introduce any too palpable 
A great many details are, of course, too highly coloured 

1 Thus for long it was asserted that there was no such maid of honour 
as the unfortunate Mademoiselle Warmestre ; according to annotators, 
Hamilton was alluding to Mary Kirk, but Lord Cornbury's letter of June 10, 
1662 (printed in Warburton's Memoirs of Prince Rupert, III, pp. 461-464), 
in which the newly formed household of the Queen is described, expressly 
mentions a Mrs. Warmestry. Miss Price, it was said, was not a maid of 
honour to the Duchess but to the Queen ; we know now, however, that 
Miss Price, maid of honour to the Queen, had a sister who was attached 
in a similar capacity to the Duchess. (Memoirs, ed. Gordon Goodwin, note 

E. 275). Cunningham took great pains to prove that the actress seduced 
y the Earl of Oxford was known as Roxolana and not as Roxana ; if he 
had referred to the first edition he would have found that Hamilton did 
give her name correctly and that this name was changed by Boyer. 
Similarly it is Boyer and not Hamilton who must be accused of calling 
Sir Charles Berkeley George, the first edition merely calls him le chevalier 
de Barklay. 


to be accepted, too obviously arranged for picturesque 
effect, 1 and there are a certain number of errors, some of 
them insignificant enough ; thus, the fortune of the Duchess 
of Monmouth is made out to be less considerable than it 
really was, and two different visits of the court to Tunbridge 
Wells have been confused ; 2 these inexactitudes are natural 
enough, but there are one or two cases in which Hamilton 
wilfully departs from the truth for the sake of effectiveness ; 
Sir John Denham is made out to be seventy-nine at the 
time of his marriage in 1665, whereas he was only about 
fifty, and Colonel John Russell figures as a ridiculous rival 
of Gramont's because of his advanced age, viz. sixty, while 
at most, he can only have been six or seven years older 
than the invincible chevalier. 8 Such misstatements 
naturally lead one to distrust Hamilton, and where verifica- 
tion is not possible, Hamilton's facts can only be accepted 
with some caution. 

As for Hamilton's chronology, it is very loose indeed. 
This, however, can scarcely be wondered at when we 
remember that forty years elapsed between the events 
described and the composition of the Memoirs ; the wonder 
is that Hamilton remembers as much and as accurately 
as he does. Practically all the events in the second part 
of the Memoirs are represented as having taken place during 
the chevalier's stay in England, 4 during the year 1663 and 
most of the year of 1664 ; as a matter of fact, we are taken 
as far as 1670 which proves incidentally, if proof were 
needed, that Gramont could not possibly have dictated 
certain parts of the Memoirs and not only is the order 
of events during these six or seven years a fairly arbitrary 
one, but certain events, separated by an interval of some 
years, are made to have taken place at the same time : Miss 
Jennings's exploits as an orange girl, the Duchess of York's 
intrigues with Henry Sydney, the marriage of Sir John 
Denham and its unhappy ending, Nell Gwyn's conquests, 

1 e.g. the reconciliation and the treaty between Charles and Lady 
Castlemaine, as negotiated by Gramont. 

1 The visit of 1663 and 1666. Lord Muskerry and Nell Gwyn are spoken 
of as being at Tunbridge. But Nell Gwyn was unknown in 1663, and Lord 
Muskerry was dead in 1666. 

8 William Russell, the brother who came before John, was born in 1613 
(D.N.B.) or 1616 (G.E.C.'s Complete Peerage) ; Gramont was born in 1621. 

4 The only exception is the story of the letter Gramont wrote to Lord 
CornwalUs ' a long time afterwards,' as Hamilton admits. 


the Duke of Richmond's courtship of la belle Stuart, the 
Shrewsbury- Killegrew-Buckingham affair, the elevation of 
Lady Castlemaine to the rank of duchess, the publication of 
Dryden's translation of Ovid's epistles 1 all are subsequent 
to Gramont's visit, 2 though no indication is given of this. 
Rochester was only fifteen when Gramont came to England, 
and even though a precocious young courtier, could hardly 
have been responsible for all the exploits with which he is 
credited ; he was probably at that time travelling on the 
Continent with his tutor. Churchill was even younger and 
was certainly not established as Lady Castlemaine's lover 
when the court returned from Bath in 1663. 

The confusion of the two visits to Tunbridge Wells in 
1663 and 1666 has already been mentioned, but the in- 
accuracy does not end there. The court of the Duke of 
York is supposed to have gone to York at the same time 
though we know that this was in 1665. The royal court 
is made to go to Bath the year after having been at Tun- 
bridge, though we know that both visits took place in the 
same year ; 3 nor is it quite easy to see how Hamilton fell 
into this last error, for since the chevalier came to England 
in January, 1663, an d married Miss Hamilton in December 
of the same year, he could not very well hover round Miss 
Hamilton at Tunbridge one summer and regret her absence 
from Bath the next. The planning of the Guinea expedition 
is placed after the visit to York though it preceded it by 
one year. 

Lord Chesterfield's discovery of his wife's intrigues with 
the Duke of York and the sudden departure of husband 
and wife for the country are made to turn on the audience 
of the Muscovite ambassador and the ensuing episode of 
the green stockings. The whole story is very effective 
and ingenious, but it is more than doubtful that Lady 
Chesterfield was in town at the time of the audience. 4 

1 Unless Hamilton is referring to some manuscript version by some 
author other than Dryden. 

1 Some would add to these the masquerade at which Lady Muskerry 
appeared, or wished to appear, as the Princess of Babylon. Evelyn (II, 
p. 223) and Pepys (IV, p. 348) certainly mention in February, 1665, a 
masquerade where the dancers performed in ' most rich and antique 
dresses,' but why identify this masquerade, as has so often been done, with 
the one mentioned by Hamilton ? 

3 Cf. Pepys, III, pp. 246, 265. 

4 Pepys mentions the departure for the country in the beginning of 
Nov., 1662 (II, p. 384). On the ipth of January Lady Chesterfield was 


Moreover, Lady Chesterfield had been carried off into exile 
before Gramont's arrival in England, whereas Gramont is 
described as being one of those most incensed by Chester- 
field's conduct. The rivalry between Lady Denham and 
Lady Chesterfield is an important factor in this story, 
but there was no Lady Denham until three years after the 
Muscovite embassy and the Duke of York, in love with 
Lady Chesterfield at the time of the audience, cannot 
possibly have had an earlier love affair with Lady Denham. 
Lady Chesterfield, according to Hamilton, survived Lady 
Denham ; as a matter of fact, she died two months after 
Lady Denham's marriage in 1665 and a year and a half 
before that lady's tragic death. 

Richard Talbot is made to appear as Gramont's most 
dangerous rival for Miss Hamilton's hand ; his quarrel with 
the Duke of Ormonde, his imprisonment in the Tower and 
his subsequent departure for Ireland put an end to Gramont's 
apprehensions. But this affair took place in 1661, at least 
a year and a half before Gramont had even seen Miss 
Hamilton, so that if Talbot was ever a rival of Gramont's 
it can only have been after and in spite of his disagreement 
with Ormonde, after his return from Ireland in the summer 
of 1663, when, according to Hamilton, he fell in love with 
Miss Jennings. 

Killegrew's intrigue with Lady Shrewsbury and the 
attempt to murder him are supposed to have taken place 
' a few months ' after the Duke of Monmouth's marriage 
which was celebrated in 1663, while the above attack is 
only mentioned in 1669 by Pepys 1 and the Ambassador 
Colbert ; 2 further the duel between the Duke of Bucking- 
ham and Lord Shrewsbury was fought before and not after 
the occurrence, as Hamilton suggests. 

Like everyone else Hamilton has his likes and dislikes. 
Charles II is treated very indulgently ; 8 not infrequently 

still in the country (Pepys, III, p. 18, cf. p. 2), and the audience of the 
Muscovite ambassador took place in the end of December (Pepys, III, 
p. 428). It is true that the audience Pepys refers to is that of the King, 
and that Hamilton is speaking of the audience granted by the Queen, but 
even admitting that these were two different audiences, it is not likely 
that the Queen received the ambassador two months before the King. 

1 Diary, VIII, p. 327. 

1 Correspondence quoted in Forneron's Louise de Kfroualle. 

8 (Euvres, I, pp. 249, 281, 353, 359. 


he is called ' le bon prince ' ; for James, on the contrary, 
Hamilton has but scant sympathy ; throughout the narra- 
tive the Duke is more or less ridiculous ; the brief character, 
however, given of him at the beginning is traced with some 
caution, " he had the reputation," " he was accounted " ; 
in the case of Charles, Hamilton is much more direct and 
outspoken. Sir Charles Berkeley, afterwards Earl of Fal- 
mouth, is another of his favourites, for Hamilton does not 
measure by the standard of Burnet who saw in Berkeley 
no " visible merit, unless it was the managing of the King's 
amours." 1 Berkeley, it will be remembered, had got 
together the ' men of honour ' who were to swear away the 
reputation of the Duchess of York, but it seems that Hamil- 
ton is not quite exact in limiting Berkeley's participation 
there and making Killegrew chief witness against the 
Duchess ; that role was undertaken by Berkeley himself, 
according to Pepys 2 and to Clarendon. 3 It may be noted 
that Clarendon does not mention the ' men of honour/ 
Arran, Killegrew, Talbot and Jermyn in this connexion, 
and if anyone, he ought to have known who were the 
accusers of his daughter ; on the other hand, these gentle- 
men were perhaps not over-braggart about the affair, the 
story of which Hamilton had probably directly from his 
cousin Arran. 

Clarendon and Arlington are disliked by Hamilton ; 
against the Duke of Richmond he nourishes an ancient 
grudge because the Duke considered Elizabeth Hamilton's 
poverty an obstacle to their union ; the rest of the courtiers 
are treated with more or less polite contempt even Richard 
Talbot who married George Hamilton's widow does not 
escape quite unscathed and if they are in the least inclined 
to be serious or erudite, Prince Rupert, for instance, an 
awkward lover it is true, the two Russells, uncle and 
nephew, Sir Charles Lyttleton, Sir Gabriel Sylvius, Sir 
Thomas Wetenhall, etc., they come off rather badly. 

As for the ladies of the court, with the fewest of excep- 
tions, they are made to appear in the most unlovely light. 
For the Queen and the Duchess of York Hamilton has 
a certain amount of esteem ; Miss Bagot became the wife 
of his friend, Sir Charles Berkeley, and is therefore well 

1 History of his own Times (ed. Airy), I, p. 181. 
* Diary, I, p. 305. 
3 Life, II, p. 61. 


spoken of ; the same applies, of course, to Elizabeth Hamil- 
ton and to ' little Jennings,' who afterwards married George 
Hamilton. But apart from these there is hardly one against 
whom Hamilton does not insinuate some accusation 1 or 
whose shortcomings he does not mercilessly expose, for 
Hamilton is not the man to suppress a picturesque detail 
in order to save a reputation. " I never knew a woman/' 
says Byron, " who did not hate De Gramont's Memoirs . . . 
women hate everything which strips off the tinsel of senti- 
ment." 2 

All this brings us to the much-discussed question of the 
morality of the Memoirs. The book has been on the Index 
since iSiy, 3 and, indeed, the Church could scarcely be 
expected to appreciate, amongst other things, the light- 
hearted mock-religiousness that runs through the Memoirs 
Miss Stuart becoming chief favourite, " a situation to 
which it had pleased God and her virtue to raise her/' Miss 
Brook accepting the Duke of York's advances, " until it 
pleased Heaven to dispose of her otherwise," Miss Bellen- 
den, Mademoiselle La Garde and Mademoiselle Bardou, 
" all maids of honour as it pleased God," the chevalier 
informing Charles " how Heaven had favoured him by 
delivering him from so dangerous a rival," the valet Termes 
avoiding " by the grace of God " the quicksands of his own 
invention. Brounker " blessing the Lord " for his success 
in a most despicable undertaking, and so on. When Bohn 
published an edition of the Memoirs in 1846 he doubted 
the propriety of including it in his Standard Library in 
which he had hitherto given his subscribers only works of 
' sterling character ' ; the Memoirs, therefore, appeared in 
a separate series, viz. Bohn's Extra Volumes, which included 
such works as the Heptameron, the Decameron, Gargantua 
and Pantagruel, ' too much embued with the leaven of the 
age/ 4 

It is true that the Memoirs can hardly be called a moral 

1 In the Cambridge History of English Literature, VIII, p. 264, it is 
stated that even Evelyn's friend, Mrs. Godolphin, is treated with contempt 
in the Memoirs. This is an error, for the Mrs. Blagge (or Mademoiselle 
Blague) alluded to throughout is Margaret Blagge's older sister, Henrietta 

1 Letters and Journals, V, p. 97, and cf. p. 321 : "I never knew a woman 
who did not protect Rousseau, nor one who did not dislike De Gramont, 
Gil Bias and all the comedy of the passions brought out naturally." 

8 Index Librorum prohibitorum (Romae, 1911, 3rd edition), p. 212. 

* Preface to Bohn's edition. 


work. It was, of course, manifestly impossible to produce 
an edifying work on the court of Charles II, and if Hamilton 
did not produce one, that is scarcely his fault. If some 
object to the matter set forth in his pages, the same objec- 
tions can be urged against most other writers of the period, 
including Pepys. It may be argued that it was not necessary 
to produce such a work which has not even the excuse of 
being a diary and that it is a significant fact that Gramont 
and Hamilton should employ their old age the one was 
about eighty-four and the other sixty in writing up the 
complacent souvenirs of the chevalier's youth. However 
that may be, we should have been considerably the poorer 
if they had not done so, even though our code of morals 
has changed considerably since the days of the Stuarts 
and the Vendomes in whose society Hamilton lived. But 
what has especially been laid to the charge of Hamilton is 
a certain lack of moral indignation. It is true that he has 
none of Evelyn's austere disapproval ; he is not, like Pepys, 
impressed by the gravity of the scandals which he retails. 
He gives an easy tolerant picture of his times. Very few 
events excite his comment. If he remarks at all on the 
intrigues he is recounting, his remarks are not unlike the 
half-sceptical Maximes that had for so long been practised 
and elaborated in certain salons. 1 But, as a rule, he will 
tell you with a certain grave suavity that his brother James, 
abandoned by Lady Chesterfield for the Duke of York, 
" ne compta pour rien 1'injure d'un epoux en comparaison de 
celle d'un amant," or that Brounker, quietly recognizing 
little Jennings in the orange girl and suspecting her of being 
bound on a doubtful errand, " bien que Jermyn fut le 
meilleur de ses amis, il sentait une joie secrete de n'avoir 
pas empeche qu'il ne fut cocu devant que d'etre marie." 
Certain maids of honour all deserve to be dismissed, accord- 

1 e.g. Quelqu'esprit qu'on ait, on n'est point plaisant pour ceux qu'on 
importune (I, p. 71). II vaut mieux ne rien savoir que de savoir trop de 
choses (I, p. 73). II y a des temperaments heureux qui se consolent de 
tout parce qu'ils ne sentent rien vivement (I, p. 225). La raison d'etat se 
donne de beaux privileges. Ce qui lui parait utile devient permis, et tout ce 
qui est necessaire est honnete en fait de politique (I, p. 105). Le public 
s'accoutume de tout et le temps sait apprivoiser la bienseance et la morale 
(I, p. 365). Si 1'amour rend les conditions egales, ce n'est pas entre rivaux 
(I, p. 104). Rien n'est si commun au beau sexe que de ne vouloir pas qu'une 
autre profite de ce qu'on refuse (I, p. 63). La bonne opinion qu'on a 
toujours de soi-meme fait qu'on s'imagine qu'une femme est prise dds 
qu'elle vous distingue par une habitude de familiarite qui bien souvent ne 
veut rien dire (I, p. 375), etc. 


ing to Hamilton, either for their misconduct or for their 
ugliness, the one being as great a crime as the other. The 
one thing that is qualified as monstrous in the whole of the 
Memoirs is Gramont's appearing at the masquerade in a 
suit that he had worn before. 

We must, however, remember that all the events thus 
lightly treated had taken place at least forty years before 
and that they were now, somewhat dim and unreal after 
so long a space, recounted by one who had lived through 
much, had few illusions left and found the eternal folly of 
humanity a not altogether unentertaining spectacle. It 
has been well said 1 that the subject could not have been 
handled with decency, unless ironically, in so far as it is 
a biography. And Hamilton's grave irony is a curious 
thing, as we know, it often leaves the reader wondering 
how far Hamilton intends himself to be taken seriously. 
The indignation roused by Chesterfield's jealousy of his 
wife is, for instance, described in quizzical mock-heroics 
that must prove slightly disconcerting to the simple- 
minded. It must also be said in Hamilton's defence that 
he is " superior to the indelicacy of the court " the phrase 
is Walpole's ;* whatever may be urged against the Memoirs 
they are not coarse ; Hamilton might have said more 
things and worse things about what Pepys calls the ' bawdry 
at court ' ; 3 he avoids all grossness of expression, in fact, 
he imparts to the proceedings at Whitehall a certain grace 
and polish peculiarly French, and much more likely to be 
found at the court of Louis than at the Stuart court. It is 
sufficient to read some of the English writings of the period 
to be convinced of this ; even the English translation of 
the Memoirs no longer has the polite charm of the French 
version 4 which might have made Gui Patin, had he lived 

1 By Mr. Stephen Gwynn in an excellent article on Hamilton in 
Macmillan's Magazine for May, 1898. 

1 Catalogue of Engravers (London, 1782), p. 135. 

* Diary, III, p. i. 

4 It has become a commonplace to say that certain things easily enough 
expressed in French would seem coarse if transferred to our language or 
to another. It is, however, interesting to note in this connexion that 
already in 1778 the editors of this Bibliothique universelle des Romans 
condemn one of Wieland's tales on this score. " C'est surtout dans le genre 
un peu libre que les Fra^ois excellent. Us ont plus que toute autre nation 
1'art de gazer certains tableaux, qu'eux seuls peuvent offrir 4 la meilleure 
compagnie qui en seroit revoltee, s'ils lui etaient presentes par toutes 
autres mains que par les n6tres. Le Conte du Prince Biribinker est dans 


long enough, alter his opinion of the English, " saevi, 
feroces et ferini, ideoque pene fatui." 1 

It may seem to some that an exaggerated value has been 
assigned to the Memoirs in the preceding pages, in so far 
as the Memoirs are a source of the history of Charles II. 
But apart from the store of information they furnish to 
the historian and none has drawn on them as largely as 
Macaulay they are curiously interesting from the insight 
they give us into a certain mentality. We have a number 
of contemporary works dealing with the court of Charles II ; 
there is the diary of Evelyn, that devout Anglican gentle- 
man who does not love the " buffoons and ladies of 
pleasure " 2 at Whitehall ; there is the diary of that bustling 
gossiping bourgeois, the very delightful Pepys with his 
naive love of the sensational ; there is the pleasant and 
direct narrative of Sir John Reresby, courtier and country 
squire ; there is the Life of the dignified and discreet 
Lord Chancellor, Clarendon, who only speaks of Lady 
Castlemaine as ' the Lady ' without ever naming her ; 
there is Burnet's somewhat more detailed and realistic 
History of His Own Times, in which the author would 
fain avoid scandalous stories : " I love not to give characters 
of Women, especially when there is nothing good to be said 
of them." 3 But these were all more or less outsiders, none 
of them take us so directly into the heart of things as Hamil- 
ton does or gives us the point of view of the courtier who 
has lived in the midst of these proceedings and has no 
particular interest in bringing discredit upon the Dorimants, 
Medleys and Sir Foplings he used to associate with ; none 
of them is so representative of the spirit of the age or helps 
us quite so well to understand the personages of the Restora- 
tion Drama, and how it was that Charles II " had a very ill 
opinion both of men and women ; and did not think there 
were either sincerity or chastity in the world out of principle, 
but that some had either the one or the other out of humour 
and vanity." 4 

ce Genre. M. Wieland est Allemand : il a voulu iraiter Tanzai et Angola ; 
il s'est rapproche de quelques idees des Auteurs de ces deux contes, mais 
il n'a pas saisi leur ton." (Bibliotheque universelle des Romans, Septembre, 
1778, pp. 176-177.) 

1 Lettres (Paris, 1846, 3 vols.), Ill, p. 287, cf. p. 134. 

z Diary, II, p. 279 ; cf . Mr. Austin Dobson's introduction. 

Life, II, p. 317. 

4 Burnet, History of his own Times (Airy's ed.), I, p. 167. 


Little has been said so far about the literary merits of 
the Memoirs. Not infrequently, and in France especially, 
in accordance with the judgment of Voltaire, the literary 
merits of the Memoirs are held to be far above their historical 
value ; in fact the graceful manner of the author is supposed 
to redeem the triviality of the subject. The Englishman, 
as a rule, holds another view, but this will not detract from 
his appreciation of the literary flavour of the Memoirs. 
They would be read for their style alone were it for nothing 
else. Madame du Deffand, no mean judge either, once 
remarked that only certain books written with a peculiar 
facility could with ease be read again and again, and even 
continually, and such books, according to her, are the 
Letters of Madame de Sevigne, the Memoires de Grammont, 
possibly also the Memoirs of Mademoiselle de Montpensier 
and only a very few others. 1 Insolent in their levity, 
exquisite in their finish, the Memoirs are certainly very 
agreeable reading. Like Hazlitt's Coffee House Politicians 
we all delight in some passage or other. Hamilton's irre- 
sistible persiflage makes light of everything. If anyone is 
skilled in the art of making the most of little things it is he, 
the merest trifle becomes something delightful in his hands. 
As one of his French admirers remarks of the Memoirs, " il y 
porta 1'esprit jusqu'a une sorte de ge*nie." 2 And no one 
knows better how to tell a story effectively and without 
the least apparent effort. When Hamilton describes 
Gramont's despoiling the unwitting M. de Cam^ran or the 
irresponsible Matta's encounters with the learned M. de 
Senantes, or the amazing fate of the suit engulfed in a quick- 
sand to reappear at a country wedding, his vivacity and 
sprightliness are unsurpassed. The account of Gramont's 
adventures at Lyons with the disreputable host and the 
equally disreputable horse-dealer is a masterpiece in its 
own way ; the scene is not unlike one of Teniers' paintings 
and the inn will assuredly be ranked with the classical and 
no less doubtful hostelries visited by Don Quixote and Gil 

Though the different chapters of the Memoirs seem 
strung together in the most haphazard fashion, the Memoirs 

1 Lettres, II, pp. 233-234. 

1 Lescure, Avant-Propos in his edition of Hamilton's Tales. 
8 As M. de Saint- Victor points out in his essay on the Memoirs (Anciens 
et Modernes). 


are in reality very cleverly composed. This is especially the 
case when Hamilton interrupts his story to introduce some 
accessory episode. Most of the novels of the time abound 
in dull and cumbrous recits intercales, even the Diable 
Boiteux is not free from them and, as a rule this does 
not, of course, apply to Le Sage they are introduced in 
a very primitive way ; a word or two announces the story, 
and the title of the new episode, printed in large capitals, 
comes to isolate it from the main plot. Not only are Hamil- 
ton's recits intercales strictly connected with the story, 
but they are most skilfully worked into it, as the following 
examples may show : 

" Je conviens de tout cela, dit le chevalier, mais je veux 
te faire convenir que tu n'es qu'une poule mouillee dans cette 
occasion. Et que seroit-ce de toi si tu te voyois dans 1'etat 
ou je me suis trouve a Lyon, quatre jours avant d'arriver 
ici ? Je t'en veux faire le recit " (Chapter II). 

" Le Roi s'en apergut d'abord : Chevalier de Grammont, 
lui dit-il, Termes n'est done point arrive ? . . . Pardonnez- 
moi, sire, dit-il, Dieu merci. . . . Comment, Dieu merci ? dit 
le Roi : lui seroit-il arrive quelque chose par les chemins ? 
Sire, dit le chevalier de Grammont, voici 1'histoire de mon 
habit et de M. Termes, mon courrier. A ces mots, le bal 
tout pret a commencer fut suspendu. Tous ceux qui 
devoient danser faisoient un cercle autour du Chevalier de 
Grammont ; il poursuivit ainsi son recit " (Chapter VII). 

" Non, Madame [Gramont is speaking to the Queen], je 
ne compte pour rien la parade des carrosses et des laquais. 
Je me suis vu cinq ou six valets de chambre a la fois, sans 
avoir jamais eu de domestique en livree, excepte mon 
aumonier Poussatin. Comment ! dit la Reine en eclatant 
de rire, un aumonier portant vos couleurs ! Ce n'etoit 
pas apparemment un pret re ? . . . Pardonnez-moi, madame, 
dit-il, et le premier pretre du monde pour la danse basque. 
Chevalier, dit le Roi, je veux que vous nous contiez tout a 
Theure 1'histoire de I'aumonier Poussatin "* (Chapter VII). 

Hamilton is no less skilful in his transitions. One instance 
will suffice ; let the reader remember the way in which 
Hamilton passes from a general account of the reign of 

1 Cf. also the ingenious way in which the story of Marion Delorme is 
brought in. 


Louis XIII to the siege of Trino and the chevalier's exploits 
(Chapter II). It is exceedingly well done. His conversa- 
tions, as the above examples will have shown incidentally, 
are admirably natural in their easy flow of wit ; in fact, 
Voltaire thought the Memoirs a model of sprightly conversa- 
tion. 1 

The portraits are the glory of the second part of the 
book. They have not, indeed, the depth of Saint-Simon's 
portraits, they are drawn with a much lighter touch ; 
Madame de Caylus not infrequently recalls Hamilton's 
manner. Where Saint-Simon is bitter, Hamilton is merely 
malicious ; where Saint-Simon is beside himself with fury 
Hamilton is little more than mildly amused. But Saint- 
Simon always excepted, there is nothing in the literature 
of portraits with which Hamilton's portraits will not com- 
pare favourably. They are too well known to be quoted 
at length ; the most famous are the uncharitable portraits 
of Arlington and of Mrs. Wetenhall, the beaut e tout anglaise ; 
scarcely less striking is that audacious full-length portrait 
of Elizabeth Hamilton. Even when Hamilton does not 
think a person important enough for one of the regulation 
portraits, he can indicate the likeness in a line or two. His 
epithets are akin to epigram. There is the excellent Brinon, 
" plus renfrogne* qu'un vieux singe " ; the host C&ise, 
" Suisse de nation, empoisonneur de profession et voleur 
par habitude " ; M. de Senantes, " fort en g&ialogie 
comme tous les sots qui ont de la m&noire " ; Don Gr^gorio 
Brice, the conventional Spaniard, " vaillant comme le Cid, 
fier comme tous les Gusman ensemble, plus galant que tous 
les Abencerrage de Grenade " ; the Portuguese ladies in 
the Queen's suite, " six monstres qui se disaient filles 
d'honneur " ; Miss Price, " ronde et ragote " ; Peter Talbot, 
" j^suite intrigant et grand faiseur de manages " ; William 
Russell, " guinde dans toutes ses allures, taciturne a donner 
des vapeurs, cependant un peu plus ennuyant quand il 
parloit " ; Sir Gabriel Sylvius, " personnage qui n'avoit 
rien de ce que promettait le nom romain " ; the valet 
Termes, fresh from the fabulous quicksands, " crotte* depuis 
la tete jusqu'aux pieds, botte jusqu'a la ceinture, fait enfin 
comme un excommunie " ; one might go on indefinitely 
giving instances of these vignettes ; there is one last one to 
which attention may be drawn for its resemblance to a line 

* (Euvres, XIV, p. 78, 


of Victor Hugo's, viz. the description of Mademoiselle 
Bardou, " armee de castagnettes et d'effronterie," which 
recalls to one's mind the more famous " vetu de probite 
candide et de lin blanc." 1 

Whether Hamilton's phrase in any way suggested Victor 
Hugo's would be difficult to say, but a book that was so 
much read could hardly fail to leave some traces. Thus the 
first scene of Marion Delorme recalls in a fashion the story 
of Gramont's nocturnal visit to that lady, while Wetzel's 
Rache fur Rache 2 has something of the Hobart-Temple- 
Rochester intrigue in it. Dorat dramatized certain parts 
of the Memoirs, viz. in Le chevalier frangais a Londres and 
Le chevalier fran$ais a Turin, 3 and to these may be added 
the opera comique, L' habit du Chevalier de Grammont, by 
J. M. B. Bins de Saint- Victor 4 and the vaudeville Made- 
moiselle Hamilton. 6 In England nobody read and knew 
the Memoirs as Walpole did ; 6 some of his portraits in the 
Memoirs of the Reign of George III are not without showing 
a certain influence of the Memoir es de Grammont. But 
the author who inspired himself most directly from them 
who, in a measure, discovered the secret of Hamilton's 
charm was Thackeray. It is a pity that he never took the 
trouble to write at length on the Memoirs, for nobody else 
could have done them full justice. 7 We know that the 
Marchioness of Esmond had a hundred pretty stories about 
Rochester, Henry Jermyn and Hamilton, and we wish that 
she had told us something about the last of these three, 
always a more or less enigmatic personage. 

There can be no doubt that Hamilton's work had a curious 

1 There is another slight resemblance between " Suisse de nation, em- 
poisonneur de profession et voleur par habitude " and V. Hugo's " Prussien 
de hasard, Suisse de metier, Francais de coeur." (Le Rhin, I, p. 135, (Euvres 
completes, edition definitive, Paris, 1884). 

1 Leipzig, 1778. 

3 Paris, 1779. 

* Published anonymously in Paris, 1804 (cf. Barbier). 

6 Mentioned by J. B. Champagnac in the introduction to his edition of 
Hamilton's works. I have not been able to discover anything further 
about it. It may be mentioned in this connexion that the Abbe de Voisenon 
dramatized Hamilton's tale Fleur d'Epine ((Euvres, Vol. II), and that 
Beaumarchais undoubtedly named his hero in the opera Tarare after 
Hamilton's Tarare in Fleur d'Epine. 

6 Cf. R. Clark, Walpole and the Memoires de Grammont, Modern 
Language Review, Vol. X, Jan., 1915. 

7 Cf . an excellent article on the Memoirs in the Saturday Review, 
Nov., 1888. 


kind of subtle influence in France. It was very much read. 
It was just the book to appeal to a certain class of grands 
seigneurs. It was written by one of themselves. It was 
written about one who resembled them strangely. For 
Gramont was slightly ahead of his times, he is the type of 
the nobleman as the eighteenth century knew him with 
his elegant and trifling licentiousness. If his barefaced 
impudence and light-hearted immorality amazed some of 
his fellow-courtiers, the roue's of the next generation were 
in no wise moved to astonishment. The decorum of Ver- 
sailles was gone. The scenes depicted by Hamilton had 
nothing unfamiliar, for the corruption of the Stuart court 
was akin to the profligacy of the Regency. Well might 
Chamfort describe the Memoirs as the breviary of the 
young nobles. 1 The brilliant and irresistible chevalier was 
a model to be imitated. His graceful depravity lacked no 
admirers. The Marechal de Richelieu and the Prince de 
Ligne 2 recognized in him a kindred spirit. He became the 
prototype of the Valmonts and Faublas. His Memoirs pre- 
pared the way for those of Lauzun and Tilly. And there 
were doubtless not a few who would in all good faith have 
said with Voisenon of the Memoires de Grammont, " Get 
ouvrage est a la tete de ceux qu'il faut relire regulierement 
tous les ans." 3 

In the eighteenth century no one recalls Gramont more 
than the Mardchal de Richelieu ; the latter was, however, 
by far the most brilliant of the two. Like Gramont Richelieu 
had his poet, like Gramont he found his biographer, but he 
is not known to posterity as Gramont is, for Soulavie is 
not Hamilton, even though Voltaire is incomparably more 
than Saint-Evremond. 

Cond6 may come to life again 
And Turenne nature can restore, 
But Gramont we expect in vain, 
On him she lavished all her store. 

These lines of Saint-Evremond's the English translator 
of the Memoirs inscribed on the title-page of his book. As 

1 (Euvres completes (Paris, 1824-1825, 5 vols.), Ill, p. 247. 

* The writings of the Prince de Ligne show more than one example of 
Hamilton's antithetical style and his jeux d' esprit carried to an excess. 

3 (Euvres (Paris, 1781, 5 vols.), IV, p. 129. " C'est 14 un conseil qui 
vaut mieux qu'on ne 1'attendrait de Voisenon," says Sainte-Beuve. 
(Causerics du Lundi, I, p. 81.) 


a matter of fact Gramont has come to life again and more 
than once, but the man who did not reappear was his 
biographer. The Memoires de Grammont have remained 
unique in their kind, and their originality is made all the 
more apparent through the absence of any model and the 
inadequacy of all imitations. 

The Memoirs were, of course, translated into English as 
soon as they appeared. 1714 saw the translation of Boyer, 
who flattered himself that he had bestowed " no incon- 
siderable Present on the Genteel and the Polite." His 
' present ' would have been more ' considerable ' if his 
translation had been less slovenly and more correct. 1 He 
cautiously avoided giving proper names in most cases, 
only indicating them by initials, and the next year there- 
fore a key at the price of 2d. was issued. This key was 
added to the second edition which appeared in 1719.2 An 
edition which appeared in 1760 was based on Boyer's text, 
but considerably touched up in places. The quarto edition 
of 1793 is the third translation. It was revised in 1809, 
again in 1811, by Sir Walter Scott, it would seem, in 1889 
by the late Henry Vizetelly and has come to be the com- 
monly accepted version. 

The first known German translation appeared in 1745, 
others followed in 1780, 1806, 1853 and 1911. 

An Italian translation appeared at Milan in 1814. 

The Memoires de Grammont are preceded by Zeneyde, 
a fragment of a short historical novel, and probably also 
by L'Enchanteur Faustus, a fantastic tale in which historical 
personages are made to appear. 

1 It is full of the most absurd mistakes, e.g. : ' Upon this Matta fell to 
grumbling ' (p. 49) for ' Matta se laissa gronder ' ; ' an ounce of her hair ' 
(p. 196) for ' une aune de ses cheveux ' ; ' the felicity I found in making the 
tenderest declarations ' (p. 349) for ' la facilite de lui faire les plus tendres 
declarations.' Very often, too, Boyer makes deliberate additions, the most 
striking being in the translation of the following passage : " Le Roi qui 
ne se crut pas oblige de lui faire du bien parce que Madame de Cleveland 
lui en voulait beaucoup, lui fit defendre de paraitre a la cour," which 

Boyer renders as "the King did not think my Lady C 's kindness to 

him a sufficient recommendation in his own favour, and some time after, 
Mr. Churchill being surprised in the Duchess's bed-chamber, was obliged 
to flee for it into France." 

2 A writer in the Gentleman's Magazine for April, 1896, states, without 
giving any authority, that the sale of the Memoirs was strictly prohibited 
in England. If this had been the case the second edition would hardly 
have appeared as soon as 1719. 


Zeneyde takes the form of a letter to 'Madame de P.,' 
and the beginning of this letter contains the memorable 
description of the court of St. Germain quoted elsewhere. 
Hamilton, having fled a widow desirous of a pension and 
on the look-out for some one who knows a person who 
knows a lady who is willing to confess herself a friend of 
the favourite-in-chief, is seen wandering along the banks 
of the Seine, and from the river there appears to him a 
nymph who favours him with the story of her life or rather 
with part of the story, as it is left incomplete. We are 
taken back to the fifth century A.D., and we are told how 
Pharamond, first King of France, helps Rosamond, wife of 
Gondioc, King of the Burgundians, to avenge the death of 
her first husband on the Romans, and how he kills Gondioc, 
in order to wed Rosamond ; how Pharamond's son Chlodion, 
refusing the advances of his stepmother, imprisons her after 
his father's death and ascends the throne of France ; how 
there comes to his court a young stranger, M^roue*, the son 
of Gertrude, whom he had once loved, how M^roue* wins 
Chlodion's affections and is made king after his death in 
the place of his son ; how Chlodion's widow puts herself 
under the protection of the Roman general, ^Etius, who 
adopts her daughter and marries her to the Senator Maxi- 
mus ; how the young wife of Maximus falls into the hands 
of the Emperor Valentinian and commits suicide ; how 
Maximus becomes emperor and marries Valentinian's 
widow, Eudoxia, and how his daughter Zeneyde, the 
nymph who tells this story, is betrothed to M&roue*'s son 
Childeric, but is carried away by the invader Genseric. 

The story is rapidly told ; even if Hamilton had com- 
pleted it, it would not have extended over more than one 
hundred and fifty pages, for the twelve-volumed novels are 
irrevocably a thing of the past ; it contains a certain number 
of historical facts along with reminiscences of La Cal- 
prenede's Pharamond and episodes in the style of the 
conte de fes ; it is probably the least successful thing 
Hamilton ever wrote ; the treatment of the subject is not 
a happy one. As a rule Hamilton attacks only the lighter 
side of life ; here he has chosen one of the most sombre 
pages of legend and history ; he attempts to be serious and 
is only dull, the unwonted gravity becomes irksome, and 
from time to time he lapses into his usual manner, which, 
needless to say, is here quite out of place, and the frivolous 


setting with its interludes of nymphs and attendant maidens 
causes this story of the early Merovingians to be pervaded 
with a subtle atmosphere of Versailles and Trianon. 

L'Enchanteur Faustus takes us back to the court of 
Queen Elizabeth. The Queen, in the presence of Sidney 
and Essex, receives the magician and commands him to 
bring some of the famous beauties of the past before her. 
Helen of Troy, Mariamne and Cleopatra are successively 
made to appear, but find little favour in the sight of the 
Queen and her courtiers. An English beauty, fair Rosa- 
mond, is therefore next chosen, and Sidney rapidly recounts 
her story 1 to the Queen whose ' great occupations ' have 
effaced it from her memory. Rosamond appears and 
vanishes, and the Queen, who has been told that Rosamond's 
beauty has a faint resemblance to her own, is so charmed 
with her that she commands Faustus to bring her once 
more into her presence. Though Faustus demurs, he has 
to obey ; after a great many grotesque contorsions on his 
part Rosamond reappears ; the Queen, forgetting the 
silence imposed on her, welcomes the apparition. Faustus 
is thrown to the ground, the palace is shaken in its founda- 
tions, a dense smoke fills the apartment, flashes of lightning 
illumine the darkness. And the Countess of Salisbury, who 
was to appear next, was not sent for on that day. 

One wonders how Hamilton became acquainted with 
the Faust traditions ; it must have been either through 
Marlowe's play or through the English or French version 
of Spies's Faust book ; the last named in all probability, 
viz. Palma Cayet's translation, the Histoire prodigieuse et 
lamentable de Jean Fauste, which went through about four- 
teen editions between 1598 and 1712. 2 The minuteness 
with which the apparitions are described in Hamilton's 
tale recalls the corresponding passages of the Faust book. 
But we have travelled far since the days of the History 
of the Damnable Life and Deserved Death of Dr. John 
Faustus ; an elegant badinage has taken the place of the 
simple narrative, and since Hamilton and his readers belong 
to that age of transition which no longer believes in Faust 
but has not yet come to see any deeper meaning in the 

1 With some inexactitudes. 

1 Engel, Zusammenstellung der Faust Schriften, pp. iio-m. 


legend of his life, 1 Faust becomes a burlesque figure and, 
indeed, to Hamilton the persons of Queen Elizabeth and 
her obsequious courtiers are far more important ; they and 
not Faustus occupy the foreground. They are drawn with 
the same light satirical touch that was to come to its per- 
fection in the Memoires de Grammont. 

For us the chief interest in Hamilton's tale lies in the 
fact that it furnished some suggestions to Goethe for his 
evocation of Helena before the Emperor. 2 There is the 
same violent ending to the scene, Helena being approached 
by Faust, though in this case there is a violent explosion 
and Faust is seen lying on the ground. The comments of 
the courtiers are not at all unlike those of Elizabeth and her 
favourites. 8 In the Volksbuch the emperor and the students 
are ' with gazing most content/ in Marlowe's play the 
emperor is more pleased in the sights that Faustus procures 
him than if he had gained another monarchy, and the 
scholars who have been permitted to see Helena, depart 
calling down blessings on the learned doctor. But Hamilton 
makes the Queen and the noblemen disdainful critics, and 
Goethe follows along his lines, assigning unfavourable 
criticism on Helena to the ladies and on Paris to the courtiers. 
Hamilton's Faust does not bring about the evocation of 
Mariamne in the same way as that of Helena, because the 
former ' had known the true God.' This differentiation 
seems to have suggested the refusal of Mephistopheles to 
evoke Helena, his power, he confesses, not extending as 
far as the 'heathen/ 4 

1 In 1789 an editor of Hamilton's Faustus describes the old Faust book 
as a " conte ridicule, monument rare et curieux de 1'ignorance et de la 
credulite du seizieme siecle." " L'Enchanteur Faustus," he says, " si 
celebre chez nos peres, est maintenant absolument ignore ; a peine la 
tradition a-t-elle transmis a quelques personnes le nom de ce fameux 
magicien et sa fin si deplorable ; il en est tres peu qui aient lu 1'histoire de 
sa vie." (Voyages Imaginaires, XXXV, pp. vii and ix.) 

* Faust II, Act I. Rittersaal. Cf. Duntzer, Hamilton's. Erzahlung 
L'Enchanteur Faustus, Blatter fur literarische Unterhaltung, 1 864, pp. 809- 
812. In the same article Duntzer claims that Goethe's Marchen at the end 
of the Unterhaltungen deutscher Ausgewanderten shows the influence of 
Hamilton's Belier. To us the influence is hardly discernible. We are more 
inclined to agree with him in his suggestion that the starlings who call out 
' Paris, Paris ' and ' Narciss, Narciss ' (in der neue Paris) are reminiscences 
of the crows that call out ' Tarare ' in Fleur d'Epine. 

8 Cf. e.g. " dans aucun siecle il n'a 6te permis d'avoir les pieds tournes 
comme elle " (Hamilton, II, p. 485) and " Seht nur den Fuss, wie konnt 
er plumper sein " (Faust II, Act I, line 1891). 

4 Faust II, Act I, lines 1597-1599, 


"^ ES CONTES DE FEES," writes the Count de 
Caylus 1 near the end of his career, " ont ete long- 
temps a la mode et dans ma jeunesse on ne lisoit 
^ gueres que cela dans le monde." 2 Even before 
the day of Caylus the fairy-tale had become fashionable ; 
Madame de Sevigne mentions the new ' divertissement ' in 
1677. 3 But it was not until Perrault wrote down a number 
of popular fairy-tales, old as the sun, and published them 
from 1691 to 1697* that there sprang up a whole literature 
of such stories. The world was suddenly peopled with 
giants, dwarfs, fairies good and bad, with countless prin- 
cesses Ravissante, Brillante, Merveilleuse, Gracieuse, 
Finette, Fleur d'Amour, Belle de Nuit, with princes equally 
numerous, Charmant, Avenant, Engageant, Sans-Pair, 
Bel-a-Voir, Bel-Esprit, Langue d'or, to name only a few of 
them. Perrault 's Tales were rapidly followed by those of 
Mademoiselle L'Heritier, Madame d'Aulnoy, Madame d'Au- 
neuil, Madame de Murat, Mademoiselle de La Force, by 
those of the Sieurs Lesconvel, de Preschac and others. 
Of Perrault's imitators Madame d'Aulnoy was the best ; 
most of her tales are based on popular traditions, 5 but they 
are far from having the naivete and the artlessness of the 
Conies de ma Mere VOye. Very few popular traditions can 
be recognized in the tales of the other writers mentioned ; 
they are in most cases pure inventions and lack the perennial 

1 1692-1765. 

2 Preface to Cadichon (Cabinet des Fees, Vol. 25, p. 379). 

3 Sevigne, Lettres, V, pp. 259-260. " Madame de Coulanges . . . 
voulut bien nous faire part des contes avec quoi Ton amuse les dames de 
Versailles ; cela s'appelle les mitonner. Elle nous mitonna done et nous 
parla d'une lie verte, ou Ton elevoit une princesse plus belle que le jour ; 
c'etoient les fees qui soufflaient sur elle a tout moment. . . . Le prince des 
delices etait son amant." 

4 Cf. Lang, Perrault' s Popular Tales, pp. xix-xxvii. 

5 Grimm, Kinder und Haiismarchen (Berlin, 1819-1822), III, p. 381. 



charm of the tales young d'Armancour was supposed to 
have written. 

Critics were not wanting. In 1699 the Abbe de Villiers 
wrote an Entretien severely censuring the Contes de Fees ; 
Madame de Maintenon, asking for advice on what her 
charges of Saint-Cyr were to read, remarked that she wanted 
no Fairy Tales or Peau d'Ane j 1 the friends of Madame du 
Maine and the Soupers du Temple despised ' ces petites 
lectures/ 2 and an habitue* of those sceptical societies took 
upon himself to ridicule the literature of the day, so un- 
worthy, according to him, of the great novels that had 
charmed their readers in the past and of the tale that 
Fenelon had but lately given to the world. 

Les Contes ont eu, pour un temps, 

Des lecteurs et des partisans ; 

La cour mfime en devint avide, 

Et les plus c616bres romans, 

Pour les moeurs et les sentiments, 

Depuis Cyrus jusqu'a Zaide, 

Ont vu languir leurs ornements, 

Et cette lecture insipide 

L'emporter sur leurs agrements. 

En vain des bords fameux d'lthaque, 

Le sage et renomm6 Mentor 

Vint nous enrichir du tresor 

Que renferme son Telemaque ; . . . 

La vogue qu'il cut dura peu ; 

Et, las de ne pouvoir comprendre 

Les mystdres qu'il met en jeu, 

On courut au Palais le rendre 

Et Ton s'empressa de reprendre 

Le Rameau d'or et 1'Oiseau bleu.* 

Hamilton therefore, for he, of course, is the critic in question, 
set himself to accomplish for the fairy-tale what Cervantes 
had accomplished for the tales of chivalry ; he wrote a 
fairy-tale in 1705* that was to show up the dullness of the 

x Cf . Geffroy, Madame de Maintenon d'aprts sa Correspondance, II, p. 322. 

1 Cabinet des Fees, Vol. 37, p. 38 (Discours sur 1'Origine des Contes 
de Fees). 

* (Euvres, II, p. 258. 

4 Le Belie* was written before Sept., 1705, probably in the early summer 
of 1705. The letter to Henrietta Bulkeley in which Le Btlier is first men- 
tioned ((Euvres, III, pp. 154-156) is unfortunately only dated Sept. ist, 
but the preceding letter which belongs to the same series and is dated 
August 1 2th can be identified through the allusions to the fete de Chatenay 
of August, 1705. It cannot have been written earlier than May, 1703, for 
this is the date of the gift of Pontalie, and we know that Hamilton wrote 
Le Belier to explain the name of Pontalie. 


Rameau d'or and the Oiseau bleu ; he named it Le Belier, 
presumably because Madame d'Aulnoy had written a tale 
called Le Mouton ; " je fourrai dans cet ouvrage," he tells 
us, " ce que le vain etalage des Contes a de plus imperti- 
nent." 1 A few years later he wrote two tales to ridicule 
the vogue of the Arabian Nights. None of these satires 
were printed before 1730, but they circulated in manuscript 
among his friends and exercised a certain influence before 
and a very marked influence after they appeared in print 
on the Conte of the eighteenth century. 

Koerting 2 divides the French novels of the seventeenth 
century into idealistic and realistic (satirical) novels ; the 
Astree, though belonging to the first type, contains, as he 
shows us, the germ of the second : Hylas, the inconstant 
swain, mocks at the true love of the shepherds and shep- 
herdesses, and the antagonism existing between Celadon and 
Hylas stretches far down the century. On the one hand 
we have Polexandre, Cassandre and le Grand Cyrus, on 
the other the Berger extravagant, the Roman comique and 
the Roman bourgeois. Now though this classification is 
not without its difficulties, it may very roughly be applied 
to the Conte de Fees and the fantastic tale of the late seven- 
teenth century and of the eighteenth. First we have 
Perrault's tales, with delightful touches of realism, told with 
a kind of simple gravity that spoke for the author's sincerity, 
and sober enough for did not Mickiewicz accuse Perrault 
of rationalizing the fairy-tale ? then Madame d'Aulnoy and 
her group, anxious to please, overdressed, powdered and 
beribboned, followed at length by Hamilton and his satirical 
tales which open up a second stream parallel to the first. 
Voltaire, always favourably inclined to Hamilton, is not 
altogether mistaken when, somewhat forgetful of Le Sage, 
he describes our author as " le premier qui ait fait des 
romans dans un gout plaisant qui n'est pas le burlesque de 
Scarron." 3 At the same time one is occasionally reminded 
of the seventeenth-century satirical novel-writers ; is not 
Hamilton's avowed intention of placing in his tales " ce 
que le vain etalage des contes a de plus impertinent " like 
a far-off echo from Sorel's Berger extravagant " ou parmy 

1 (Euvres II, p. 259. 

2 In his Geschichte des franzdsischen Romans. 
9 (Euvres, XIV (Sicle de Louis XIV), p. 78. 


des Fantaisies amoureuses on voit les impertinences des 
romans et de la poesie " ? 

From Hamilton spring a certain number of conteurs, 
Voisenon, Crebillon, Diderot and in a measure Voltaire, 
to mention only the chief of them, conteurs who, fastening 
on his parody of the Arabian Nights, produce a kind of 
half-burlesque, half-satirical tale, Oriental in most cases, 
the soi-disant exotic customs depicted affording a con- 
venient pretext for the crudest colours : in Hamilton's 
Quatre Facardins lies the germ of the conte licencieux. 1 

At the same time the first stream is continued, though 
more than once it is on the point of ceasing. The tales 
belonging to this class are marked by growing pedagogical 
preoccupations. Perrault, it will be remembered, had 
added a kind of moralite to each of his Contes de Fe*es. 2 
The influence of Fenelon writing a moral tale for the Dauphin 
Due de Bourgogne began to make itself felt. The stories of 
Madame d'Aulnoy and of her women contemporaries were 
supposed to be beneficial to juvenile readers. " Tout 
devient instruction quand on en s^ait faire un bon usage/' 
remarks half apologetically one of Mademoiselle de Lussan's 
characters who is about to relate a tale. 3 Moncrif writes 
to show us fidelity rewarded, modesty recompensed and 
the kind-hearted plain maiden, enjoying greater happiness 
than her attractive but frivolous sisters. The sub-title of 
his Don des Fees is le Pouvoir de 1'Education. 4 Madame 
de Lintot's attitude is best expressed by that of an old 
woman in Timandre et Bleuette, " Cette bonne femme 
disoit qu'il falloit instruire la jeunesse en 1'amusant." 6 Even 
the Comte de Caylus and we know that some of his tales 
have been sent to the Enfer of the Bibliotheque Nationale, 

1 It is not altogether insignificant that a descendant of Cristalline la 
Curieuse should appear in A h, quel Conte I (Cr6billon fils, (Euvres completes, 
1779. Vol. IV, pp. 357, 389, etc.) or that Voltaire, mentioning the tales 
read by the Princess of Babylon, should group the Quatre Facardins with 
La Paysanne Parvenue, Tansai, and A h, quel Conte ! ((Euvres, XXI, p. 407). 
The eighteenth century (Voltaire, Crebillon fils, Wieland) appears to have 
preferred the Quatre Facardins, whereas Fleur d'Epine, which may have 
seemed too anodyne to the eighteenth century, is often preferred by later 
critics (La Harpe, Sayous, Mont6gut, Lescure, etc.). 

* Cf. his Dedicace a Mademoiselle, " Us renferment tous une morale tres 
sensee, et qui se decouvre plus ou moins selon le degre de penetration de 
ceux qui lisent." 

8 VeilUes de Thessalie (Paris, 1731), II, p. 3. 

* Cabinet des Fees, Vols. 25 and 32. 

* Ib., Vol. 32, p. 167. 


we have heard of the publications of the Societe du Bout 
du Bane even Caylus protests that his object has always 
been in the words of Montaigne, " emmieller la viande 
salubre a 1'enfant." 1 With Madame Leprince de Beaumont 
we are not far from the Encyclopedic and the reign of 
reason, the allegory is rigid, the moralite appears on the 
surface, the fairies are conscientious governesses and the 
genii act the part of severe and just tutors. 2 

To return to Hamilton and Le Belier. The reader is 
introduced to a druid, a prince of the house of the Merovin- 
gians and to his beautiful daughter Alie. Many aspire to 
Alie's hand, but in vain, and a hideous ignorant giant, 
le Moulineau, is naturally refused with scorn. The enraged 
giant sets fire to the castle walls, the druid, however, sur- 
rounds his castle with a river and thinks himself in safety 
when the giant retaliates by throwing a bridge across the 
river. Amazed, the druid goes to consult his books and 
finds that the most precious volume is missing. 

He demands an explanation of Poison, a little gnome, 
for Poingon often attends Alie, and the druid suspects Alie 
of having tampered with the forbidden books. The gnome 
bids the druid remember that he once charged him to go 
and wander about in the grounds of the palace of Noisy, 
in order, as the gnome now realizes, to bring the Prince de 
Noisy into the druid's power. He assumed the shape of a 
deer on that occasion and happened to meet the prince, 
who, charmed, followed him back into the druid's domains 
and there beheld Alie. Alie and the prince fell in love with 
each other, and Alie knowing her father's hatred of the 
prince and thinking that they might find some remedy in 
his magic books allowed her lover to carry off one of them. 
He never returned, and Alie is now in despair. 

Meanwhile the attacking giant, counselled by a wonder- 
ful ram, has withdrawn. The ram advises him to send a 
messenger next day to the druid, to offer peace on con- 
dition that Alie with her own hands will gild the ram's 
horns and hoofs with a certain liquid gold. He, the ram, 

1 Ib., Vol. 25, p. 382, and cf. Vol. 24, p. 201. " Mais comme elle vouloit 
etre parfaite, elle s'instruisoit aussi de tous les contes de fees qu'elle pouvoit 

8 Cf . an article by Montegut, Des Fees et de leur Litterature en France, 
Revue des deux Mondes, April, 1862, 


being thus allowed to enter, will kill the druid and open 
the gates to the giant. The plan is carried out. The mes- 
senger arrives just when the druid has finished telling the 
story of his life to Alie. His greatest enemy, according to 
his account, is Merlin, but Merlin has a great enemy in the 
Lady of the Sheaths, whose magic knife, a knife that writes 
oracular answers, Merlin has stolen. Unbeknown to the 
Lady the knife is now in the druid's possession. The 
druid thinks that the ram is none other than Merlin him- 
self, and he has reason to believe that the ram has done 
away with the Prince de Noisy. Moreover, if Merlin can 
possess himself of Alie's cradle, much harm will be done, 
but fortunately the cradle has been lowered into a deep 

The 'druid accepts the messenger's proposition with joy, 
gives Alie the magic knife and tells her to cut off a handful 
of the ram's wool ; if it is Merlin, he is bound to assume 
his original shape and Alie will have time to plunge 
the knife into his heart. Unfortunately, Alie reverses the 
order of the operations and the expiring victim turns out 
to be her lover, the Prince de Noisy. The corpse is placed 
beside the fountain of the cradle and Alie is shut up in one 
of the palace rooms. But she breaks away from her atten- 
dants, wanders out beyond the grounds, where the giant 
lays hold of her and transports her to his palace. The 
druid has forgotten all about his daughter, for, hurrying 
back to pick up the bloody knife, he discovers that it has 
been tracing some words in an unknown language which he 
tries in vain to understand. Giving up his endeavours at 
last, he finds Alie gone and at the fountain Poingon con- 
fesses that a noble stranger counselled him to wash the 
corpse and that when he plunged the prince into the water, 
the corpse vanished, the cradle rose to the surface and 
the stranger bore it away. 

The Lady of the Sheaths suddenly appears, interprets 
the writing, tells the story of her life and also explains that 
the Prince de Noisy is Merlin's son and that by means of 
the knife he can be brought to life again. Only the knife 
has been shut up in a statue and the ring that will open 
the statue has been lent to Alie for the ram's execution. 
Alie has meanwhile escaped from the giant, by means of 
the ring, and wanders into Merlin's garden just as he is 
going to burn the corpse of the prince, his son, together with 


the cradle. The druid and the Lady of the Sheaths suddenly 
join her, Poison is despatched with the ring to get the 
knife. The prince recovers and explains that having used 
the druid's books imprudently, he was changed into a ram 
and fell into the giant's power, but learned that the druid's 
liquid gold would restore him to his former shape. He is 
united to Alie, overthrows the giant, and the Lady of the 
Sheaths regains possession of her knife. 

Besides the main plot and the autobiographies of the 
various personages Le Belier contains another practically 
independent tale. The ram used to amuse the giant by 
telling him stories, and thus, one day, he relates the adven- 
tures of Pertharite and Ferandine. 

From the preceding summary some idea will be gained 
of the complexity and wilful incoherence of the tale ; the 
narrative is constantly and unnecessarily interrupted ; at 
the most critical moment of the action some one is sure 
to relate a tale or to indulge in some detailed autobio- 
graphical reminiscences, or we are made to go far back 
to take up the thread of some preceding adventures. And 
since the worthy Mabillon 1 is made responsible for the 
story, Hamilton is at liberty to find fault with " the author 
of these memoirs," he condoles with the reader from behind 
the scenes, accompanies the tale with ironical comments 
that remind one of Scarron's and Furetiere's asides to the 
public, asks the reader how certain parts affect him, takes 
a malicious pleasure in making him observe that the tale 
is developing along the approved lines and now and then 
disillusions him without pity. The druid surrounds his 
castle with a river wider than the stretch from Pontus till 
beyond Bavaria ? The ram flings a mighty bridge across 
the river ? Never believe it, " il est bon de vous avertir 
qu'a 1'egard de la largeur de la riviere et de la longueur du 
pont Ton vous a menti de sept ou huit cent lieues, tant 
pour la rarete du fait que pour la commodite des rimes." 2 
You believed that le Moulineau was a great big giant ? 

1 Le Belier was written and circulated in manuscript in the lifetime of 
Mabillon, but the learned author of the Annales and the A eta Sanctorum 
ordinis Sancti Benedicti probably never heard of the extraordinary 
' memoirs ' which went under his name. The Hamiltons seem to have 
known him slightly ; on one occasion George Hamilton brought him and 
Dom Luc d'Ach6ry a manuscript life of St. Swithin from Williamson. 
(R.O. State Papers, Foreign, France, 131, f. 62.) 

8 (Euvres, II, p. 133. The beginning of Le Belier is in verse. 


He was only twice as tall and as foolish as our friend B. 
The giant and the ram were going to burn down the druid's 
castle ? Alie was terrified by their mighty preparations ? 
Ah yes, but these were only visions of poetry. And so on. 

The ram, as we have seen, entertains the giant by telling 
him stories, and though the giant is made to interrupt in 
the most absurd fashion, his remarks are not so bereft of 
common sense as it would first seem. Not one of them 
but contains a well-directed sally against the much-despised 
conte. Unwillingness to understand a tale that does not 
begin at the beginning, impatience at the constant change 
of narrative from one intrigue to the other, inability to 
connect some sudden and unmotivated event with the main 
plot, wonder at the caprices and humours of the various 
characters, joy at the sudden reappearance of a personage 
long left behind in the narrative, disgust caused by an 
ever-recurring motif, weariness brought on by the length of 
the tale, 1 all this is in keeping with the giant's slow and 
limited intelligence, but behind it all there is the charge 
made against the weakness and the artificiality of the 

We have neglected one aspect of the tale. Hamilton, it 
will be remembered, had been requested by some of his 
sister's friends to explain the new name of the property she 
inhabited, why was it now called Pontalie instead of les 
Moulineaux ? And one of the objects of this tale was to 
satisfy their questions. Like all Hamilton's stories it is full of 
personal allusions. The publisher of the first edition assures 
us that it contains " mille petits faits d^guisez," and though 
he comforts one with the promise that even if one is un- 

1 Ib. t pp. 153, 157, 164, 167, 168, 188, 194, 203, etc. Note especially 
the well-known passage on p. 153 : " Le Belier apres avoir un peu rfivl, 
commenca de cette manidre : ' Depuis les blessures du renard blanc, la 
reine n'avoit pas manqu6 d'aller tous les jours lui rendre visite. " Belier, 
mon ami," lui dit le geant, en I'mterrompant, " je ne comprends rien a tout 
cela. Si tu voulois bien commencer par le commencement, tu me ferois 
plaisir ; car tous ces recits qui commencent par le milieu ne font que 
m'embrouiller I'imagination." " Eh bien," dit le Belier, " je consens, centre 
la coutume, mettre chaque chose 4 sa place : ainsi le commencement de 
mon histoire sera la tte de mon recit." ' " And on p. 168, where the ram 
proposes to leave a princess and her adventure in order to take up some 
other thread of the narrative : '"Si cela est,' dit le seigneur Moulineau, ' je 
compte que je ne la reverrai plus, ni son renard blanc, car tu ne fais que 
tarabuster mon attention d'un endroit , 1'autre. N'y auroit-il pas moyen 
de rinir ce qui les regarde avant que d'aller courir aprds une autre aventure ?' 
' Cela ne se peut,' repondit le Belier." 


successful in fathoming these mysteries the tale will be none 
the less enjoyable, yet one cannot help wishing for a key 
like the one which Cousin found for the Grand Cyrus among 
the manuscripts of the Bibliotheque de r Arsenal. Alie, 
we imagine, is Henrietta Bulkeley ; x Ferandine, the Prin- 
cesse de Conti ; 2 the Belier, Hamilton himself, 3 the giant 
who winter and summer puts on his boots to go to bed, 
' our friend B.' ; the various apartments and walks described 
were doubtless familiar to the visitors of Pontalie, the 
druid prophesies the coming of a Count Philibert, 4 and 
so on. 

To-day the curious would look in vain for Pontalie; 
after the death of Madame de Gramont the property passed 
into other hands ; it resumed its old name and the traditions 
with which Hamilton endowed it are known to the biblio- 
phile alone. 

In 1704 there appeared the first volumes of a work that 
was to exercise considerable influence on the French litera- 
ture of the eighteenth century, namely, Galland's translation 
of the Arabian Nights. For the last few years, as we have 
seen, the public had been reading fairy-tales and little else 
but fairy-tales. A feeling of lassitude had followed on the 
first enthusiasm. In 1702 the Abbe Bellegarde wrote, 
though with some exaggeration, " La cour s'est laissee 
infatuer de ces sottises, la ville a suivi le mauvais exemple, 
de la cour et a lu avec avidite ces aventures monstrueuses, 
mais enfin on est revenu de cette frenesie." 6 

Galland, however, brought something so new, so fresh 
and so utterly different from the stereotyped fairy-tale 
that the readers were delighted. 6 They were quite at one 

CEuvres, II, pp. 152, 213. 

Ib., p. 173. 

Cf. ib., Vol. Ill, pp. 328, 336, 369. 

Ib., Vol. II, p. 28. 

Quoted in Petit de Julleville, Histoire de la Literature Franpaise, VI, 
P- 477- 

6 Cf. the Preface to the Nouveaux Conies Orientaux by the Comte de 
Caylus (Cabinet des Fies, Vol. XXV). " Vous aimiez assez les Contes 
Orientaux, pour avoir souvent pris leur parti. . . . Cependant il faut 
convenir que 1'on ne peut etre sensible a ce delassement de 1'esprit 
qu'aprds etre pour ainsi dire blaze sur les romans et sur les petites histoires 
fran9aises, celles-ci ont ordinairement une intrigue, un plan, un objet qui 
se developpe avec ordre, mais 1'habitude ou nous sommes de les lire nous 
fait trop aisement prevoir leur denouement ; au lieu que les histoires 


with the translator when he remarked of Scheherazade's 
stories that one had but to read them in order to become 
convinced that never had there been seen anything so good 
in any language in this order of writings. 1 Six volumes 
appeared in 1704, a seventh in 1706, an eighth in 1709 ; the 
ninth and tenth followed in 1712, the eleventh and twelfth 
in 1717, two years after Galland's death. 2 Meanwhile, in 
1704, D'Alegre published a new translation of the Gulistan 
of Sadi, 3 in 1707 Petis de la Croix brought out some 
' Turkish ' tales, Histoire de la Sultane de Perse et des 
Visirs, and from 1710 to 1712 his five volumes of the Mille 
et un Jours, Contes Persans traduits en Franois. Besides 
these translations there now began to appear countless 
volumes of imitations and pseudo-translations : in 1712 
and 1714 the Adventures of AbdaUah, son of Hanif, ' trans- 
lated from an Arabian manuscript ' by the Abbe Bignon ; 
in 1715 Gueullette's Mille et un Quarts d'heure, Contes 
Tartares, to mention only two of the earliest of these ' pas- 
tiches ' which helped to discredit the Arabian Nights in 
the eyes of those who could not or would not distinguish 
the original from the imitations. In this way the Journal 
Litter air e for 1715 groups the Mille et une Nuits, the Mille 
et un Jours with other less happy efforts and condemns 
one and all as ' fadaises/ as ' livres de bagatelles et de 
niaiseries.' 4 ' Fadaises ' these imitations might certainly 
be called, this " branchlet of literature, the most vapid, 
frigid and insipid that can be imagined by man a bastard 
Europeo-Oriental, pseudo-Eastern world of Western mari- 

orientales n'ont souvent qu'un seul objet dont 1'effet est d'exciter la 
surprise en voyant que les plus petits incidents amenent lea plus grandes 
revolutions. C'est en cela que consiste presque tout leur attrait, le style 
contribue aussi a leur agrement ; il se sent de la chaleur du climat qui 
produit une singularity piquante pour les lecteurs de 1'Europe." 

1 Galland, Mille et une Nuits, I, Avertissement. 

* Chauvin, Bibliographic des Ouvrages Arabes, IV, pp. 25-26. 

8 Gulistan ou le Jardin des Roses, traduit du Persan de Sadi. A French 
translation had already appeared in 1634. 

4 Journal Litteraire de V Annie 1715 (La Haye, 3* ed. 1738), p. 203. 
Montesquieu, however, was among the admirers of the Arabian Nights. 
" Les gens senses," writes the Comte de Caylus, " qui savent apprecier les 
choses ne proscrivent jamais ce genre et s'il fallait une autorite respectable, 
je dirois que M. de Montesquieu se trouvant faute d'autres livres necessite 
a lire les Mille et une Nuits, y trouva tant d'attrait, que je lui ai entendu 
dire, plus d'une fois qu'il se felicitoit d'avoir fait connaissance avec les 
Conteurs Arabes et qu'il en relisoit volontiers quelque chose tous les ans. 
(Preface to Cadichon, Cabinet des Fees, Vol. 25, pp. 387-388.) 


onettes, garbed in the gear which Asiatics are (or were) 
supposed to wear, with sentiments, opinions, manners and 
morals to match ; the whole utterly lacking life, local 
colour, vraisemblance, human interest." 1 

Hamilton, too, viewed this " inondation subite de 
calif es et de sultans," as he called it, 2 with a hostile eye. It 
has sometimes been stated 3 that what he disliked and 
criticized was not the great masterpiece of Eastern litera- 
ture, but the parasitical growths that sprang from it. From 
the very first, however, when Galland's translation began to 
appear, Hamilton had uncompromisingly described the 
Arabian Nights as ' fatras/ 4 and what followed upon these 
first volumes did not in any wise change his opinion. He 
twitted the ladies at court (" avec les menagemens con- 
venables pour ne pas blesser leur amour propre ") on the 
avidity with which they read each succeeding instalment, 
they retorted by defying him to compose something in a 
similar strain, 5 and so Hamilton wrote two Eastern Tales, 
first Fleur d'Epine, and then the Quatre Facardins. 

Pour marquer les absurdits 
De ces recits mal in vent 6s, 6 

just as he had written the Belier to show up the defects 
of the fairy-tale. The jaded courtier was irritated by the 
naivete, the artlessness and the unconscious humour of 
the Arabian Nights, he wanted something written with 
' esprit/ he was unable to adopt, even for the time being, 
the attitude of simple unquestioning faith which Burton, in 

1 Burton's Arabian Nights, X, pp. 347-348. 

2 (Euvres, II, p. 260. 

8 e.g. by Sayous in his Literature franfaise a I'etranger. The due de 
L6vis in the preface to his continuation of the tales goes as far as to say 
that Hamilton's tales were not written against Oriental fiction but against 
" nos inventions occidentales, nos romans monstrueux de chevalerie et les 
grands romans qui leur ont succede," and J. B. Champagnac adopts this 
theory in his edition of Hamilton's works. It is true that Hamilton has 
his fling against the romans de chevalerie in the Quatre Facardins, but his 
efforts are principally directed against the Oriental Tales. As for M. 
Kissenberth's thesis on Hamilton (Antoine d' Hamilton, sein Leben und 
seine Werke), it brings forward the extraordinary statement that Hamilton 
wished to ridicule Sorel's Francion, the Roman comique and the Roman 
bourgeois (p. 84). 

4 (Euvres, II, p. 128, in le Belier, which he wrote in 1705, the year after 
the publication of the first volumes of the Mille et une Nuits. 

6 Avis du Libraire, Le Belier, 1730. 

6 (Euvres, II, p. 260. 


our day, still found among the primitive people of the 
wilderness to whom he used to read these stories. 1 

It would seem as if the sudden appearance of a new 
series of tales in 1710, Persian this time, the Mille et un 
Jours, a series of volumes probably just as endless as the 
the Mille et une Nuits, had moved Hamilton to take up his 
pen to amuse his friends and himself by a parody of the 
Eastern fictions. That Hamilton had read at least the 
first volumes of the Mille et un Jours would seem to be 
proved by the fact that his Luisante is very closely related 
to the Princess Farrukhnaz of those stories. 2 The scene of 
Fleur d'Epine is laid in the kingdoms of Cachemire, Cir- 
cassia and Astracan ; this also suggests the influence of the 
Mille et un Jours and one would therefore place the date 
of Fleur d'Epine and of the Quatre Facardins between 
1710 and 1715, 3 after which year, as we have seen, Hamilton 
wrote little more. 

1 " The Shayks and ' white beards ' of the tribe," he writes in a wonder- 
fully vivid page, " gravely take their places, sitting with outspread skirts 
like hillocks on the plain, as the Arabs say, around the camp fire, whilst I 
reward their hospitality . . . by reading or reciting a few pages of their 
favourite tales. The women and children stand motionless as silhouettes 
outside the ring ; and all are breathless with attention ; they seem to 
drink in the words with eyes and mouth as well as with ears. The most 
fantastic flights of fancy, the wildest improbabilities, the most impossible 
of impossibilities, appear to them utterly natural, mere matters of every- 
day occurrence. They enter thoroughly into each phase of feeling touched 
upon by the author ; they take a personal pride in the chivalrous nature 
and knightly prowess of Taj al-Muluk ; they are touched with tenderness 
by the self-sacrificing love of Azfzah ; their mouths water as they hear of 
heaps of untold gold given away in largesse like clay by the mighty Harun 
al Rashld ; they chuckle with delight every time a Kizi or Fakir (a judge 
or a reverend) is scurvily treated by some Pantagruelist of the Wilderness ; 
and despite their normal solemnity and impassivity all roar with laughter, 
sometimes rolling upon the ground till the reader's gravity is sorely tried 
at the tales of the garrulous Barber and of Ali with the Kurdish Sharper." 
(Burton's Arabian Nights, I, p. xviii.) Cf. an article in the Revue britan- 
nique, August, 1828, p. 325 sq. 

1 In his article on Anthony Hamilton (Fortnightly Review, October, 
1890), Professor Saintsbury remarks, "Another side issue may be indicated 
by mentioning that the tradition of Le Sage having collaborated in Galland's 
translation (a tradition for which I know no solid foundation) may possibly 
by some ingenious inquirer be connected with the fact that Le Sage un- 
doubtedly dramatised the subject of Hamilton's Fleur d'Epine in la 
Princesse de Carizme, though the treatment is wholly independent." The 
similarity between Fleur d'Epine and la Princesse de Carizme can be 
explained by the fact that both authors took their subject from the Mille 
et un Jours. Le Sage, as is well known, was a collaborator of Petis de la 
Croix in this work. 

8 Another reason for assigning to these tales a much later date than to 
Ic Belier is the fact that mention is made in Fleur d'Epine of the Conte de la 


A rapid summary of the two tales will show that whereas 
Fleur d'Epine is characterized by a certain unity of action, 
in the Quatre Facardins Hamilton has spared himself no 
trouble in inventing a profusion of the most arbitrarily 
connected incidents. 

Fleur d'Epine. Luisante, the daughter of the caliph of 
Cachemire, is so beautiful that none may behold her with 
impunity. Various remedies are proposed and the seneschal 
advises the caliph to send for an unknown squire who has 
been with him for some time. The squire, Tarare by name, 
ascertains that the enchantress Serena will take away the 
murderous power of Luisante's eyes, provided the caliph 
sends her four things : the portrait of Luisante ; Fleur 
d'Epine, her daughter, who has been carried off by the 
witch Dentue in order that she may marry Dentue's son, 
Dentillon ; a hat so laden with diamonds that it shines like 
the sun, and a mare covered with little golden bells that 
make enchanting music wherever she goes. These last 
two objects are also in Dentue's possession. Tarare under- 
takes to obtain all these gifts, and first he prosaically puts 
on smoked glasses and paints the portrait of the princess 
who falls in love with him. Then, disguised as a goat- 
herd he makes his way to Dentue's habitation. At night- 
fall Dentillon goes out to the well for water and Fleur 
d'Epine lights him the way with the diamond hat which only 
shines when worn by a maiden. Tarare lays hold of Dentil- 
Ion, a repulsive little monster, gags him, binds him hand 
and foot, envelops his head in Fleur d'Epine's veils and 
pushes him under the hay in Sonnante's stable. The mare's 
bells have all been closed up with birdlime so Tarare and 
Fleur d'Epine mount her in safety and ride away, lighted 
by the diamond hat. Meanwhile Dentue has discovered 
the theft, sets fire to the stable under the impression that 
she is going to burn Fleur d'Epine, and mounting a unicorn 
goes off in pursuit of the thief. The fugitives escape with 
difficulty, but finally enter Cachemire in triumph. Fleur 
d'Epine is entrusted for a night to the seneschal's widow, 
and, next day, Tarare is to take her to Serena with the 
other gifts. But the widow, who is in love with Tarare, 

Pyr amide et du Cheval d'Or which Hamilton had written for ' Mademoiselle 
O'Brien de Clare.' This young lady, whose ' charms ' are so gallantly 
described in la Pyramide et le Cheval d'Or, was born in 1697, and would 
thus be only thirteen years old in 1710. 


and a new confidant of hers, a Moorish woman, throw a spell 
over Fleur d'Epine. She falls ill, is unable to accompany 
Tarare, and when he returns at last with a wonderful remedy 
for the eyes of the princess, Fleur d'Epine has become 
so disfigured through her sufferings that he no longer 
recognizes her. Overwhelmed with grief Fleur d'Epine 
faints away and the wicked Moorish woman exclaims that 
she is dead and must be burned at once. Just as the pyre 
is about to be lighted Serena arrives on the mare Sonnante, 
restores Fleur d'Epine to health and beauty, Fleur d'Epine 
and Tarare are united and the Moorish woman, who is none 
other than the witch Dentue, is burned. Of course there are 
minor intrigues. Tarare has a twin brother Phenix, who, 
having fallen into Dentue's hands, has been changed into 
a parrot, and, as such, has won Luisante's affections. 
Serena destroys the spell and he marries Luisante. Nor 
has Luisante chosen unworthily, for Phenix and Tarare 
are the sons of a king. As for Serena, she is the daughter 
of the King of Mesopotamia, Fleur d'Epine is not her 
daughter, but the daughter of the dethroned Queen of 
Circassia, who is about to be restored to her rights again, 
and Tarare thus finds himself wedded to the heiress of a 

It is not easy to give a short argument of the Quatre 
Facardins ; the intricacy of the narrative is extraordinary, 
and as we have only a fragment of the Facardins we are 
less able to grasp the large lines of the Tale. Moreover, 
to give a dry outline is always to do Hamilton a certain 
injustice, for the reader has necessarily a very imperfect 
impression of what these exquisitely witty tales really are, 
their special and peculiar charm lying, as Professor Saints- 
bury points out, in the perpetual undercurrent of satirical 
criticism of life. 

I. Facardin, 1 Prince of Trebizond, 2 who tells this tale, 
sets out with his secretary in quest of adventure. He 
becomes acquainted with a handsome young stranger who 
likewise bears the name of Facardin. At the request of 

1 Facardin is not so extraordinary a name as the author would have us 
believe. It is the popular spelling of the name of the celebrated emir 
Fakhr ed-Din. (Cf. Bibliotheque des Carpentras, manuscript 1777, f. 120 ; 
Nouvelles de Sayde . . . Prise de Vimir Facardin.) 

* The emperor of Trebizond who figures in the seventh and eighth book 
of the Amadis had possibly suggested the name of Trebizond. We know 
that Hamilton was well read in all the Amadis stories. 


Facardin of Trebizond, the handsome Facardin relates his 
story and confesses that he is travelling in order to become 
more worthy of Mousseline la Serieuse, Princess of Astracan. 
Two adventures have befallen him so far, the adventure of 
the lions* isle and the adventure of Mount Atlas. All the 
lions of a certain country have been banished to an island, 
but as the country is so overrun with deer, a hunt takes 
place several times a year on the lions' isle ; the lions are 
captured alive and let loose among the deer of the mainland. 
The handsome Facardin arrives in time to take part in one 
of the hunts which are organized in the following manner : 
Twenty young men and maidens row in pairs to the island ; 
each youth takes with him a stag, each maiden a cock. 
When they land they fasten up huge nets behind which 
they take their stand. The lions seeing the stags make a rush 
for them, but as only one lion is wanted for each net, a 
maiden causes her cock to crow suddenly by uncovering his 
head, and the lions, amazed, retreat into the woods except 
the foremost lion who has become entangled in the net and 
is now embarked with a hunter and a huntress. The hand- 
some Facardin wishes to show his courage by remaining 
on the island with the last maiden and, instead of capturing 
the lion in the usual way, he draws his sword, is unsuccess- 
ful, the lion swallows the cock and Facardin and his maiden 
are forced to return empty-handed. The maiden is in 
despair, for the loss of a cock is supposed to throw grave 
doubts on her virtue, and if the cock is not found again, the 
maiden is buried alive. On landing she rushes away into 
the mountain wilds and Facardin, following her, loses her 
from sight. 

He begins to climb up Mount Atlas, refuses the caresses 
of an old hag, who, in return, throws a spell over him so 
that all women may dislike him, he wanders through lonely 
caves and splendidly furnished grottos, picks up a dainty 
slipper and finds in another case the fair owner who con- 
sents to be delivered by him, provided he can find a woman 
ready to love him or a cock able to fly as high as an eagle 
or a maiden whose foot is small enough for the slipper. 
The handsome Facardin sets out to accomplish one of the 
three conditions imposed and meets the Ambassadors of 
Fortimbras, King of Denmark, who have been exiled from 
their country until they find a man whose mouth "equals the 
King's in size or a slipper small enough for the foot of 


Sapinelle of Jutland, his daughter. He returns with them 
to their country and great adventures befall him there. 

II. At this point of the handsome Facardin's story wild 
sounds of trumpets, clarions, fifes and drums are heard and 
there appears a procession of gorgeously attired slaves, 
four of whom carry a litter. The camels of our travellers 
take fright and Facardin of Trebizond and his secretary 
are separated from the handsome Facardin, who disappears 
from the scene for ever. They afterwards find out that in 
the litter was travelling Mousseline la Serieuse, returning 
to her father's kingdom after having spent three vain 
months in quest of something to make her laugh. Facardin 
has now reached the Red Sea, and his secretary proceeds 
to relate a long tale which is to reveal the origin of the name 
of the sea. 

III. The story is suddenly interrupted by the landing 
of a boat from which there steps a hideous damsel. In spite 
of the secretary's warnings and entreaties she makes Facar- 
din embark with her in order that he may save the most 
precious life that ever was. They land and though he is 
several times requested to disarm himself he arrives, sword 
in hand, in the presence of Cristalline la Curieuse, whom he 
is to deliver and who is none other than the complacent 
lady of the hundred rings, collected as described at the 
beginning of the Arabian Nights. 1 

The lady gives him an account of her adventures. In 
her youth a Genius carried her off to his palace under the 
sea, where she led a monotonous existence until a tall 
young knight sinks down to their kingdom and is revived 
by the Genius. The knight, Facardin by name, the third 
Facardin of the tale, and Crist alline manage to outwit the 
jealousy of the Genius, but one day the tall Facardin dis- 
appears. The Genius notices his wife's sadness and, in 
order to give her some diversion, proceeds to travel about 
with her. This is no great consolation, for he carries her 
about in a cristal coffer and when he lets her out he falls 
asleep, his head on her knees. Notwithstanding these 
precautions Cristalline goes through the series of adventures 
familiar to readers of the Arabian Nights, demanding a 
ring from each of her victims. One day the Genius seeing 
her play with the rings discovers her infidelity and con- 

1 Mille et une Nuits, pp. 6-7. M. Anatole France has recounted the 
episode in his Rdtisserie de la Reine Ptdauque, pp. 289-291. 


demns her to be burned alive unless she can find, within a 
year, some adventurer who is willing to make himself 
possessor of the hundred rings. The year has all but elapsed 
and the new-comer, Facardin of Trebizond, is her only hope. 
IV. Facardin refuses to undergo the adventure pro- 
posed, but offers to hew his way for her through the atten- 
dants of the Genius. Crist alline gives him a magic spinning- 
wheel as a shield and takes one herself, they manage to 
escape, reach a boat which carries them swiftly to another 
shore where they meet three curiously attired adventurers, 
one of them being the tall Facardin. They imagine Facardin 
of Trebizond to be engaged in the same exploit as they, but 
finding they are mistaken, one of the knights - errant tells 
him the story of Mousseline la Serieuse, adding that who- 
ever causes Mousseline to laugh or overcomes a monster 
that is devastating the kingdom of Astracan will receive 
Mousseline and all her father's estates in reward. 

Here Hamilton breaks off his tale, referring the rest of 
the Prince of Trebizond's story to the second part of these 

Now it may be asked in what manner Hamilton satirizes 
the Arabian Nights. We have already seen that his object 
was ' marquer les absurdites de ces recits mal inventes,' 
and that, especially in the Quatre Facardins, incident is 
made to follow upon incident in the most bewildering 
fashion. The various adventures of the four Facardins are 
as disconnected as possible. In Fleur d'Epine, not only 
are some of the actions of the hero quite incomprehensible 
to the reader, but the hero himself is not quite sure of their 
why and wherefore, though in the end everything, of course, 
turns out for his good. The personages are all almost with- 
out exception eminently ridiculous. 

Hamilton suspected Galland of having improved on the 
original ; the Arabian Nights, it seemed to him, left Barbin, 
the publisher, ' plus arabes qu'en Arabic.' 1 Accordingly he 
accentuates the Oriental in many places. Tarare, coun- 
selling the caliph to apply to the fairy Serena for advice, 
suggests sending her ' a trifle of a million or two/ and when 

1 (Euvres, II, p. 259. We know now that Galland indeed took consider- 
able liberties with the text, but far from deepening the local colour, he 
rather sought to tone it down to the taste of his countrymen. Cf . especially 
Burton's Terminal Essay in Vol. VIII of the Arabian Nights. 


at last he is sent on his mission he carries with him " a 
purse of sparkling diamonds and half a bushel of large 
pearls," the roads on Crist alline's island are strewn with 
diamond powder, gold and silver and broidered raiment 
abound everywhere in the correct fashion. Cristalline's 
attendant addresses Facardin after the manner of Moliere's 
Grand Turk. " Que la rose*e du matin vous soit toujours 
en aide ; que celle du soir vous flatte tendrement les joues 
et que les paroles de votre bienaimde soient aussi f avorables 
a votre cceur que le chant du coq Test a 1'oreille qui ne peut 
dormir la nuit." Another attendant swears by the great 
Ali, founder of the Green Turbans. Facardin 's secretary 
reviles his camel and the ' great prophet ' who brought the 
camel into the world. And so on. 

Another proceeding that Hamilton resorts to, a pro- 
ceeding familiar to him from the Typhon and the Virgile 
Travesty, is the effective use of anachronism. In Fleur 
d'Epine the caliph is served by a seneschal and by a ' grand 
prevot.' The seneschal's son is a count, gentilhomme de 
Tepee. The hapless lovers die after the manner ordained 
by Voiture and the pre*cieux, " gently murmuring her name 
and humbly thanking those beautiful eyes for having dealt 
them so sweet and glorious a death." The caliph fears that 
the power of his daughter's eyes will people the court 
with ' Quinze-Vingts/ he is therefore advised to send her 
to a convent, since there would be no great harm in a score 
or so of ancient nuns and their abbess losing their sight for 
the benefit of the State. When the caliph asks Tarare what 
to do with his daughter, Tarare replies by parodying some 
lines from a madrigal of Jean de Lingendes, Honore d'tMe^s 
friend. Finding himself in great difficulties Tarare no longer 
knows to what saint to recommend himself, and when he 
returns successfully the caliph's councillors propose to 
honour him like some Roman conqueror with the great 
and the small triumph. The wicked senechale is condemned 
to be sent to the Petites Maisons. Facardin, arrayed in a 
dressing-gown, is carried by his boat to a distant coast and 
is dismayed to find the inhabitants watching his approach 
through field-glasses ; a bearded high priest is called 
Monsieur 1'Abbe, and then there is Facardin of Trebizond 
himself, ' fait a peindre, vaillant, adroit, grand parleur et 
quelque peu Gascon,' a kind of knight-errant who brings into 
this Oriental tale a flavour of the tales of Chivalry. 


And while this Eastern tale is burlesqued 1 by the intro- 
duction of wandering semi- Western knights, the author 
cannot help having his fling in turn at the romances of 
chivalry. Facardin of Trebizond is a knight of admirable 
common sense. He sets out in quest of adventure, but 
with great savoir faire first secures a ' liste des tournois 
publics par le monde avec un etat des aventures les plus 
impraticables.' Instead of taking a squire to wait upon 
him, he takes a secretary who writes down his exploits, 
keeps a journal of the expedition and rather irritates him 
by his bel esprit and by the diligence with which he keeps 
drawing a map of the countries they traverse. The hand- 
some Facardin speaks the language and shares in the high- 
flown sentiments of Amadis and Galaor. Like Amadis he 
is a humble and sighing lover ; Facardin of Trebizond, who 
is inordinately vain, reassures him complacently, " I have 
met with a hundred beauties in my travels, some of whom 
were of the first distinction, none of them ever cost me 
more than a single sigh. My secretary shall give you a 
list of them with their addresses. Pay them a visit, and 
when we meet again, you shall tell me how they are." The 
disreputable Cristalline is made to act the part of the 
inevitable maiden in distress who sends her damoyselle to 
crave a boon, her deliverance, of the valiant knights who 
go riding by on camels. 

Les Quatre Facardins is thus not a purely Eastern tale ; 
in Fleur d'Epine there is one thing that contrasts curiously 
with the semi-Oriental setting, the character of Fleur 
d'Epine herself. The heroines of the Arabian Nights are 
marked by a strange waywardness ; they arrive in the 
market-places and unveil themselves to the young mer- 
chants, they send their slaves to invite the traveller from 
the khan to the harem, they appear unbidden at the 
nocturnal banquet ; but Fleur d'Epine is a maiden unknown 
to the Arabian Nights, modest and shy and with a delightful 

1 Brunetiere points out in an interesting article that the burlesque and 
the precieux are by no means opposed, but rather symptoms of the same 
attitude, and that the last years of the reign of Louis XIV and the Regency 
which saw a revival of the esprit precieux were no less marked by a revival 
of the burlesque. (La Maladie du Burlesque in Etudes critiques sur 
I'Histoire de la Literature franfaise. Huitieme Serie, Paris, 1907.) The 
works of Hamilton fully bear out this statement. Hamilton has something 
of both Voiture and Scarron in him, though Voiture, of course, more than 


diffidence in love which Hamilton has rendered with sur- 
prising art. We will not go as far as Montegut, who describes 
Fleur d'Epine as the most charming fairy-tale ever written 
in France, 1 but one might certainly long search the pages 
of the Oriental tale and the conte de fees of the period for 
anything approaching the grace of Hamilton's tale. Yet 
there is no cloying sweetness about it, for the author is 
amiably amused by his young lovers and his delicate 
raillery makes all sentiment alism impossible. He himself 
seems to have realized that in this case he had not been 
altogether successful in pouring contempt on the fairy-tale. 
" L'ecrivain lui-meme est la fable des contes qu'il a 
critiques." 2 

So much for the tales themselves something still remains 
to be said about their framework. Hamilton seems to have 
considered the device of a sultana relating stories every 
night to her consort supremely ridiculous. 8 Already in 
Le Belter, written when the first volumes of the Arabian 
Nights were appearing, he had not spared that mechanism. 
The nymph Alie (who lived in the reign of Pepin), distraught 
with grief, temporarily loses her reason, and her mind being 
full of the story of Schahriahr, Scheherazade and Dinarzade, 
she imagines herself to be Scheherazade, proceeds to relate 
to her imaginary audience the tale of her life, stopping in 
the correct fashion at the most critical part of her story, 
because of the dawning day. The Giant, not unlike the 

1 Revue des Deux Mondes, April, 1862, p. 671. 

1 (Euvres, II, p. 260. And as a matter of fact Hamilton the critic was 
criticised in turn. In 1735 the Pere Bougeant published a satirical tale, 
le Voyage merveilleux du Prince Fan Feredin dans la Romancie, contenant 
plusieurs observations historiques, geographiques, physiques, critiques et 
morales. The mare Sonnante is one of the marvellous animals that inhabit 
the country of Romancie (p. 47), and Fleur d'Epine and the Four Facardins 
move in the society of the Contes Mogols and la Constance des promptes 
Amours (p. 220). 

* Nor was Hamilton the only one who laughed at the unfailing regu- 
arity of Dinarzade's " Ma soeur, si vous ne dormez pas, contez nous done 
un de ces beaux contes que vous contez si bien." There is that well-known 
anecdote of the worthy Galland being awakened from his sleep one wintry 
night and finding under his window three or four young men exclaiming 
rapturously, " Monsieur Galland ! Monsieur Galland ! Si vous ne dormez 
pas, contez nous done un de ces beaux contes que vous savez si bien ! " 
The fact that Galland suppressed the framework in his later volumes 
speaks for the authenticity of the anecdote " Les lecteurs des deux premiers 
volumes de ces contes ont 6te fatigues de 1'interruption que Dinarzade 
apportait 4 leur lecture. On a remedie 4 ce defaut dans les volumes qui 
ont suivi." (Avertissement, Vol. VII, ist ed.) 


Sultan, has to be amused by stories, but the story-teller 
in this case is not the incomparable Scheherazade, merely 
a ram who knows by heart a thousand stories. 

Hamilton went further now and connected both his 
tales with the Arabian Nights. Fleur d'Epine is the thou- 
sand and first night, the Quatre Facardins the thousand 
and second. The concluding volumes of the Nights had 
not yet appeared. Hamilton was therefore at liberty to 
give the last night the form he pleased. He makes Sche- 
herazade feign an illness and lets the last story be told by 
Dinarzade, who stipulates that any interruption on the 
Sultan's part will cancel the sentence of death hanging over 
her sister. She gives her hero the name of Tarare, 1 and 
the name is so often repeated and the meaning of the word 
gives such frequent occasions for puns, that in the end 
the Sultan can control himself no longer, objects, and 
Scheherazade's life is safe. 2 Dinarzade tells her tale to the 

1 " Mot burlesque qui signifie quand on s'en sert qu'on se moque de ce 
que Ton dit" (Furetiere). Molidre uses it three times. In the translation 
published by Bohn in 1 849 Tarare is translated as Pooh-pooh. The editor 
of the first English translation of Fleur d'Epine tells an ingenious but 
unauthenticated story in connexion with the name of the hero. " The 
conversation," he says, happening to turn in a company in which he 
[Hamilton] was present, on the A rabian Nights Entertainments which were 
just published, every one highly commended the book ; many seemed to 
hint at the difficulty of writing that species of composition." " Nothing 
can be more easy," replied Count Hamilton, " and as proof of it I will 
venture to write a Circassian tale, after the manner of the Arabian Nights 
Entertainment, on any subject which you can mention." " Fiddlestick," 
replied the other. " You have hit it," said Count Hamilton, " and I 
promise you that I will produce a tale in which Fiddlestick shall be the 
principal hero." In a few days he finished his tale, which he called Fleur 

* The end given by Galland was Galland's own invention, for his 
manuscript had no conclusion. According to Galland, the Sultan who ad- 
mires Scheherazade's memory, her courage and her patience retracts his 
sentence. " Je vous remets entierement dans mes bonnes graces." Ac- 
cording to some MSS. the Sultan is bored by the last stories, and when 
Scheherazade asks whether he still persists in his resolution he replies, 
" C'est assez, qu'on lui coupe la tte, car ses dernieres histoires m'ont 
ennuye mortellement." Scheherazade then sends for her three children, 
and everything ends happily. (Contes in&dits des Mille et une Nuits, 
extraits de 1'original arabe par M. J. de Hammer, traduits en fran9ais 
par M. G. Trebutien.) Cf. Burton, VIII, p. 51, and Lane, III, p. 733, 
where Scheherazade after finishing her stories sends for her sons, and 
the Sultan, moved to tears, assures her that he pardoned her long before 
the coming of these children. E. A. Poe amused himself by describ- 
ing the ioo2nd Night. S. has been pardoned but cannot resist telling 
another tale which the Sultan finds so absurd that he repents of his 
lenience and has her strangled. (Works, ed. by Ingram, Edinburgh, 1883, 
third edition in 4 vols., I, p. 216 sq.). 


very end though dawn had come long before, " mais Dinar- 
zade s'etoit moquee de son eclat naissant." We suppose 
that this is the last of these noctural tales, but the next 
night the Sultan commands the Prince of Trebizond, 
Dinarzade's lover, to remain with them and to relate his 
adventures. Accordingly we have the story of the Quatre 

The Sultan's childlike interest in Scheherazade's stories 
seems to have irritated Hamilton, for he revenges himself 
by making Schahriahr as foolish as he can ; everyone 
except Schahriahr is bored by the stories and the flippant 
manner in which Dinarzade speaks to Scheherazade about 
the ' animal d'empereur ' and ' votre benet de man/ is 
a piquant contrast to the respect with which the Com- 
mander of the Faithful is treated in the original Arabian 
Tales. Those who had been more or less bored by the 
Arabian Nights must have approved of the impatient 
criticism with which Dinarzade rewards Trebizond's en- 
deavours and which, of course, voices Hamilton's objections 
to the long drawn-out episodes of the Mille et une Nuits. 
' You are desired to relate your own adventures which, 
in the present posture of affairs you should have told as 
concisely as possible, and instead of this you weary us 
with another person's, accompanied with details so unin- 
teresting that it is a doubt whether they are more tedious 
or trifling." 1 And elsewhere, after a sigh of relief: "A 
thousand thanks," she cries, " to the satraps in chintz, the 
gilded palanquin, the slaves who bore it, the umbrellas 
which shaded it, and, above all, to the flageolets, fifes, 
cymbals and bagpipes, which by frightening your camel, 
separated you from Facardin the Second ! And oh ! for 
ever blessed be the river, whose well-timed overflowing 
prevented you from falling in with him again ! Had it 
not been for that fortunate accident, I doubt not you 
would have wearied us as intolerably with the end of his 
adventures as you have already done with the beginning. 
For Heaven's sake, my dear prince, tell me at once how 
many years it will take you to relate your history, since 
though you have now trespassed upon our good Sultan's 
patience for a very considerable time, you have employed 
it entirely in recounting the misfortunes of another person." 2 

1 Tales, Bohn's edition (1849), p. 19. 
1 /*-. PP. 37-38. 


The Sultan fortunately does not take in this tirade as he 
has become too drowsy, or as Facardin euphemistically 
describes it, has his attention distracted by some serious 
political reflexions. 

Very amusing is the way in which Schahriahr's old 
acquaintance, the lady of the hundred rings, is brought into 
the story. In the Arabian Nights Schahriahr and his 
brother furnish her with the ninety-ninth and the hundredth 
ring. Facardin is relating Cristalline's story and how she 
complains of the unwillingness of all her victims, especially 
of the last two, the most cowardly knaves she had ever met. 
" Trebizonde, my good friend," says the Sultan, rousing 
himself from a half slumber, " what was that you said 
last ? " " Mighty Lord," replies Trebizonde with perfect 
gravity, " I said that the virtuous Cristalhne informed me 
that having carried her adventure to the ninety-eighth, 
she received the two last rings from two poor cowardly 
devils who almost expired through fright." " She lied," 
exclaims the Sultan, who recognizes himself, "but go on 
with your history : we will discuss that point another 
time." 1 

In Le Better, as we have seen, there are ' mille petits faits 
deguisez.' There is no doubt that the readers of Hamilton's 
manuscript books enjoyed Fleur d'Epine and the Quatre 
Facardins in a way that we cannot. In the Prince of 
Trebizond they probably saw reminiscences of Gramont, 
the 'politique de campagne qui se melait d'entretenir des 
correspondances a la cour/ and the Prince who insisted 
that his sons should always speak of him as ' Monsieur mon 
pere ' were perhaps well-known characters ; as for the 
seneschal, the prime minister of whom it is said that he 
was the most foolish man who had ever presided a 
council, it is difficult not to see a portrait of Chamillart in 
him. "As he had not the capabilities which those who 
govern usually have, or ought to have, neither had he 
their presumption, and much less their abrupt manners 
(an allusion, of course, to the enemy, Louvois). He was the 
most affable minister that ever existed." 2 And those who 
thought of Chamillart in reading these lines, understood 
the force of the apparently inoffensive statement, " Le calife 
n'avoit eu garde de manquer a faire son premier ministre 

1 Ib., pp. 74-75. 

2 ib., p. 392. 


d'une tte comme celle-la." 1 They knew how to appreciate 
the audacity of the innocent little scene between the caliph, 
Tarare and the seneschal. " Speak to him boldly, Your 
Highness," said the seneschal, "he understands all manner 
of languages." The caliph who could only talk his own, 
and that not very elegantly, after pausing some time, 
trying to find something clever to say, " What's your name, 
friend ? " said he. 2 The seventeenth century was truly 
a thing of the past. The Comtesse de Murat had dedicated 
her fairy-tales to the Dowager Princess of Conti, the Com- 
tesse d'Auneuil inscribed hers to the Duchesse de Bourgogne, 
and these princesses knew to look for their portraits in the 
gracious and graceful fairies, but with Hamilton we are 
entering another age. 

Besides Fleur d'Epine and the Quatre Facardins we 
have a fragment of an Oriental tale in verse, La Pyramide 
et le Cheval d'Or. It is exceedingly dull and is only men- 
tioned for the sake of completeness. 

Hamilton's influence on the French conteurs has already 
been mentioned. Boufflers avowedly takes him as his 

1 Cf . also the delightful " Le calife lui en donna sa parole, et le senechal 
qui aimoit 4 travailier, lui en expedia des lettres patentes." 

1 Le Belier has also one or two of these touches. " Mon pre le prince 
le plus magnifique de son sidcle . . . avoit rassemble a grands frais les 
livres les plus rares et les plus curieux de 1'univers, mais il n'en avoir 
jamais lu un seul." Elsewhere the Giant says to Alie, " Je vais t'enfermet 
dans la chambre et ensuite je m'informerai de la verite," a remark not 
without its sting in this age of the lettre de cachet. 

In some cases Hamilton's satire is of a more general nature. In Fleur 
d'Epine by way of protest against the amazing beauty with which the 
chief personages of fiction are usually dowered, he chooses a hero who is 
far from handsome and a heroine who is inferior in looks to at least one of 
the other characters. (The worthy La Harpe therefore describes Fleur 
d'Epine as a tale with a moral purpose ; we fear that Hamilton had no 
such thing in mind when he composed Fleur d'Epine.) In the same story 
the fairy Serena restores Fleur d'Epine to health again, and Phenix is turned 
from a parrot into a man. The convenience of such a proceeding is, of 
course, obvious. " Oh," remarks Hamilton, as if moved by a sudden after- 
thought, " que les enchantements sont d'un grand secours pour le denoue- 
ment d'une intrigue et la fin d'un conte ! " Long amorous conversations 
he cannot bear, therefore in such places where the reader might be justified 
in expecting them, Hamilton accounts for their absence by explaining 
that since the reader would probably have skipped them, he may very 
well do without them. Tarare's real name, it will be remembered, is Pinson, 
and he has changed his name for no particular reason ; this, of course, is 
a satire on the double appelations of certain personages in the grands 


model. 1 Caylus and Bougeant likewise write literary 
parodies. Crebillon especially sought to imitate Hamilton, 
though, as Madame du Deffand remarks, he resembles him 
as little as the ass of La Fontaine's fable resembles the 
little dog. 2 The Oriental tale is now no longer told and 
received with sincere wonder ; the marvellous has given 
way to the manifestly absurd, imitation yields to carica- 
ture, and the fashionable attitude is one of well-bred super- 
ciliousness. Henceforward the Sultan of the eighteenth- 
century conteurs ceases to be an heroic figure. Voisenon 
disrespectfully calls his Sultan Misapouf , and Schah Baham 
in le Sopha and Ah, Quel Conte is modelled directly on 
Schahriahr in Fleur d'Epine and the Quatre Facardins and 
on the giant in Le Belier. 3 He is supposed to be a grandson 
of Schahriar's, just as the Queen of the Crystal Island is 
a granddaughter of Crist alline la Curieuse. 

It is difficult to delimit Hamilton's influence on Voltaire, 
yet, if any conteur resembles Hamilton, it is Voltaire ; if 
any conteur approaches Voltaire from afar it is Hamilton. 
It is just because Hamilton's influence is so subtle, just 
because it does not affect externals that it escapes a close 
analysis. In many of Voltaire's tales there are reminiscences 
of earlier stories though, of course, he makes the matter 
quite his own but he does not borrow from Hamilton. 
Nor did he learn from Hamilton to use the tale as a vehicle 
for satire, for this he had models in Rabelais and Cyrano de 

1 See the Epitre at the beginning of Aline, Reine de Golconde. 

2 Lettres, III, p. 316. The fable of La Fontaine alluded to is the fifth 
of Book IV. The ass, seeing the little dog caressed when lie ' shakes hands,' 
attempts to do the same with disastrous results. 

Ne felons point notre talent, 
Nous ne ferions rien avec grace, 
Jamais un lourdaud, quoiqu'il fasse, 
Ne sauroit passer pour galant. 

3 Cf., for instance, the Sultan's interest in the personages described 
" Voila une femme qui me plait tout a fait!' dit Schah-Baham, 'elleadu 

sentiment et n'est pas comme cette Zephis . . . qui d'ailleurs etait bien 
la plus sotte precieuse que j'ai de ma vie rencontree ! Je sens qu'elle 
m'interesse innniment et je vous la recommande, Amanzei ; entendez- 
vous? Tachez qu'on ne la chagrine pas toujours.' ' Sire,' repondit Amanzei, 
' je la favoriserai autant que le respect du a la verite pourra me le per- 
mettre.' " (Le Sopha, Paris, n.d., two vols.) II, p. 10. 

" AprSs le souper ..." 

" ' Tout doucement, s'il vous plait,' interrompit Schah-Baham, ' je veux 
si cela ne vous deplait pas les voir souper. J'aime sur toutes choses les 
propos de table.' " (Ib., p. 94.) 

Such passages abound in A h t Quel Conte ! 


Bergerac, in Montesquieu and Swift ; though Hamilton's 
tales are satirical parodies of the literature of the day 
they are leisurely and playful compared to those of Vol- 
taire, moving relentlessly to the end that is ever kept in 
sight j 1 they have none of the philosophic depth of Candide 
and Zadig, 2 their aim is not to prove the incongruities of 
this life, no grim rerum concordia discors 3 haunts them ; 
they are not a reductio ad absurdum of certain time- 
honoured theories. But what Hamilton did bequeath to 
Voltaire was his manner of relating, his calm polite malice, 
his easy deprecating grace, the air of unconscious ridicule, 
that delightfully grave irony, so sure that it never exag- 
gerates, so restrained that it never gives way to laughter. 
Passages like " Orcan fut condamne' a lui payer une grosse 
somme et a lui rendre sa femme ; mais le pecheur, devenu 
sage, ne prit que l'argent," 4 or, " On chanta denotement 
de trs belles prieres apres quoi on brula a petit feu tous les 
coupables, de quoi toute la famille royale parut extreme- 
ment e'difie'e," 6 read like Hamilton, just as there is much 
of Voltaire in " Les dames reconnurent dans la foule un 
petit saint a plusieurs marques exte'rieures de saintete', 
entre autres a ce qu'il priait Dieu pendant la messe "; 6 and 
with the famous instance of Voltairean irony as shown in 
the alleged reason for Byng's execution, " pour encourager 
les autres " 7 may be compared the epithet which Hamilton 
bestows on the gentlemen who met to swear away Anne 
Hyde's character " tous gens d'honneur." 

No doubt Voltaire brought the manner to perfection 
and applied to serious subjects the ironic treatment which 
Hamilton had applied to much that was trivial, no doubt 
that it also came to him from Saint-Evremond ; but when 
all is said, he owes not a little to the writer who in his 
finesse, his attitude of mockery and indifference, his predi- 
lection for les petits genres, his lightness of touch and 

1 Cf. what one of Voltaire's characters says of the conte : " Je voudrois 
surtout que sous le voile de la fable il laissat entrevoir aux yeux exerces 
quelque verite fine qui echappe au vulgaire." (CEuvres, XXI, p. 506.) 

* Le Taureau Blanc and la Princesse de Babylone are perhaps the tales 
which resemble Hamilton's most closely. 

CEuvres, XXI, p. 501 (Le Taureau Blanc). 

Zadig, Chapter 21. 

Histoire des Voyages de Scarmentado. 

(Euvres, III, p. 10. 

Candide, Chapter 23. 


lucidity of style was one of the first to give the note of the 
eighteenth century. 

In England the Oriental tale makes its appearance at 
much the same time as in France, and, as Dr. Conant has 
shown in her excellent monograph, the Oriental fiction 
that was not original in English came, almost without 
exception, from French imitations or translations of genuine 
Oriental tales. 1 The first English translation of Hamilton's 
works was not, however, published till 1760, thirty years 
after they had appeared in France and long after the more 
recent tales of Bougeant, Caylus, Crebillon and Voltaire 
had been translated. Moreover, in 1760 had begun to 
appear a work with greater claim to immortality and of 
much greater interest to an English public than anything 
from Hamilton's pen, though not unlike in spirit Gold- 
smith's Citizen of the World. The Gentleman's Magazine 
made a passing reference to the Tales in 1774, and proposed 
to print extracts from them, but this was never done. Their 
qualities were not of the kind to procure them popularity 
except with the connoisseur, and from the very nature of 
his writings Hamilton's influence was not one to make 
itself felt widely ; it is discernible chiefly in those who 
were able to appreciate him in the original, for much of the 
fine flavour is lost in the first awkward translation. And 
this influence is not so much that of Hamilton, the writer 
of Oriental tales, for the English had much better models, 
nor even that of Hamilton, the writer of literary parodies, 
who had such a following among the French conteurs 
the English parodies of the Oriental tale are few in number 
but rather the influence of Hamilton, the suave satirist 
and eighteenth-century man as he had also revealed himself 
in the Memoirs, transmitting the spirit of Saint-Evremond 
to Voltaire, and it is perhaps rather through Voltaire than 
directly that this influence is exerted, and accordingly pro- 
portionately difficult to determine. 

Probably Beckford is the Englishman who owes most 
to Hamilton, and it is one of the coincidences of literature 
that these two Englishmen of the same family should have 
written Oriental tales in French. Beckford was a great- 
grandson of Anthony Hamilton's brother James, and 
proud both of his Hamilton blood and the illustrious 
kinsman whom he certainly had in mind when he composed 

1 Conant, The Oriental tale in England in the i&th Century; Preface. 


Vathek. " I think Count Hamilton will smile on me when 
we meet in Paradise/' he remarked, as he noted with 
satisfaction that his Arabian tales were progressing pro- 
digiously. 1 He had in his library no less than three com- 
plete sets of Hamilton's works, not to mention odd copies 
of the Memoir es de Grammont. 2 

As for Vathek, simply " une petite brochure ecrite dans 
le gout des Conte Arabes," according to the Censor Royal, 
but nevertheless one of the masterpieces of English litera- 
ture, in spite of being a translation, it has abundance of 
satirical touches that very definitely recall the spirit of 
mockery, the persiflage of Voltaire and Hamilton. Vathek 
who wished to know everything, " meme les sciences qui 
n'existaient pas/' but who sent the too argumentatively 
learned to prison to cool their blood, the worthy Emir 
Fakreddin, " religieux a toute outrance et grand compli- 
ment eur," the devout and officious little dwarfs re-reading 
the Alcoran for the nine hundred and ninety-ninth time 
when they were not mumbling their prayers, the savants, 
the demi-savants and those who were neither though they 
thought they knew all things, the wicked Carathis, " la 
vertu meme et ennemie juree des amours et de la mollesse," 
her camel Alboufaki, who loved solitude and in whose 
society the woodcutters felt uneasy, the bees who were 
' bonnes musulmanes/ they might all have come from the 
pen of Hamilton, and remarks like the following sound 
curiously familiar, " On croyoit qu'un souverain qui se 
livre au plaisir est pour le moins aussi propre a gouverner 
que celui qui s'en declare Tennerm." " II ne croyoit pas 
. . . qu'il fallut se faire un enfer de ce monde pour avoir 
un paradis dans 1'autre." " Le calif e trouva 1'eau fraiche 
mais les prieres ennuyeuses a mort," etc. Here, of course, 
there are reminiscences as well of Hamilton's antithetical 
style and instances could be multiplied. We find further 
the same keen sense of the ridiculous which in Beckford's 
case had already manifested itself in the Biographical 
Memoirs of Extraordinary Painters, the same farcical treat- 
ment, the same intentional absurdities, the same sensuous- 
ness, and yet there is a great difference between Vathek 
and the earlier French works, a difference which Mallarm^, 
who prided himself on having rediscovered Vathek, saw 

1 Lewis Melville, Life and Letters of William Beckford, p, 126, 
* Catalogue of Boofo, Foothill Abbey, 1823, pp, 4, 301, 370, 385. 


clearly when he suggested that Beckford, while imitating 
Voltaire, foreshadowed Chateaubriand ; for, after all, the 
Oriental tale, at the end of the eighteenth century, is not 
altogether unconnected with the new romantic spirit, and, 
strange as it may seem, even one of Hamilton's stories is 
included in a collection of so-called Romantic Tales by 
M. Lewis. 

Vathek is far more impressive, more stately, more poetical 
than the stereotyped conte and characterized by a certain 
love of nature ; as the tale unfolds itself the flippancy of 
the beginning gives way to a note of mystery and inevitable 
doom while the closing pages attain to a real grandeur. 
The long lost and newly published Episodes too, with the 
possible exception of the Histoire de la Princesse Zulkais, 
have little of the frivolousness of the first part of Vathek ; 
the gloom deepens, the characters hurry on to their fore- 
ordained ruin and a kind of underlying moral is more and 
more emphasized that impiety must sooner or later be 
punished and that the very prosperity of the wicked is 
the beginning of the final tragedy. Lastly, Beckford was 
deeply read in the lore of the East and had thus acquired 
a by no means contemptible acquaintance with customs 
and manners Oriental. Endless pains were bestowed on 
Vathek to make the setting true to these, and a kind of 
' local colour ' is attained which contrasts agreeably with 
the Gallicized atmosphere of his predecessor's contes. 

A literary parody in the nature of Hamilton's tales was 
attempted by Goldsmith in the story of Prince Bonbenin 
bonbobbin bonbobbinet, " who knew all things without 
ever having read . . . and so penetrating was he that he 
could tell the merit of a book by looking at the cover," 1 
and the specimen of a newspaper Lien Chi Altangi sends 
his friends 2 is a satire on the English Newsletter just as 
Hamilton's Relations de divers endroits is a satire on the 
French Newsletter. 

Another literary parody and a singularly dull one is 
Walpole's Hieroglyphic Tales, printed at Strawberry Hill 
in 1785. The first of these satirizes inter alia the frame- 
work of the Arabian Nights, which Hamilton had been 
the first to do, and we see once more the foolish Sultan 
who like Crebillon's Schah Baham " ne comprenoit jamaig 

1 Citizen of the World, letters 48 a,ncj 49- 
9 Ib,, Letter 5, 


bien que les choses absurdes et hors de toute vraisemblance," 
as Walpole reminds us on the title-page. In this tale a 
princess is to be married to a giant, but when she reaches 
the palace the giant, to her great surprise, is scarcely of 
ordinary height just as the height of the giant Moulineau 
in Le Belier dwindles considerably on nearer acquaintance. 

The traditions of the fantastic-satirical tale were in a 
measure carried on by Peacock and particularly by Disraeli. 
Peacock owes much to the French conteurs, especially to 
Marmontel, whose Conies Moraux, as Professor Saintsbury 
points out, 1 link his writings to the Hamiltonian-Voltairean 
conte, and indeed Hamilton would have enjoyed the 
society of this Mr. Sarcastic and the raillery of his brilliant 
prose extravaganzas. While, however, Peacock's novels, 
with the exception of Maid Marian, deal with the society 
of his day, and while the fantastic element is not too 
prominent, except perhaps in the ' person ' of Sir Oran 
Haut-ton, Bart., the orang-outang who can do everything 
but talk, and stands for a one- vote borough, Disraeli wrote 
three purely fantastic tales, two of which, Ixion in Heaven 
and the Infernal Marriage, are burlesque versions of stories 
of mythology, and the third, Popanilla, an imitation of 
Gulliver's Travels, all three reminiscences of his schoolboy 
admiration for Lucian and remarkable for the audacity of 
the persiflage and the Voltairean pungency of wit, in spite 
of the sometimes too obvious straining after smartness 
jeux d'esprit of an author who never took himself quite 
seriously and who, like Anthony Hamilton, mocks at 
himself, his subject, his readers and even " those people 
who do not read novels and are consequently unacquainted 
with mankind." 2 

The first of these is the most brilliant ; no doubt one of 
the reasons for its success lay too in its travesty of prominent 
people, George IV as Jupiter and Byron as Apollo, but it 
is the last which reminds one chiefly of Hamilton, partly 
because it has more of narrative and less of dialogue, but 
particularly because of its undercurrent of satirical criticism. 
Popanilla, the hero, who lives in an island, " so unfortunate 
as not yet to have been visited either by Discovery Ships 
or Missionary Societies/' is sent to the island of Vraibleusia, 
where the inhabitants are much attached to science and 

1 Introduction to Maid Marian and Crotchet Castle, 1895. 
1 Popanilla (the New Pocket Library, 1906), p. 372. 


natural philosophy that voyages and travels are read with 
eagerness, particularly if they have coloured plates. The 
account of Vraibleusia which follows is a satire on the 
institutions of England, corn-laws, protection and all the 
rest, the most amusing shaft is perhaps drawn at sinecure 
offices the country of Vraibleusia annexes a barren and 
always and altogether uninhabited island, and yet a noble 
lord receives the important post of " Agent for the In- 
demnity Claims of the Original Inhabitants of the Island ! " 
In Disraeli's novels too we find, not infrequently, " this 
ambiguous hovering between two meanings, this oscillation 
between the ironical and the serious/' 1 that was his inherit- 
ance from the eighteenth century and for which Hamilton 
may receive a modest share of credit, though the greatest 
part of it must needs go to Voltaire. 

Through Wieland Hamilton's influence 2 spread to Ger- 
many, where the Volksmdrchen of Musaeus (1782-1786) 
and the translation of Galland's Arabian Nights, by J. H. 
Voss (1781-1785), had aroused a new interest in the fairy- 
tale. Wieland, familiar with the volumes of the Cabinet 
des Fees that were appearing in France about the same 
time, published in 1786, 1787 and 1789 Dschinnistan, 
three volumes of collected fairy-tales, most of which were 
translations and adaptations from the French. The second 
volume contained Pertharite und Ferrandine and Alboflede, 
episodes from Le Belier and Zeneyde. Pertharite und 
Ferrandine resembles the original fairly closely, Alboflede 
has been considerably changed. 

But long before this Hamilton's tales had been known 
to Wieland. In 1777 he tells Merck that he has read them 
and re-read them about twenty times. 3 Hamilton is one of 
his ideals, at least during that period of his life when he 
scandalized his one-time friends by turning from an ardent 
follower of Klopstock into an admirer of Crebillon fils, and 
it must be confessed that he has rather a peculiar concep- 
tion of Hamilton ; he sees in him a personage ' half faun, 

1 Leslie Stephen, Hours in a Library, Vol. II, p. 290. 

2 The relation of Wieland's tales to the French fairy-tale has been very 
carefully studied by O. Mayer in Die Feenmarchen bei Wieland, Viertel- 
jahrschrift fur Litteraturgeschichte, Vol. V. I am to some extent indebted 
to his article for the above remarks. 

3 Wieland to Merck, Oct. 22nd, 1777. 


half God of love.' 1 The story of the four Facardins rouses 
his admiration particularly, he describes it as a tale that 
would be incomparable, had it not, like Apelles' Aphrodite, 
been left incomplete. 2 The episode of Prince Biribinker in 
Don Sylvio von Rosalva, published in 1764, shows the 
unmistakable influence of the Quatre Facardins. The 
enchanter, the great Caramoussal of Mount Atlas, reappears, 
the fairy Cristalline is not unrelated to Cristalline la Curieuse, 
and the horror which fills Galactine when the name of 
Biribinker is pronounced imitates the feelings of revulsion 
that are caused by the name of Facardin. The poem Idris 
Wieland describes to Gessner as " a fable in the style of 
the Quatre Facardins or Le Better." 3 Astramond is Cara- 
moussal once more, Ityphall is a prince of Trebizond and 
certainly suggests the prince of Trebizond in Hamilton's 
tale ; the name Zenide is probably formed from Zeneyde and 
the ironical treatment of the hero, the continual intervention 
of the author, the burlesque tone of the narrative are here 
and elsewhere a reminiscence of Hamilton's manner. The 
poem was never completed, and though Wieland expressed 
his willingness to bring it to a close, should he be asked to 
do so in a petition signed by three critics and three prudes, 
yet, as he tells us, he really intended that Idris should, in 
this respect, remain a kind of pendant to the Quatre Facar- 
dins.* Another tale that bears the mark of the Quatre 
Facardins is der neue Amadis. The neighbourhood of Mount 
Atlas is once more the scene of the tale, a prince of Trebizond 
is one of the heroes. Boreas is a grandson of the tall Facardin 
and the new Amadis instead of riding about with a squire 
is accompanied by a secretary who is to write a record of 
his exploits. The knight Parasol is attended by the Giant 
Moulineau, for Wieland hopes, as he tells us, that all who 
will read der neue Amadis are familiar with Le Betier. 6 

1 Idris, Canto I, Werke (Leipzig, Goschen, 1794-1802), XVII, p. 15. 

1 Der neue Amadis (Reutlingen, 1777), p. 169, note. 

8 Wieland to Gessner, July 2ist, 1766. " Stellen Sie sich eine Fabel 
im Geschmack der Quatre Facardins oder des Belier von Hamilton vor, 
aber eine Fabel, die keiner anderen gleichsieht, die noch aus einem gesunden 
Kopfe gekommen ist die Quintessenz aller Abenteuer der Amadise und 
Feenmarchen." M. Rossel's statement, "Hamilton est son ideal; ' il y 
trouve,' dit-il dans une lettre a Gessner, ' la quintessence de toutes les 
aventures d' Amadis et des contes de f 6es ' " (Histoire des Relations Litteraires 
entre la France et I'Allemagne, p. 424) is a mistranslation. 

4 Preface to Idris (Werke, XVII, pp. 7-8). 

* Der neue Amadis (Reutlingen, 1777), Canto I, p. 21. 


There also appears a damsel called Olinde whom Amadis 
is willing to wed in spite of her revolting ugliness. His 
generosity is rewarded by the return of Olinde's former 
beauty, and with her beauty is restored to her her former 
name Flordepine ; this, of course, recalls Tarare's resolu- 
tion to wed the disfigured Fleur d'Epine and the happy 
metamorphosis of the maiden. 

Such names as Blaffardine die Blonde, Leoparde die 
Strenge, Schatulliose die Keusche suggest Cristalline la 
Curieuse, Mousseline la Serieuse, Fleur d'Epine la Blonde. 1 

While L'Enchanteur Faustus was only given to the 
general public in 1776 when to the six volumes of his com- 
plete works was added a seventh containing some hitherto 
unpublished matter, Le Better, Fleur d'Epine and Us Quatre 
Facardins were first printed in 1730, each in a separate 
volume. Zeneyde appeared in 1731 in a volume of (Euvres 
melees and in Volumes IV and V of an edition of Hamilton's 
works printed at Utrecht. These tales were frequently 
reprinted though not nearly as often as the Memoires de 

1 It might be added (at the risk of showing some affinity with a class 
of people Wieland laughs at, " Leute, die auf entdeckte Aehnlichkeiten 
sich viel zu Gute thun ") that there are also one or two references to the 
Mtmoires de Grammont. An action of Blaffardine's is considered justifiable 
because a similar little incident took place in Miss Stuart's apartments 
after the audience of the Muscovite ambassador. (Der neue Amadis, 
p. 187 and note.) 

Miss Blagge seems to have been the prototype of Miss Blaffardine die 
Blonde. Cf. the following passages : 

" Son visage etoit de la derniere fadeur, et son teint e fourrait partout, 
avec de petits yeux recules, garnis de paupidres blondes longues comme 
le doigt (Hamilton, I, p. 139). Vous etiez 1'autre jour plus charmante que 
toutes les blondes de 1'univers. Je vous vis hier encore plus blonde que 
vous ne 1'etiez ce jour-la (I, p. 144). L'on fut surpris d'une coiffure qui 
la rendoit plus blafarde que jamais (I, p. 153). Le chevalier Yarborough, 
aussi blond qu'elle s'offrit . . . fut ecout6 favorablement et le sort fit ce 
mariage pour voir ce que produirait une union si blafarde" (I, p. 262). And 

. . . stellen sie sich . . . 

Was blonders vor als Schnee im Sonnenschein, 
Die Haare feuerfarb, die Augen ertraglich klein, 
Doch wasserblau, und ohne sie todt zu nennen, 
So unbedeutend als schliefen sie offen ein. 

(Der neue Amadis, Werke IV, p. 116, Canto VI.) 

. . . Miss Blaffardine die Blonde 

So blond und so sehr in ihre Blondheit verliebt . . . 

Und ihre Schonheit verspricht, weil noch kein Ritter fur sie 

Sich blond genug fand, der Nachwelt keinen Erben. 

(Ibid., p. 9, Canto I.) 


The first English translation of these tales, with the 
exception of L'Enchanteur Faustus, appeared in 1760 as 
already mentioned. A new translation of Fleur d'Epine, the 
History of May Flower, followed in 1793. Matthew Lewis 
included a translation of the Quatre Facardins in his Roman- 
tic Tales (1808), and finally in 1849 ms translation was 
reprinted along with the translation of the other tales 
by H. T. Ryde and C. Kenney, who believed that they were 
the first to introduce them to the English public. At that 
late date, however, public opinion does not seem to have 
received them with much favour. Their only justification, 
according to the Athenceum, lay in the fact that some know- 
ledge of them was indispensable to a full understanding of 
Horace Walpole's wit, otherwise they were " cumbrous and 
entangled, their satire insipid and their meaning rather 
unmeaning." 1 

A German translation of Fleur d'Epine appeared before 
1777 under the name of Namur ; in 1777 came Dornroschen t 
der Widder and die vier Facardine, published in one volume, 
and Doktor Faust followed in 1778. The episodes very 
freely translated by Wieland have been mentioned. 

The publisher of the first edition of Zeneyde in 1731 drew 
attention to the fact that out of respect for the memory of 
the author he had given his readers the tale in its incom- 
plete condition, but that no effort should be spared to dis- 
cover the missing part, if it were in existence. 2 Years later 

1 Athen&um, 1849, p. 953. 

1 And it was rumoured that a friend of Hamilton's possessed the second 
part (Avis du Libraire, (Euvres mtttes, 1731). It seems almost certain 
that Hamilton had really completed the Quatre Facardins but that, 
unfortunately, the manuscript was burned. Grimm writes in December, 
1754 : " Une femme qui vient de mourir a S. Germain en Laye avait entre 
ses mains beaucoup de papiers du Comte Hamilton, qu'elle avait fort connue 
dans sa jeunesse. Tous ces papiers ont et6 brtiles par ordre du confesseur. 
Voila ce que M. de Crebillon m'apprit 1'autre jour avec les regrets que 
meritait une telle perte. Comme il demeure a S. Germain, il avait fait 
1' impossible pour sauver des restes si precieux d'une imagination si rare ; 
mais le confesseur aurait plutdt passe a sa penitente les sept peches mortels 
que de nous laisser un chiffon du Comte Hamilton. La suite des Quatre 
Facardins etait parmi ces papiers. Quelle perte ! " (Correspondance de 
Grimm, Diderot, Raynal, Meister, etc., Paris, 1877, Vol. II, p. 451.) The 
story is also told with some variations at the end of the edition of the 
Tales published in 1781 for the Comte d'Artois. Crebillon fils had once 
been shown a number of Hamilton's papers by ' Mademoiselle Hamilton ' 
(this was probably Margaret Hamilton, John Hamilton's daughter), and 
examining them he discovered among them the second part of the Quatre 
Facardins. Unfortunately he left these papers with Miss Hamilton ; he 
returned a short time afterwards to ask her for them, but they had been 


when it no longer seemed likely that any more of Hamilton's 
papers might be recovered, various authors, under the 
impression that it was desirable and possible, undertook 
to complete the unfinished tales. If Cresset really wrote 
a sequel to the Quatre Facardins, as rumour would have 
it, his would have been the earliest in date, but there is 
no foundation for this tradition. It is the Due de Levis who 
first, in 1812, continued and brought to a close the Quatre 
Facardins and Zeneyde.* His continuations, the best 
known ones, were followed by those of J. B. Champagnac 
in 1825 an d m r e recently by a continuation of the Quatre 
Facardins by ' le grand Jacques/ in 1868 and an anonymous 
continuation published at Toulouse in 1883. 

In England Monk Lewis wrote a fairly spirited sequel to 
the Quatre Facardins, and not unfittingly prefixed to it the 

" And by and by the second course 
Comes lagging like a distant noise." 

Wieland was after all not so far wrong when he remarked 
in high-flown language that the completion of Hamilton's 
tales by another than the author himself would be as 
great an impossibility as that the famous Aphrodite should 
be completed by another than Apelles. 2 

burned in the interval. The writer gives Fontenelle as an authority for 
this anecdote, and affirms that Fontenelle had it directly from Crebillon 
fils, who was never tired of repeating it. Nor are these the only papers 
of Hamilton's that perished, if the following anecdote may be believed. 
" The late Earl of Clancarty, when still in his boyhood, had found access 
to a chest in his grandfather's house in Ireland containing a vast quantity 
of French letters addressed to his ancestor Mr. Le Poer by his dear friend 
Count Antoine Hamilton, who had kept up a constant correspondence 
with him for so many years and had written all that passed under his eye 
in the court and camps of Louis XIV. . . . The young man was enchanted 
with these letters, but at the time of his grandfather's death he was 
unfortunately travelling on the Continent. On his return to Ireland he 
made eager enquiries after the box, and with some difficulty he ascertained 
that it had been removed a year or two before to the house of an old female 
relation. As soon as his business left him leisure, Lord Clancarty posted 
away to his aunt's residence. She remembered something of there being 
such a box. ' Oh yes, it contains a great heap of old French letters ; it 
is in the cellar.' To the cellar Lord Clancarty repaired, and there he found 
indeed the well-remembered box, but falling to pieces from the effects of 
the damp, and containing only a pulp of mouldy fragments on which the 
writing could no longer be distinguished." (The Correspondence of Sir 
Thomas Hanmer, London, 1838, Bunbury's Preface, p. vi.) 

1 He stands condemned by Sainte-Beuve, "LeDuc de Levis qui a cru 
les (the tales) continuer n'a ete qu'insipide." (Causeries du Lundi, I, p. 79.) 

* Der neue Amadis (1777), p. 169 n. 


IT will perhaps appear to some that the term minor 
works may well be applied to the tales that have 
just been discussed, and that what remains to be 
treated of Hamilton's writings hardly deserves to be 
dignified by such a title. Be that as it may, there are some 
not altogether despicable things among them. 

These oeuvres di verses include the Relations veritables, 
the Supplement aux Relations veritables, the Relation 
d'une partie de chasse and the Relation d'un Voyage en 
Mauritanie, together with various letters, epistles, poesies 
diverses, chansons and a translation of Pope's Essay on 
Criticism. The different Relations are amongst the most 
graceful things Hamilton has ever written, and, as a critic 
remarks, it is doubtful whether anyone except Thackeray 
has ever done anything quite so good of its class. 1 Open 
some of the little volumes of the Mercure Galant and read 
two or three of the pedestrian ' Relations,' or take a number 
of the Gazette de France for 1711, the year in which Hamil- 
ton's Relations were written, and note the various news- 
letters it contains : From Hamburg, October 23rd, 1711, 
Stralsund beleaguered by the Danes. From Vienna, October 
I7th, Preparations for the coronation of the Archduke. 
From Madrid, October igth, News from the army of Cata- 
lania. From Naples, October 6th, new taxes and imposi- 
tions ; and so on. And then read Hamilton's miniature 
gazette, the delightful little sketches that go under the 
pompous name of Relations veritables de differ ents Endroits 
d' Europe ; anything more unlike the official Relations 
they parody can scarcely be imagined. Here, if anywhere, 
Grimm's remark is in its place, " On n'a jamais prodigue 

1 Professor Saintsbury, Fortnightly Review, October, 1890. 



plus d'esprit sur un fonds plus frivole et plus vain/' 1 With 
imperturbable gravity the author describes the progress 
of the Duke and Duchess of Berwick from Saint-Germain to 
their property of Fitz-James ; he observes the precision 
and conciseness of the Gazette, the respectful attitude 
before the great that attributes infinite importance to the 
most futile of their doings ; newsletters from St. Germain- 
en-Laye, Louvres, Gonesse, Chantilly, Creil and Fitz-James 
keep us informed of the movements of the Berwicks. The 
Supplements show us the little court established at Fitz- 
James, and in the Relation d'une partie de chasse we see 
the ladies sighing over the fate of the poor stag, but re- 
gretting the slowness of the dogs. " What would I not give 
to have him escape," they say, but at the same time they 
add, " The rascal, he still runs well ; it is to be feared that 
they will not overtake him " ; they are glad not to be 
present at the death and yet they think the hunters might 
have called them ; they are summoned to the scene and 
their eyes fill with tears, but they cannot withdraw their 
gaze from the unhappy animal ; the fair, as Hamilton 
would have us observe, were ever a strange mixture of 
tenderness and cruelty. The remark is not without its 
sting ; though the Relations are written to please the ladies 
of Saint-Germain and Fitz-James, yet Hamilton's fair friends 
are not allowed to escape unscathed. 

The same light, often scarcely perceptible, irony marks 
the earlier Relation d'un Voyage en Mauritanie, where, 
under cover of the marvellous adventures of the travellers, 
Hamilton is at liberty to indulge in his not always charit- 
able malice. All these Relations are also a kind of imita- 
tion of the famous Voyage de Chapelle et Bachaumont, 
which served as a model to so many other amusing or 
would-be amusing descriptions of travel. The fact that 
Chapelle and Bachaumont's account was written alternately 
in prose and verse had conferred a new popularity on this 
' genre mixte.' Saint-Evremond and La Fontaine were 
adepts at it. Hamilton followed their example in some of 
his Tales and Relations, and he, in turn, became one of 
Voltaire's models, as Voltaire himself tells us. 2 He suc- 
ceeded best in the well-known Epitre a Monsieur le Comte 
de Grammont, which was so immensely admired at the time ; 

1 Correspondence, etc. (Paris, 1877), XI, p. 197. 

2 (Euvres, XXXIII, p. 40. 


it forms a link between his more formal work and his 
correspondence, for very few of his letters are wholly in 
prose ;* unfortunately, for his prose is, as a rule, infinitely 
preferable to his verse. His friends, of course, feel obliged 
to answer in a similar manner, and even the Duke of Berwick, 
away at war, finds time to compose fitting replies to the 
poetic letters he receives. 

Hamilton's letters 2 have been frequently quoted in the 
first part of this essay ; sufficiently to give some idea of 
their ease and grace. From what has been said, it will be 
gathered that Hamilton's letters are not the spontaneous 
productions that Madame de Se*vigne*'s are usually held 
to be. Rather in the manner of Balzac and Voiture does 
he polish and repolish them, knowing that they are eagerly 
awaited, that his correspondents will read them to their 
friends and that numerous copies will be demanded. Some 
of the letters are of considerable length ; there is one to 
Berwick, for instance, that takes up twenty pages in print. 
Without being as laboured as some of Voiture's letters, 
Hamilton's are, of course, not at all unlike those written 
for the Hotel de Rambouillet ; as has been said elsewhere, 
there is often something artificial and elaborate about them 
which recalls Fontenelle's Lettres Galantes. We seldom 
get much direct information, such letters as the one to 
Henrietta Bulkeley describing the fete de Chatenay are 
rare ; sometimes we get glimpses of the life at St. Germain 
and then we have Hamilton at his best, but as often as not 
we are given one of those allegorical compositions for which 
we have lost all liking. Yet, in spite of these defects, the 
bulk of the letters are quite worthy of the author of the 
Memoires de Grammont ; one or two of them can be ranked 
with the best produced in an age that had raised the writing 
of letters to a fine art ; lastly, though there is no lack of 
sources for a study of the life at St. Germain Dangeau 
chronicles the movements of the exiled court ; Saint-Simon 
gives us some invaluable information ; Madame de Sdvigne* 
writes of the Stuarts with great feeling ; Madame de Main- 
tenon with her usual common sense ; Madame de La Fayette 

1 A notable exception are the more intimate letters to Henrietta 
Bulkeley ; out of five letters only one is ornamented in this fashion. 

* Mr. Stephen Gwynn translates some of them in part in a very able 
article on Hamilton. (Macmillan's Magazine, May, 1898.) 


discreetly and without illusions, and Madame, mother 
of the Regent, with her irrepressible frankness ; the letters 
of Mary of Modena bear ample testimony to the life of 
admirable patience and resignation led by some of the 
exiles, while Matthew Prior gives a biassed account of the 
troubles and discontent that reigned at Saint-Germain still, 
these varied sources must be completed by Hamilton's 
letters and epistles. The correspondences and diaries of 
the time mention the Royal Family only, but it is Hamilton 
who admits us to the intimacy of the courtiers, who takes 
us into the vast gardens and on to the broad terrace ; who 
shows us the ladies attired for the hunt or sitting with their 
tapestry under the trees ; but for Hamilton we should have 
known little of the social life of the English at Saint-Germain. 
A certain amount of biographical interest also attaches 
to Hamilton's poems. 1 Beyond this there is not very much 
to be said of them ; we know that they were greatly admired 
at the time, that they won for him the title of Horace 
d' Albion at Sceaux, 2 that their publication, after Hamilton's 
death, was eagerly demanded by some ' personages at 
court,' 3 and that though, unlike his friends, Genest and 
Campistron, he does not figure in Titon du Tillet's Parnasse 
Francois, one greater, even Voltaire, gave his poetry un- 
stinted praise. 4 But what Sainte-Beuve once remarked of 
Gresset's poetry is no less true of Hamilton's : " Dans ce 
courant verbeux ... on saisit au passage quelques vers 
dignes d'etre retenus, mais aucun de ces traits dont le ton 
chaud gagne en vieillissant. Qu'y faire ? le brillant tout 
entier a peri, la fleur du pastel est des longtemps enlevee 
et on ne distingue plus rien de la poussiere premiere a ces 
ailes fanees du papillon." 5 Many of the poems were written 
for certain tunes, well known at the time, but to-day their 
name has no associations for us. Written for a small circle 
of friends these vers de societe naturally abound in allusions 
we can no longer understand. Already in 1731, twelve 

1 As Gaston Paris once remarked, " la poesie personelle, quoi qu'on en 
ait dit, aura toujours une valeur et un attrait sans pareils, une valeur de 
document, un attrait de sympathie. (Villon, Les grands Scrivains franpais, 
p. 149.) 

2 Divertissemens de Seaux, p. 370. 

3 Hamilton, (Euvres mettes (1731), Avis du Libraire. 

4 (Euvres, X, p. 34 ; XIV, p. 78. 

8 Portraits Contemporains (Michel Levy), V, p. 90. 


years after Hamilton's death, when they first appeared in 
print, the publisher remarked that some explanatory notes 
would really be necessary, but that some ' personnes de 
consideration ' who figured in these poems had refused to 
make themselves known. 1 

We must also remember that Hamilton wrote in an age 
which was altogether unpoetic, did not understand poetry 
and even had serious doubts as to its efficacy, so much so 
that an estimable defender 2 had to compose an ode on 
les avantages de la rime. ' Elegant/ ' witty/ ' graceful/ 
' pleasing ' are the adjectives we apply to the verse of Hamil- 
ton's friends, Chaulieu and La Fare, of his contemporaries, 
Fontenelle, Saint-Aulaire, Senece, Vergier, La Motte and 
others. They apply equally well to his own. In fact, some 
of his rondeaux, especially the rondeau redouble written 
for the Duchesse du Maine and that little lyric, " Celle 
qu'adore mon coeur n'est ni brune ni blonde/' 8 compare 
very favourably with anything written in the period of 
1700 and 1720, a singularly poor one in the annals of French 
poetry. Hamilton is at his best when he imposes on him- 
self the restraint of certain fixed metrical structures ; other- 
wise he wanders off into interminable lengths of octosyllabic 
verse, and he is incapable of any such sustained effort. That 
is why his Pyramide et le Cheval d'Or is such a failure, 
that is why his epistles are so inferior to his letters in prose 
and verse. In the latter, not only is the verse broken up 
into more convenient lengths, but, as often as not, Hamilton 
brings the passage of verse to an epigrammatic close, in 
order to justify the sudden transition into prose. What 
his contemporaries admired in these long stretches of verse 
was the skill with which he employed the rime redoublee, 
a proceeding artificial in the extreme, and though he does 
not approach La Fontaine's astonishing Virelai sur les 
Hollandais, still, a letter to La Chapelle, for instance, con- 
tains a passage of thirty-one lines in which the same two 
masculine and feminine rimes are employed, and shorter 
passages are, of course, more numerous. Anything that 
exercised their ingeniousness, anything that showed them 

1 (Euvres vn&lies (1731), Avis du Libraire. Curiously enough, however, 
the publisher considers that these (Euvres mtUes will be much more easily 
understood by the general public than the contes which had appeared the 
year before. 

1 Lafaye. 

' It has been delightfully translated by Mr, Austin Dobson, 


up as clever versifiers, was welcome to these poets of the 
early eighteenth century. 

About 1713 Hamilton composed his translation of the 
Essay on Criticism and sent a copy to Pope, who acknow- 
ledged it in the most complimentary terms and begged for 
leave to have it printed. 1 ' General ' Anthony Hamilton, 
as the youthful author styled him, did probably not with- 
hold his permission, but, as a matter of fact, the French 
translations that did appear in 1717, 1730 and 1736 were 
by Robethon, private secretary to George the First, the 
Abbe du Resnel and M. de Silhouette. For long the manu- 
script of Hamilton's translation was lost, to the great 
regret of those who knew about its existence through 
Pope's letter ; 2 at the beginning of the nineteenth century 
it was found by the publisher Renouard, who has given us 
the best edition of Hamilton's works. He announced his 
intention of printing it, but on closer examination thought 
it not worth giving to the public ; still, in order to fulfil 
his promise he had a fragment of about eighty lines appear 
at the end of the above-mentioned 1812 edition, along 
with the Due de Levis' continuation of the Fairy Tales. 
What has become of the manuscript is not known. Hamil- 
ton's translation, as far as we can judge from the fragment, 
is long-winded in the extreme, and the conciseness, the 
epigrammatic neatness of the original are completely 
blurred. But if it does not add anything to Hamilton's 
reputation, it is at least a proof of the keen interest which 
things literary had for him even in his old age. 

The various editions of Hamilton's works from 1749 to 
1776 are composed of six volumes ; the editions of 1776 
and 1777 have an additional volume of (Euvres melees 
printed from manuscripts that were found among the 
papers of Mademoiselle de Marmier, the daughter of his 
niece, Margaret Hamilton. In this volume there appeared 
a kind of philosophic essay, a dialogue entitled La Volupte, 
which has since been reprinted, as being from the pen of 
Hamilton. It is, however, by a certain Remond, known 
as Remond le Grec, 3 and had already been printed in 1736 

1 Pope, Works (London, 1886), Vol. X, pp. 103-104, Oct. loth, 1713. 

* e.g. by the Abbe Goujet in his Biblioth&que franfaise, VIII, p. 236 

8 To distinguish him from his brothers Remond de Montmaur and 
Remond do Saint-Mard, The latter was well known to Lady Mary Wortley 
Montague and to Lady Stafford (v, Lady Mary's correspondence), 


in a Recueil de Divers Ecrits 1 with the title Agathon, 

Dialogue sur la Volupte, Par Monsieur R . It is true 

that the theories enunciated in La Volupte would certainly 
not have been disavowed by Hamilton ; his biographers 
would have welcomed this document had it only been 
authentic ; but, on the other hand, the manner is not that 
of Hamilton. La Fontaine once remarked of Voiture, that 
he would have spoken even of Pluto and Proserpine ' en 
un style enjoue.' 2 Hamilton would assuredly have used 
a ' style enjoue ' in speaking of Aspasia and Agathon ; 
the letters of Pausanias to his friend would have abounded 
in graceful jeux d'esprit, but it would have lacked a certain 
attractive simplicity which characterizes Remond's narra- 

At a time when so much was circulated in manuscript 
long before it was printed, it was often exceedingly difficult 
to classify the papers of an author after his death, and to 
distinguish between his own writings and those that were 
merely copies of his friend's compositions. Mistakes were 
inevitable and thus it happened that La Volupte was 
attributed to Hamilton, that J. B. Rousseau's Roches de 
Salisburi was included among his works and that one of 
Malezieu's rondeaux was, and still is, believed to be by 
Hamilton, though it appeared in print as early as 1712 
with its author's name. 8 In 1736 there also appeared a 
volume of Anecdotes de la Cour de France sous le regne 
de Childeric which was falsely attributed to Hamilton. 4 
Publishers not infrequently thus availed themselves of the 
name of a popular author. 

And now we leave Anthony Hamilton and his works. 
Too much time and space, it may seem to some, have 
been devoted to him ; but his is a curious and interesting 

1 Published at Brussels. The Dialogue had. however, been written as 
early as 1701 ; cf. a letter from Bayle to Marais, March 6th, 1702. (Bayle, 
(Euvres (Amsterdam, 1729), III, p. 862.) 

(Euvres, VII, p. 165. 

8 In the Divertissetnens de Seaux, pp. 154-155. " Mai a propos ressusci- 
tent en France," etc. 

* Cf. the Bibliotheqtie universelle des Romans, February, 1776, p. 76, 
and January, 1777, I, p. 78. The work is entered under the name of 
Hamilton in the Catalogue des Livres imprimes de la Bibliotheque du Roy 
(Paris, 1750) and in the MS. Catalogue now in use at the BibUotheque de 
1' Arsenal, 


figure and he lived in a period fraught with peculiar interest 
to the student of English history. Moreover, at a time 
when close sympathies unite us to the nation that once and 
again gave hospitable shelter to the exiled Stuarts, is it 
not worth while to study this author who is claimed both 
by the French and the English, and who, more than any 
other of his countrymen, fell under the charm of that 
French grace and culture which we, as a nation, are coming 
more and more to realize ? 



(Copie de la capitulation qui fut faite le 2 Avril, 1671, avec 
M. d'Hamilton, pour la levee d'un regiment d'infanterie 
Irlandoise de 15 compagnies de 100 hommes chacune. 1 ) 

LE ROY ay ant resolu d' augment er les troupes d'infanterie 
estrangere que Sa Maieste a presentement sur pied, et ayant 
satisfaction des services qu'elle a receus des regimens Irlandois 
qui ont este cy devant 4 sa solde, elle a pris resolution d'en 
faire mettre un sur pied ; et le S r Comte d'Hamilton s'estant 
offert d'en faire la levee et d'en prendre le commandement en 
qualite de colonel, Sa Maieste 1'ayant eu bien agreable a faire 
convenir avec luy des conditions suivantes. 

Premierement, que led. S r Comte d'Hamilton levera dans 
le plus bref temps qu'il pourra, un regiment d'infanterie Irlandoise 
du nombre de quinze cens hommes en quinze compagnies de 
cent hommes chacune, les officiers non compris ; scavoir, d'un 
capitaine, deux lieutenans, un enseigne, trois sergens, sept 
caporaux, dix lanspessades, cinquante mousquetaires et trente 

Qu'ils seront tous d'age et de force convenable pour bien 
servir, bien habillez, et armez seulement d'une bonne espe"e et 
d'un baudrier. 

Qu'il les fera passer dans le royaume a une ou deux fois, ou 
plus s'il est necessaire, et les fera debarquer au Havre de Grace, 
ou tel autre port de Normandie ou Picardie qu'il avisera, et les 
y fera rendre tous dans la fin de Juillet prochain ou plus tard. 

Que pour donner moyen aud S r Comte d'Hamilton de satisf aire 
ponctuellement cette levee, Sa Maieste luy fera payer la somme 
de trente trois livres pour soldat, qu'il fera debarquer effective- 
ment dans le royaume, de la qualite susdite, habille et arme 
comme il a este specific cy dessus, sans que led. S r Comte 
d'Hamilton puisse pretendre aucune chose pour le trajet desdites 

1 This capitulation is printed in Negotiations de M. le Comte d'Avaux en 
Irlande, pp. 692-694, but as the book is extremely rare the capitulation is 
given here for reference. Copies of the capitulation are preserved at the 
Public Record Office, St. P., Dom., Entry Book 24, p. 51, and St. P., 
Ireland, Car. II, 330, No. 127. 



hommes, ny pour le nolage et fretage des barques et vaisseaux 
qui les auront aportez. 

Qu'& leur debarquement il se trouvera un commissaire des 
guerres pour les recevoir, lequel en fera une reveiie exacte, le 
signallera et rejettera ceux qui ne seront pas de qualite susdite, 
et conduira ceux qu'il aura admis dans un quartier de rafraichisse- 
ment proche du lieu ou ils auront debarque, dans lequel ils 
demeureront pendant dix jours, apres lesquels il les fera acheminer 
au lieu ou Sa Maieste* aura resolu de les faire tenir en garnison. 

Ledit commissaire prendra soin de les faire armer et de faire 
distribuer dans ledit lieu de rafraichissement ou en quelqu'autres 
de leur route, les mousquetz, bandouillieres, et piques, a chaque 
compagnie, et pour le nombre d'hommes qu'il y aura effective- 
men t, et en outre leur fera fournir les vivres par estapes dans les 
lieux de la dite route. 

Que du jour qu'ils seront arrivez aud. lieu de garnison, Sa 
Maieste* les fera payer de leur solde, a raison de neuf livres par 
mois pour chaque soldat, et les hautes payes a proportion. 

Quant aux officiers, ils toucheront leurs appointemens a raison 
de cinq livres pour capitaine, quarante cinq sols pour le lieutenant, 
et trente six sols pour enseigne par jour. 

Et pour les officiers de 1'estat major il leur sera paye* la somme 
de quatre cens livres pour tous par mois. 

Que tous les officiers et soldats dud. regiment presteront a 
leur debarquement ez mains dud. commissaire le serment de 
bien et fidellement servir Sa Maieste*, envers et centre tous, sans 
mil except e", fors contre le Roy de la Grande Bretagne. 

Et pour donner moyen aud. S r Comte d'Hamilton et en son 
absence, a celuy qui commandera led. regiment, de le maintenir 
dans 1'ordre et la discipline militaire, la justice luy sera laisse*e 
pour la faire exercer sur tous ceux dud. regiment en la mesme 
maniere qu'il s'est pratique dans les autres regimens de la mesme 
nation qui estoient cy devant a la solde de Sa Maieste*. 

Fait a Versailles, le 2 Avril, 1671 



(Letter from George Hamilton to [Sir Joseph Williamson], 
giving an account of the approach of the Imperial army on 
September nth, 1673, Turenne's unsuccessful attempt to engage 
the Imperialists in battle and the treachery of the Bishop of 


Ce 21' septembre [1673]. 

IE croyois Milord il y a dix jours que la premiere lettre que 
iauroys Ihoneur de vous escrir vous auroyt rendu compte d'une 
bataille, effectivement M r de Turene n'a jamais mieux crue 
doner un combat que le n e de ce moy ayent este adverty que 
les ennemys estoyent campes a trois heures de nous venoyent 
nous chercher. Sur quoy M r de Turene net marcher toute la 
cavalerie devan la nuict a cette fein de passer un grand defille 
qui estoit devan nous et dabord quelle feut dens la plene il la 
fit atandre linfanterie et le canon qui marcherent a minuit et 
se trouverent a la petite pointe du iour le n e dens la plene ; 
aussitost qu'il feust ase grand iour pour distinguer nous nous 
trouvames marchent sur six collones quatre de cavalerie et deux 
d'infanterie, a un heur de iour nous apersumes la fume du camp 
enemy et vers les dix heures on raporta quils estoient en bataille 
deriere une hauteur qui nous empeshoit de les voir quoy que 
nous feusions dens un pays qui ne paroit que plenes et que nous 
ne feusions qu'a une lieu d'eux. M r de Turene ^rouva apropos 
de metre la Tannee en bataille ce qui feut faict en moyn de 
demy heur, cestoit la plus belles chose du monde a voir demeler 
ses six collones et ce reduir en si peu de temps en deux belles 
lignes et dabord que cela feut faict on marsha en plene bataille 
pour geigner cete hauteur entre nous et les enemys sur lequele 
a nostre droit il y avoit un boy ou M r de Turene avoit done 
ordre aux dragons de ce Jeter quent la premiere ligne [seroit] a 
sinq cens pas de la hauteur ; nous marshames en cet ordres 
iusques a la hauteur et quent nous en f eumes les maistre nous ne 
vimes poin d' enemys pour nous la disputer, la verite est que 
rarme imperiale estoit marshe devant le iours et que ce que Ton 
avoit veue en bataille estoit sept escadrons qui fesoit leur arier- 
guarde et comme ceux qui feurent les rescognoistre alerent par 

1 R.O. St. P., Foreign, France, 138, ff. 80-84. 


nostre gauche dautant que par la il ny avoit point de boy et 
qua la droit il y en avoit, Us virent les sept escadrons par le 
flanc et creurent que tout ramie* estoit en bataille et que cestoit 
leur eille droit quils avoit veue. Dabord que M r de Turene eut 
apersu que 1'enemy estoit marshe et quil avoit pry vers le Mein 
qui estoit sur notre gauche il detacha quelques coureurs pour 
recognoistre leur marche et a mesme temps fit marcher les 
deux lignes par la gauche et marcher com cela, leur deux colones 
costoyent tousiours la marche des enemys et cete nuict nous 
campames en bataille. Les coureurs que Ion avoit envoye pour 
prandre ramenerent sinq ou six chariots des enemys et quelques 
prisoniers qui ne seurent rien dir des intansions de leur arme*. 
Le landemin qui fut le 12 nous marchames a la pointe du iour 
sur six collones et a dix heures les coureurs raporterent qu'ils 
avoient veue le camp des enemys. Dabord on ce mit en bataille 
comme le iour precedent en intension de les forser au combat 
s'il y avoit cue moyen et Ton marsha com cela iusques a ce que 
Ion ce trouvat en plene bataille iustement devant eux qui dabord 
quils nous virent sortirent de leur camp et ce posterent sur une 
hauteur, une grand ravin devent eux, leur infenterie dans un 
boy, leur deux eilles de cavalerie dens des champs horde's de boys 
et devant eux toute vigne de sorte qua moin destre un arme* 
doyseaux il n'y avoit pas moyen d'aller a eux ; cepandant nous 
demeurames toutes les deux arme*s en bataille iusques a la nuit ; 
il ce passa quelque scaremouche aux guardes de cavalerye ou il 
n'y eut rien de remarquable Le landemin au matin 13 M r de 
Turen voyent que leur intension nestoit pas de combatre a la 
pointe du jour recognoistre un camp ou nous pensions estre 
comodement et vers les dix heures nous fit marcher et nostre 
camp ne ce trouva qu'une demi lieu plus loin de 1'enemy que 
1'autre, les deux camps estent en veu 1'un de 1'autre. Nous y 
restames iusques a hier et nous y serions demeure* plus long- 
temps si M r de Viertsbourg eut tenue la parole qu'il avoit 
donne* a M r de Turene de ne point doner de pasage aux troupes 
de 1'ampereur moyenent quoy nos deriers estoient en surete et 
nos convoys qui nous devoynt venir de verteim ou nous avions 
nos magasins de farines ne nous auroient peu manquer, cependant 
M r de Viertsbourg manquent a sa parole a done* pasage aux 
enemis qui ont pry soisente de nos quesons et ont envoye quinse 
cens hommes a Verteime qui ont guate* toutes nos farines et ce 
sont retires. Cest ce qui nous a faict decamper et nous venir 
poster isi entre virtsbourg et verteim de peur que les enemys 
ne ce sesisent de ce dernier lieu dont Monsieur de Turen ce veut 
aseurer pour y fair ses provisions ; cest une place sur le mein 
et ou le taubre ce iette dens le mein. II a envoye* auiourd'huy 
le compte de Guiche avece douse cens dragons, mille shevaux 
et deux pieces de canons ce sesir de Marandale pour fair la un 


magasin et il pretent estre maistre du taubre et du mein par la, 
car il a encor chaf ambourg sur le mein ou il y a un pon de pierre 
et ou nous avons quatre cens dragons et bishofsheim sur le 
taubre ou il y a un pon tellement que nous avons les derriers 
libres et aparament nous observerons de pre ce que feront les 

Je vauderoys de tout mon coeur Milord vous avoir moyn 
enuye, ie vous asseure si iavois peu mieux observer ce qu'il y 
avoit isi a voir quoy qu'il n'y a pas eu de bataille ie suis seur 
que le detail vous auroit faict plesir. Ce que jay fort observe est 
que les sujets du Roy qui sont isi ne feront pas de honte a la 
nasion car ie nay jamais veue gents fair voir plus de bone volonte 
et asseurement quent sen viendera au faict ils responderont fort 
bien a tout ce que M r de Turen aten d'eux. Celuy qui vous done 
celle-sy est mon paran et capitaine dens mon regimen qui vous 
pourra rendre un compte ase exact de ce qui sest pase isi, il a 
des afairs en irland pour quelque temps et aura aseurement 
besoin de votre protection ce que ie vous suplie tres humblement 
Milord de luy acorder en luy donent une lettre pour le vise Roy 
d'irland en sa faveur. Je vous demande tres humblement pardon 
pour cet longue letre de laquelle vous nauries pas este importune 
si ie navois creue que vous auries este bien aise de savoir a peu 
pre Test at de toutes choses isi ce que ie ne manqueray pas de 
vous fair savoir par toutes les comodites que ien auray et suis 
Milord plus entierement qhomme du monde vostre tres humble 
et tres obeisent serviteur. 



(Copie d'une lettre escrite par M. Anthoine d'Hamilton a 
M. de Ruvigny le 13 Avril, 1675, a Dublin. 1 ) 

MONSIEUR, Depuis que je suis en Irlande j'ay eu tant d'affaires 
que je n'ay pu me donner 1'honneur de vous escrire que quand 
une necessite indispensable m'y portoit, on ne peut pas au 
monde avoir plus de malheur que ce qui nous n' arrive ici dans ce 
que nous avons entrepris pour le service de sa majeste tres 
chretienne, car apres avoir assemble neuf cens trente bons 
hommes au port de Dingle et les avoir fait subsister pres de 

1 Archives du Minist&re de la Guerre, Vol. 440, No. 109. Another copy 
is preserved in Vol. 467, No. 92. 


quinze jours au dela du terme prefixe pour nostre embarque- 
ment, j'ay est contraint de les congedier voyant qu'il n'y 
avoit point de nouveiles des vaisseaux que nous attendions 
le 8 de mars et que nous estions au 27 alors. J'ay emprunt 
mils escus ici pour la subsistance de ce nombre de soldats 
et par le soin de nos officiers ils n'ont point commis de 
de"sordre dans le pays autour du rendez-vous. Et nous 
nous estions comportls avec asses de circonspection pour 
qu'il ne vint point d'information de nostre proce*d au Vice Roy, 
mais malheureusement les vaisseaux sont arrives quand nous ne 
les attendions plus et abordant a. Kingsale ont fait plus d' eclat 
qu'ils ne devroient avoir fait, si bien que sur les avis qui en ont 
e*te* envoy a S. Ex 06 ici il a envoye* ordre de mettre en arrest 
touttes personnes qui leveroient ou assembleroient du monde. 
Et les officiers a qui j'avois envoye* ordre de rassembler le monde 
sur la nouvelle de 1' arrived des vaisseaux ont e*t arrest ez a 
Kingsalle et me 1'ont envoy dire ce qui m'a fait venir ici en 
toutte diligence ou j'ay obtenu ordre de les faire eslargir me 
rendant caution pour eux. Tout ce que je vois de possible a 
present que 1'affaire a fait tant de bruit est de tascher de rassem- 
bler ce que nous pourrons de monde du debris des dernieres 
recrues et de tascher malgre* la garde exacte qu'on fait a tous les 
ports de les embarquer de nuit. Pour cet effet j'ai envoye* ordre 
aux officiers d'y travailler incessamment mais comme j'ay 
emprunte* tout 1'argent que le credit de mes amis m'avait pu 
fournir pour ce sejour des recrues que j'ay eu sur les bras, j'ay 
este* contraint, Monsieur, de prendre ici cent livres sterlins 
que je vous suplie tres humblement de vouloir payer a celuy qui 
vous portera ma lettre de change. J'ay cru, Monsieur, qu'il 
estoit de mon devoir de vous advertir de tout cecy afin que 
1'on ne nous imputast point un retardement qui nous coute bien 
de 1'argent et du chagrin est ant aussi ze*le*s que nous sommes 
pour le service du Roy, je feray partir les vaisseaux au premier 
bon vent et les officiers, car pour des soldats le nombre en sera 
je crois mediocre. Je suis etc. 


(Letter from Gramont to the first Duke of Ormonde. 1 ) 

1682, AUGUST 2, Paris. Mouscri ma dit que vous series bien 
ayse Monsieur d' avoir des pillules pour la goute, ie me suis 
informe de M r le due Daumon, du marechal d'Humieres et de 
plusieurs autres s'ils s'en trouvent bien affin de ne vous envoyer 
pas une chose qui peut vous faire du mal, ils m'ont tous asseure* 
quils navoint pas eu de goutte depuis quils en prenoint, et que 
cestoit une chose si innoscente qui ne pouvoit iamais vous faire 
du mal, il n'en faut pas prendre dans le grand chaut, iay escrit 
a celluy qui les fait pour vous en envoyer pour six mois elles sont 
bonnes iusques a ce temps la, ie vous promets quan quelque 
endroit que vous soyes en aures en Monsieur vostre provision 
iauray toujours soing de la sante de mon oncle qui est cogneu 
par tout le monde pour le plus parfait, le plus galant, et le plus 
honneste homme du monde. 

Le Comte de Gramont ie ordonne a Mouscri de vous demander 
pour moy deus bons chevaus. Depuis la reprimande que vous 
me fites que iecrivois mal ie fait la depance dun secretaire. 

1 Hist. MSS. Comm., MSS. of the Marquess of Ormonde, N.S., Vol. VI, 
p. 4 1 3 . The last paragraph is in a different handwriting from the remainder 
of the letter. Another letter to Ormonde is printed in Vol. Ill, p. 196 
(August 15, 1665). A few other letters are preserved as follows : 

At Knole Park, Co. Kent, three letters to Lord Fitzharding (1664 and 
1665) ; cf. Hist. MSS. Comm., 4th Report, Appendix, p. 276. 

At the Public Record Office, St. P., Dom., Car. II, Vol. 103, No. 109, 
to Williamson, 1664. St. P., Dom., Car. II, Vol. 109, No. 31, to 
Williamson ? 1664 ? 

At Montagu House, Whitehall, a letter to Arlington, Dec. i7th, 1670, 
given supra p. 40 ; cf . Hist. MSS. Comm., Report on the Buccleuch MSS. 
I, p. 490. 

In the Morrison Collection, a billet to Foucquet, n.d. ; a letter to 

Lionne, July i2th, 1670 ; a letter to ? ce vandredi matin ; cf. A. W. 

Thibaudeau's Catalogue (1885), II, pp. 197, 198. 

Among the papers of the Due de la Tremoille, a letter to ? printed 

in Saint-Simon (ed. des Grands Ecrivains), XIV, p. 565. 

Copies of two letters to Lionne are at the Archives des Affaires Etran- 
geres, viz. Corr. Pol., Angleterre, Vol. 99, f. 223, July ist, 1670, cf. p. 38 
supra; Corr. Pol., Angleterre, Vol. 99, ff. 245, 246, July I2th, 1670 (the 
original being in the Morrison Collection), cf. pp. 37, 38 supra. 

Gramont's letters to Bussy are printed with Bussy's Lettres (ed. Lalanne) 
Vol. I, pp. 48, 51, 55, 89, 226, 257 ; Vol. IV, p. 184, and probably Vol. VI, 
pp. 444, 450. 

The above is by no means intended to be an exhaustive list of Gramont's 



(Memoire pour le Sr. Comte de Grandmont s'en allant de la 
part du Roy en Angleterre. 1 ) 

LE Roy ayant tousjours conside*r la naissance d'un prince de 
Galles comme le plus grant sujet de satisfaction que dieu puisse 
donner au Roy d'Ang re Sa Ma 1 * n'en a pas plustot apris la 
nouvelle par les lettres du S 1 Barillon Son Ambassadeur aupres 
dud 1 Roy qu'Il n'a nomine* Led* S* Comte de Grandmont pour 
aller temoigner auxd. Roy et Reyne de la grande bretagne que 
non seulement elle s'interesse sincerement a la joye commune 
mais de plus qu'elle la ressent aussy vivement qu'eux mesme 
et comme Sa Ma" ne pouvoit choisir une personne dans sa cour 
qui fust plus agre*able que led. Comte a celle d'Angleterre ny 
mieux marquer la grande part qu'elle prend & ce qui touche le 
plus le Roy et la Reyne que de faire partir led. Comte de Grand- 
mont avant meme qu'ils ay 1 donne* part a Sa Ma* de cette bonne 
nouvelle, elle est bien persuade*e aussy qu'il scaura mieux 
qu'aucun autre accompagner de toutes les expressions les plus 
obligeantes et les plus agre*ables ces tesmoignages que le Roy 
donne aud. Roy et Reyne d'une amiti cordiale et d'une tres 
veritable estime. Apres que led 1 S* Comte de Grandmont se 
sera acquitte* de ces premiers compliments et de ceux que 1'usage 
de cette cour demande, qu'il fasse de la part de Sa Ma" a la 
Reyne Douairiere d' Ang re , au prince et a la princesse de Danemark 
qui ne consistent qu'aux assurances ge'ne'rales de 1'estime et 
de 1'affection de Sa Ma". II taschera pendant le se*jour qu'il 
fera & cette cour et que sa Ma" laisse a sa liberte* de prolonger 
ou d'accourcir, de prendre une exacte connaissance du veritable 
est at de ce gouvernement, des mesures que le Roy d'Angleterre 
prend pour se guarantir de toutes les entreprises que le Prince 
d'Orange ou ses partisans pourraient faire centre luy dans la 
conjoncture pre*sente, le nombre de vaisseaux que led. Roy peut 
presentamment (sic) mettre en mer et de quelle maniere ils 
seront armez et equipez, combien il a de troupes sur pied, s'il 
est bien assure* de tous les officiers qui les commandent, si les 
grandes places qu'il a sont bien garnies d'hommes et de toutes 
les munitions necessaires et enfin tout ce qu'il peut esperer ou 
craindre tant du dehors que du dedans de son royaume. 

1 Archives du Ministere des Affaires Etrangdres, Corr. Pol. Angleterre, 
165, ff. 382, 383. 


Led. S 1 " Comte de Grammont se servira aussy de son adresse 
pour tascher de decouvrir quels sont les principaux chefs des 
factions opposees au Roy et a la Religion Catholique et s'il se 
trouve en conversation avec eux il se servira de ses manieres 
insinuantes pour penetrer leur veritable dessein et la conduite 
qu'ils pretendent tenir pour empescher que le Roy d'Angleterre 
ne vienne a bout des siens. C'est tout ce que sa majeste desire 
de Implication dud. Comte de Grammont en execution de ses 
ordres a la cour d'Angleterre et elle sera bien ayse qu'il la puisse 
informer a son retour de toutes les connoissances qu'il aura 

Endorsed. Memoire servant d'instruction a M. le Comte de 
Grandmont allant de la part du roy en Angleterre. 

Du 25 e Juin, 1688 a Vers. 


(Letters from James II to Richard Hamilton before London- 
derry. 1 ) 

1. JAMES R. 

Trusty and wellbeloved Wee greet you well. Wee do hereby 
empower you to give safe conducts and protection to as many 
of those people in Inisown, as will surrender up to you their 
horses and armes and promise for the future to live peaceably 
and honestly under our Government. Given at our quarters at 
St. Johnston's this iQth day of April, 1689, and in the fifth 
year of our Reigne. 

By his Majesty's command. 

To Richard Hamilton, Lieut. -General of Our Forces. 

2 . JAMES R. 

Trusty and well beloved Wee greet you well. Wee had 
yester-night the account you sent us of that action before Derry 
and of the death of the Marquis de Maumon our Lieut. Generall 
at which wee are most extremely concerned as being one of that 
merite which had intirely gained Our Royall favour and esteme 
for whose death wee are heartily sorry. Let nothing be wanting 
to show the favour wee had for him or befitts his quality, especi- 

1 Royal Irish Academy, Dublin, MS. 24, G.I. 


ally you are to have his body embalmed and either sent with 
a fitting guard immediately to Dublin, or kept with you till 
affairs there be over that more of the Generall officers may come 
along with it. At this time Wee must put you in mind that 
it is not for you that are our Generall officers to expose your- 
selves in all occasions a thing quite contrary to the welfare of 
our service, you are juges when it is necessary but you are 
expressly ordered not to doe it in other occasions, of w ch you are 
[a large inkstain on the next word ; " yourself "?] to advertise 
our other generall officers y* are with you. The other canon 
and amunition wee mett yesterday betwixt Dungannon and 
Omagh whom wee ordered to make all imaginable haste toward 
you though wee hope now that you have a miner and that 
Monsieur de Pointis is to be with you this night, the matter of 
Derry may be speedily over. Wee noways doubt of your diligence 
and so wee bid you farewell. Given at our quarters at Charle- 
mont the 23rd day of April, 1689, and in the fifth yeare of Our 

By His Majesty's Command, 


3. JAMES R. 

Our will and pleasure is hereby to authorize and Impower you 
to receive the submission of such persons as are now in actuall 
armes and rebellion against us in our City of Londonderry and 
in pursuance of such submission to give them or any of them 
that you shall judge deserving of our mercy and favour full 
pardon and indempnity of and from all manner of crimes and 
missfeizances and whatsoever done or committed against Us 
or Our authority, or against the naturall allegiance they owe Us 
and their sovereigne lord, and they demeaning themselves for 
the future as dutiful and loyall subjects to protect them and 
every of them from all manner of violence, or force, and to grant 
unto them all such other termes and conditions as to you in 
your judgement shall seem meet and best for our service : 
Provided allways that the said persons soe in armes against us 
as afforesaid shall yield up and surrender our said City of Lon- 
donderry to you or any other officer-in-chief commanding Our 
army before the same togeth r with their armes and ammunition, 
and such habliments of warr as are now in that our City as also 
their serviceable horses, and Wee do hereby ratify and confirme 
all termes and conditions matters or things whatsoever which 
shall be granted by you to the said persons. Given at our Court 
at our Castle of Dublin the first day of May, 1689. 

By His Majesty's Command, 



4. JAMES R. 

Our will and pleasure is that so soon as the ammunition sent 
from this to the Camp shall be arrived there, the horses and carrs 
that transported the same thither be immediately sent back to 
our City of Dublin with a sufficient guard and passe, reserving 
our own horses employed with the Artillery still neare our Camp. 

Given at our Court at Dublin Castle ye i4th of May, 1689. 

By His Majesty's Command, 


5. JAMES R. 

Trusty and well beloved Wee greet you well. Whereas wee 
are informed y* several! of those Regiments now with you in 
our Camp before Derry have not their full complement of men 
w 011 cannot but be very prejudicial! to our service, Wee would 
have you upon the receipt hereof to cause an exact muster to 
be made of what forces you have w to you, and to returne unto 
us the Muster Rolls thereof, and as to such Regiments as you 
shall find as to want their complement you are to informe us 
from whence it proceeds, if they have any companyes else where 
or detatchments made out of them, and of such as you shall 
find to want men you are to send such officers as you shall judge 
fittest that they may w th all speed make such leavyes as may 
be necessary for recruiting and filling up of the said regiments. 
And soe not doubtyinge of your ready complyance with these 
our Orders Wee bid you heartily farewell. 

Given at our Court at Dublin Castle this 28th of May, 1689. 

By His Majesty's Commands, 


6. JAMES R. 

Trusty and well beloved Wee greet you well. Having made 
choice of Generall d'Auffroy and sent him to our army under 
your command as generall of the provisions for our army wee do 
hereby require you receive him as such and to assigne him such 
places as shall be most convenient for lodging his provisions 
and to give him what other assistance shall be necessary for our 
service and so not doubting of your ready obedience to these 
our orders wee bid you heartily farewell. Given at our Court 
of Dublin Castle this fourth day of June, 1689. 

By His Majesty's Commands, 



7. JAMES R. 

Trusty and well beloved Wee greet you well. The circum- 
stances wee find you are in by the account you sent us by Edward 
Vaudry has made us think it fit to change our Resolutions in 
relation to Iniskillen against which Wee were resolved to employ 
the Marquis de Rozen w^ 1 the Regiments under his command, 
namely the Earl of Clincarthy's, Creagh and S* John Fitzgerald's 
Regiment of Foot, One troop of the Lord Galmoy's and LutterelTs 
Regiment of horse, One troop of Dungan's Dragoons and the 
Regiment of Dragoons of Purcell if they could in time have come 
up. But now that wee find the need you have of a timely and 
considerable supply Wee have thought it fitt to order him to 
march directly to Strabane or Lyfford believing y* the matter of 
the greatest importance to us on y* side is to hinder the English 
from landing. W ch if you are not able to doe alone the troops 
wee now send wee hope will come in time to your assistance. 
Wee cannot but be extremely sorry for soe many good officers 
that have been killed or wounded upon this late occasion but you 
must doe what you can to hinder our people from losing heart 
such accidents being naturall to the employment you are about. 
Wee have despatched away a considerable number of officers 
of our own subjects as well as French who wee hope will be useful 
to you. Wee are resolved to send the rest of Butler's regiment 
to-morrow and the day after Grace's and Bonn's soe these 
arriving near the same time that the Marquis de Rozen will be 
neare you, wee hope shall be sufficient to take the towne even 
though Kirke should be gott in. This conjuncture of our affaires 
does so nearly concerne us that we order you to send by foot 
posts from Garrison to Garrison Intelligence to Us once a day 
for the expence of \v^ h wee allow two pence a mile going and 
coming y l shall be soe employ'd to be paid by the respective 
governors and allow'd by us to them upon the muster of each 
garrison. Wee are sensible of y r good service you have done us 
already and doubt not of the continuance of your zeale and 
affection to us and soe we bid you heartily farewell. Given at 
our Court at Dublin Castle this 8th day of June, 1689. 

By His Majesty's Command, 


8. JAMES R. 

Trusty and well beloved, Wee greet you well. Wee have 
thought fitt to give you notice that having agreed w th one to 
supply our armyes in generall and that under your command in 
particular w th what provisions shall be necessary, he was by his 
agreement to begin to furnish the same the eleventh of the 


month of June in which if he shall faille Wee hereby require you 
to give us notice, and soe not doubting your zeale and readiness 
in obeying this and all our orders Wee bid you heartily farewell. 
Given at our Court at Dublin Castle this loth day of June, 1689. 

By His Majesty's Commands, 


9. JAMES R. 

James the Second by the Grace of God King of England, 
Scotland, France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, etc. To 
our trusty and well beloved Richard Hamilton Lieut. Generall 
of our Army. Greeting. 

Whereas wee have through the whole course of our Reigne 
endeavoured to reduce our subjects to their duty by clemency 
rather than force wee are att this time resolved to give an 
addittional instance thereof in regard to our subjects of the 
Protestant religion now in armes against us. Wee do therefore 
authorize and empower you to treat with our said subjects now 
in armes against us for the rendering up of our City of London- 
derry into our hands or that of InniskiLlen or any other town or 
castle of this our kingdom now in their possession upon such 
terms as you shall think fitt for our service wh shall be ratified 
by Us without exception whatever they may be, notwithstanding 
of any crime, fault or treason committed by any of the said 
persons or their adherents, and notwithstanding of any law or 
act of parliament made or to be made for all whom wee promise 
hereby to protect and free them in all times after the concluding 
of such termes betwixt you and them as you shall think fitt for 
our service to grant. 

Given at our Court at Dublin Castle this 5th day of July, 1689. 

By His Majesty's Commands, 


10. JAMES R. 

Trusty and well beloved Wee greet you well. You are immedi- 
ately upon the receipt of these our instructions and the power 
Wee have granted you by our commission of the same date, to 
informe the rebels of our City of Derry of the power wee have 
sent you. You shall let them know that if they doe not now 
yield to such propositions as you shall offer to them wee will 
hereafter exclude them from ever partaking of our Royall mercy. 
You are to endeavour to give them as little as possibly can be, 
but rather than not get the towne delivered to Us you shall 
give them their lives, fortunes, our Royall pardon for all thats 
past and protection as others our subjects have in time to come 


and that none shall dare to trouble or molest them in their houses, 
estates, persons, religions or professions whatsoever they de- 
livering the Citty into our possession, or if they include those of 
Iniskillen that place or any other treated for be in the same manner 
delivered to us. You are to send us an immediate account of 
what answer they give you and soe from time to time until the 
affaire shall be concluded. Given at our court of Dublin Castle 
the fifth day of July, 1689. 

By His Majesty's Commands, 


11. JAMES R. 

Trusty and well beloved Wee greet you well. Whereas wee 
are informed y* the Rebels now in Derry offered to surrender 
the towne to us if they might be assured leave to goe into the 
ships now before Colmore with theire armes and baggage wee 
cannot believe there was any such proposition made seeing you 
nor the Marquis de Rozen said nothing of it in any of your 
letters, but much less because it was not accorded which was soe 
much for our service that wee are confident you would not 
have been so far oversein as to refuse it to them which if they 
shall again require and that you find they would yield if you 
grant it and will not yield without it you are not to delay bringing 
the town into our possession upon that accompt but positively 
to grant that to them that they may goe on board the rebels 
ships with their baggage and armes. Of which you are not to 
faile and for your granting them this condition when they shall 
require it this shall be your warrant. Given at our Court at 
Dublin Castle this 8th day of July, 1689. 

By His Majesty's Commands, 


12. JAMES R. 

Trusty and well beloved, Wee greet you well. Wee are not a 
little surprized to hear that the ammunition and tooles which 
Wee sent from hence to Charlemont there to waite your orders 
if you should have occasion for them, doe yet remain in y* our 
Fort notwithstanding that you have been informed of their 
being there. And wee have therefore sent our express orders 
to our Governor there to dispatch them away to you w 01 all 
speed. And soe not doubting of your dilligence in pressing the 
towne the having of which in our hands is of soe great an im- 
portance to our affaires, Wee bid you heartily farewell. 

Given at our Court in Dublin Castle this nth day of July, 1689 

By His Majesty's Commands, 



13. [This letter is the same as letter 9 sent on July 5th.] 
Given att our Court att Dublin Castle this I2th day of July, 


By His Majesty's Commands, 


14. JAMES R. 

The long continuance of the seige of Derry has been of soe ill 
consequence to our affaires that though wee beleeve that you 
have done what you thought best for our service, yet we doe think 
fitt hereby to will and require you that if the City of Londonderry 
shall not yeeld on the conditions wee have offered you may in 
your station be assisting to the Marquis de Rozen in the pressing 
of it with all the vigor imaginable that no time may be lost in 
bringing it into our power and that all care be taken that all 
officers and soldiers concerned doe their dutys incumbent upon 
them punctually and vigorously for which reason wee think fitt 
that you should inform all our officers and soldiers there of what 
wee expect from them that all may unite in going on cheerfully 
in an affaire theirs and our interest is soe much concerned in. 
Wee expect this from them and that a new life and vigor shall 
appear in every one assuring all who shall behave themselves 
well of our favour and care of them as occasion shall serve and 
such as doe otherwise shall feel the effects of our just and highest 
displeasure. Wee doe not question your care in these things, 
your conduct or dilligence and therefore wee bid you heartily 

Given att our Court att Dublin Castle this I2th day of July, 

By His Majesty's Commands, 


15. JAMES R. 

Trusty and well beloved wee greet you well. It is of the utmost 
importance in the world to us that Derry should be taken before 
any relief can come to it and that it may be soon done you are 
to use your utmost endeavours and beleeve that more men will 
be saved by attacquing this towne briskly tho wee should lose 
men in the doeing of it than by prolonging the matter, therefore 
in the first place you are to press it with all the vigor and applica- 
tion imaginable but if you and our other generall officers find that 
it is not to be taken by force then you are to menage our men 
so as not to needlessly oppose them but you are to continue the 
blockade as long as it shall be possible with safety every day 
being of importance for it is probable that they have not much 


provision after the 26th of y e month, and winds are so uncertain 
at sea that tho the forces in England were ready to imbarke yet 
they might come too late by cross weather. You are to cause 
mine the country all about Deny least if ane invasion come you 
have not the time to doe it, and that you may the easier gett off 
at all events, you are to send your seake and wounded as f arr this 
way as you can. And if after all as God forbid you should be 
forced to leave a place that has cost us soe many men and soe 
much time then you must think to guard the passages on the 
river on this side as well as can be and if the Duke of Berwick 
has not already been sent towards Iniskillen and that if it be 
thought fitt to inforce that party and send it there to prosecute 
the former designe wee had upon that place and which wee 
doubt not would have succeeded. Wee have sent the Guidon 
of our Guards to inform you more fully in these matters and that 
giving you no positive commands wee leave all those affaires 
to the Marquis de Rosen and yourself with the other generall 
officers to doe what shall be judged best for our service and soe 
wee bid you heartily farewell. 
Given att our Court att Dublin Castle this 20th of July, 1689. 

By His Majesty's Commands, 


16. JAMES R. 

Trusty and well beloved, wee greet you well. Whereas wee 
understand by your letters of the 2oth informed that it is the 
opinion of all the generall officers that its impossible to take 
the towne of Deny but by famine, wee have thought fitt not to 
wait Major Neugent's return but to send you our orders con- 
cerning the same seeing that Deny cannot be taken by force 
with the small number of men its beseiged by. Our will and 
pleasure is that as soon as you receave this you prepare for 
raising the seige and then actually raise it unless you be of the 
opinion that in continuing the blockade the towne will be forced 
to yeeld for want of provision which in all appearance must 
happen very shortly since by their last proposals the offered to 
surrender the 26th of this month which if you beleeve to be so 
you are to continue the blockade as long as you shall think it 
for the good of our service. You are before your departure from 
befor Deny to cause blow up the Fort of Colmore that it may not 
stand in our way ane other time. You will see what our inten- 
tions are by the duplicata of our latter to the Marquis de Rosen 
which we have ordered to be sent to you. Seeing that Ingeniers 
in appearance will be but of small use to you now you are to 
order the Ingeniere Burton to goe to Charlemont and to take 
ane exact plan of that place and adjacent grounds which with 


all convenient speed he is to bring to us that wee may give our 
further orders thereupon. Wee doubt not but you will do what 
may be best for our service in all things and soe we bid you 
heartily farewell. Given att our Court att Dublin Castle this 
22nd day of July, 1689. 

By His Majesty's Commands, 


17. JAMES R. 

Trusty and well beloved wee greet you well. There is come 
as he pretends a master of a ship who informes that the Marshal 
Schomberg with ane army of twenty thousand men whereof 
there are four thousand Hollanders, two thousand Germans 
and the Prince of Orange's Dragoons is to come to this our 
kingdome in ten or twelve days. Wee have all imaginable reasons 
to beleeve this fellow is a rogue and therefore have ordered him 
to be kept prisoner here, and yet wee thought fitt to informe you 
of it that you may doe what may be best for our service in the 
present circumstance of our affaires. Considering the necessity 
there is to cause recrute our forces to make a vigorous resistance 
against these rebels our former orders containing all that wee can 
say upon this subject wee bid you heartily farewell. Given att 
our Castle of Dublin this 29th day of July, 1689. 

By His Majesty's Commands, 


18. JAMES R. 

Trusty and well beloved wee greet you well. Now that 
Londonderry is relieved it is of importance for our service that 
all imaginable diligence be made in bringing a considerable body 
of men to this place where or neere to which wee are informed 
the enemy will land if they can. Wee approve of the resolution 
of burning and destroying all you mention and retiring on this 
side of Charlemont. It is of importance that Coleraine should be 
kept and therefore wee think it fitt that such troops as you 
think best be sent there and where else you shall think fitt on the 
Ban Water and that S* Charles Karney go to Coleraine to com- 
mand till our further orders. Wee doubt not but you have already 
given orders to the Duke of Berwick w* he is to doe in regard 
of the Rebells of Baleshannon and Eniskiling if you have not 
wee leave it to you upon the place to give what orders you shall 
think best for our service giving us ane immediate account of 
what you have done or shall doe in that matter. You shall send 
hither straight the batallion of the guards, that of our right 
trusty and right entirely naturall son Henry Fitz-James, that 
of Neugent, the detatchment of Grace and the L d Mayor's 


Regiment and you shall leave at Charlemont what you shall 
think fitt to defend the passage of the river under the command 
of Gen. Major Buchan, and yourself to come to this our City 
and attend our orders. You are to give y e necessary orders for 
recruiting the horse foot and dragoons as much as can be and to 
reassemble those who have been hid in the mountains and you 
are to cause publish our orders to bring back the deserters that 
none may pretend ignorance. Wee have no doubt of your care 
in whatsoever concerns our power and soe wee bid you farewell. 
Given att our Court att Dublin Castle this 31 day of July, 1689. 

By His Majesty's Commands, 


19. JAMES R. 

Our will and pleasure is that you send as soon as you see 
convenient the Regiment of Dragoons commanded by the L d 
Dungan into quarters which you shall judge proper for their 
refreshment and recruiting there to continue till our farther 
order. And hereof you are not to faile. 

Given att our Court att Dublin Castle this 31 day of July, 1689. 

By His Majesty's Command, 


20. JAMES R. 

Trusty and well beloved wee greet you well. Just now wee 
have the news from some officers that the Rebells of Iniskilling 
have defeated our forces under the command of Mountcashel 
near Belturbet of which we think fitt to advise you that you 
may loose no time in posting our army on this side of the river 
at Charlemont and that you march hither with the rest with all 
diligence the time of the enemy's fleet drawing near. By this 
morning we hear of their fleet arriving at Chester, Liverpool, etc . 
from Bristol and the southward and that there are already twenty- 
two men of war at the Isle of Man which is the place of their 
rendevous. You are therefore to loose no time in putting our 
affairs in the best position you can and advise the Duke of 
Berwick of what has happened and giving him such orders as 
may be best for our service and appointing him in some safe 
manner to inform Sarsfield of what has happened that he may 
doe what is best for our service. Not doubting your care in all 
this matter and what also relates to the weal of our affaires wee 
bid you heartily farewell. 

Given att our Court att Dublin Castle this first day of August, 

By His Majesty's Commands, 



21. JAMES R. 

Trusty and well beloved wee greet you well. The evill conse- 
quences that unluckie affaire of the Viscounte Mountcashell 
may have makes it still more necessary for our service that you 
haste hither with the forces under your command leaving a 
sufficient garrisson at Charlemont with what ammunition you 
have to spare that may be usefull for that place, and you shall 
leave there Gen. Major Buchan with the Regiment of Foot of 
Gordon O'Neal and the three troops of Clifford's Dragoons and 
the companie of MacMahone which you are to withdraw from 
Dungannon. And you are to order Coll. Gordon O'Neal to recruit 
his Regiment and to add as many companies as he can gett 
especially such as were formerly of his Regiment. As for the 
party with the Duke of Berwick wee can say nothing to you of 
it not knowing what orders you have given to him. Wee o^oubt 
not of your diligence in these affaires and soe we bid you heartily 

Given att our Court att Dublin Castle this third day of August, 

By His Majesty's Commands, 


22. JAMES R. 

Our will and pleasure is that you send the Regiment of horse 
of Sutherland and the Regiment of foot of Slaney to quarter at 
Navon till our further orders. The Reg* of Horse of Lutterell 
and the Reg* of foot of Westmeath lately the Reg* of Tool to 
Trim to quarter till our further order. That you send the Reg* of 
foot of the Lord Prior and Coll. Neugent to quarter at Drogheda. 
That you send the Regt of Horse of the Duke of Tyrconnell to 
quarter at Naas, Blessington and the adjacent villages and that 
you order the rest of the Horse and Dragoons to quarter at the 
villages between this and Drogheda and that you march with 
the rest of the foot from Drogheda to this our city in two days 
and here you are not to fail. Given att our Court att Dublin 
Castle this n August, 1689. 

By his Majesty's Commands, 




(Letters from Mary of Modena to Richard Hamilton. 1 ) 


September the first [iyoS 2 ]. 

My intention was to have writt to you soon after i received 
your tre and to have told you that the comfortable account 
you gave me of the king's behaviour had abundantly recompensed 
the kyndnesse i had shown the poor Comtesse de Granmont in 
her sicknesse, but my unaccountable lasenesse in point of writting 
made me putt it off so long that i did not know at last how to 
go about it ; but now in the dreadfull expectation wee are in of 
a battle, i can not say anything to you but con hire you to 
remember your promise to me not to quit the king one step in a 
day of action and also to tell him frankly and positively what is 
fitt for him to do, for he has promised the king of France and me 
at parting, that he would upon such occasions, do what you and 
M r Sheldon should advise, i relye extremely upon your Judgement 
and am persuaded the affection you have for the king will prompt 
you to do mor than all i can say to you, therefor i will adde 
no mor, but pray to God to give you as much strength, and health 
as i am sure you have willingnesse, and capacity of serving the 
king on this important occasion. 

M. R. 

addressed, for Mr. Hamilton. 


July the I2th [1710]. 

I have been in such a hurry for this week past, that i could 
hardly find time to writt to the king, so that you must not wonder 
if i have not been able befor this to answer your letter of the 
2 d by which i had a confirmation of the account Mr. Booth and 
Dr. Wood had sent of the kings illnesse and of the remedys 

1 B.M., Add. MSS. 18966 

1 The date assigned to the four letters bound into a small volume is 
1710, which is correct for the first three letters, dated July I2th, Aug. i6th 
and Aug. 3oth ; the above letter, which is supposed to be the fourth of 
the series, is of another year, since the Queen speaks of her long silence : 
1708 would seem probable from the reference to Madame de Gramont's 
last illness (June, 1708) and from the expectation of a battle. Cf. Madame 
de Maintenon, Lettres intdites, I, p. 312, Saint Cyr, le 2 Septembre, 1708, 
" Nous voici a la veille de cette bataille de Flandre." 


that were given him which i hope in God will have a good effect 
and that the worst is over ; I find you were of the same opinion 
with the D r that he should take a great deal of rest and not 
ioyne the army till he was quite recovered which i did beg of 
him to do, without ther was a necessity to contrary as i hear 
to-day ther is for the tre of the 10 brings news that the enemy s 
were marching and that if they will com to Arras ther must be 
a battle, wher i know the king will be, if he be able, and i praise 
him for it, but at the same time, you can not but beleeve that 
my poor heart akes ; I putt all my confidence in God who has 
given him to me and i hope in his mercie he will preserve him , 
after that i putt my trust in you that you will be close to him 
and let him do no mor then is fitt for him as you promised me, 
when you took leave of me ; and as the D of Berwick told me 
that he and you had agreed when he left you, how much or how 
little was fitt for him in a day of action or at other times, when 
certainly it is not necessary to do so much i shall not pretend 
to enter into that i being no competent iudge of it, but confide 
in your prudence and discretion and pray to God to direct you 
to give the king the best advice which i am sure he will follow. 

endorsed : the Qs letters to Mr. Rich Hamilton. 


Aug. the 1 6 [1710]. 

I am verry sorry to find by yours of the 14 that the kings illnesse 
was grown so troublesom, and uneasy to him, i will hope he was 
then at the worst and that i shall soon hear of his being well 
again, till that is, i hope you will not fail writting to me, and lett 
me know exactly how he is, which is no more than i asked and 
you promised when you left St. Germain, but you having forgott 
it once i now put you in mind of it for fear you should forget it 
again ; If you have any news, i hope you will send them to me, 
as long as the king does not writt, which i would not have him 
do, by no means, till he is quit at ease ; I conclude you are well, 
hearing nothing to the contrary since you left us and i heartily 
wish you may continue. 

M. R. 

addressed : For Mr. Hamilton. 



Aug. the 30th [1710]. 

You guessed very right that the account that D r Baulieu gave 
me after having visited the King would sett me quitt at ease, i 
thank God it has don so, and therefor I can not repent my having 
sent him nor i hope you dont repent the having written to me 
the naked truth of the kings condition, with which i hope he 
does not find fault, i am sure i dont for tho it gave me som 
trouble, yett i had rather undergo that and know the truth, 
then be flattered, and never know what to trust to, but of this 
last i am sure you are not capable, and therefor it is a satisfaction 
to me to have from you an account of the king, becaus i dare 
count upon it, to be litterally trew and that is what i would have, 
and for whicch and your having don it so constantly in this his 
last illnesse, i can never thank you enough, but i am sure i shall 
never forgett it ; I am very glad to find you are of opinion that 
the kings staying so long at the army, may be prejudicial to his 
health, and of no advantage to him otherways, i am sure i think 
so but i am afraid of letting myself be iudge in these matters, 
the M 1 de Montesquieu as well as yourself being of the same mind, 
confirms me extremely in it, but i beleeve the king will see for 
some days how he is, and what part is taken after the siege of 
Bethune is ended, which i think has held out wonderfully ; I 
had not M e de Maintenons answer this morning when i writt to 
the king, upon the account i gave her of him to give to the K. of 
France but i have it now in these words ; Le Roy m'a ordone* de 
vous mander qu'il faudra bien que le Roy d'Angleterre revienne 
des qu'il ne pourra plus monter & cheval. II est impossible que 
Bethune aille loin, la defence en est desja surprenante, apres cela 
on verra bien tost a quoi les enemis se porteront, Les emoroides 
sont un grand mal, surtout quand on ne peux pas se reposer, je 
crois que vous prendres nostre parti sur le rapport que vous en 
fera nostre Chirurgien, apres 1'avoir mande* au Roy, her letter 
was very long upon other matters, she says they expected to- 
night a Courrier from Spaine but that at present they know no 
mor than i do of that matter ; I think upon this answer it were 
propre that Beaulieu and D r Wood writt a letter to Dr. Gamman 
whicch might be shewd to Fagon or Mareshal, or i might send it 
to M e de Maintenon, to tell what they think of the kings illnesse, 
for if they beleeve, that the king can not ride without venturing 
to be ill again nor stay in that country without venturing an 
aigue whicch is but to plain his coming away will soon be decided; 
the king or you will lett me know what he thinks of all this, 
what els he would have me do ; and i shall performe. 

M. R. 

endorsed : Lettres de la Reine a M r R d dhamilton de Chaliot. 



THE National Portrait Gallery possesses a portrait by an un- 
known painter of Anthony Hamilton in his youth (Register 
number 1467). This portrait was at one time at Ditton Park, 
Lord Beaulieu's house, and was bought by the National Portrait 
Gallery in 1907. A portrait of Anthony Hamilton in uniform 
by an unknown painter is in the possession of Mr. Forde of 
Seaforde, Co. Down. The engraving of Anthony Hamilton in his 
old age which appears in most editions of the Memoirs was first 
executed for the Strawberry Hill edition (1772) " Celui d'Hamil- 
ton," says Walpole, " est d'apres son estampe executee . . 
dans ses dernieres annees." 1 

The 1794 edition of the Memoirs, a reprint of the 1793 edition, 
reproduces " an additional portrait of the author," and the same 
portrait is given in Harding's Biographical Mirror, Vol. I, No. 49, 
as being from an original in the collection of Lord Beaulieu at 
Ditton Park. It was probably destroyed with most of the 
historical portraits of that mansion in the fire which occurred 
there in 1812. As a matter of fact, careful comparison of this 
portrait with the National Gallery portrait will show that the 
person represented cannot well be Anthony Hamilton. 2 There 
is, however, a striking resemblance between this portrait and that 
of George Hamilton, now at the National Portrait Gallery, but 
it is not a portrait of him either, as it is that of a much younger 
man while the costume is that of a later period. 3 There is no 
doubt that it represents one of the younger brothers, Thomas, 
Richard, or John Hamilton. 

A portrait of George Hamilton by an unknown painter is now, 

1 " Avis . . . sur cette nouvelle edition." The British Museum (Cata- 
logue of Engraved British Portraits at the British Museum, II, p. 442) 
and the Bibliotheque Nationale (Catalogue de la Collection des Portraits 
fran9ais et etrangers, conservee au Departement des Estampes de la 
Bibliotheque Nationale IV, p. 339) possess various reproductions of this 

2 Anthony Hamilton has straight eyebrows and a nose retrousse rather 
than otherwise. In this ' additional portrait ' the eyebrows and the bridge 
of the nose are arched. 

8 The lace cravat would place the date of this portrait between 1675 
and 1685, and George Hamilton was no longer living at the time. I owe 
this and other information to the kindness of Mr. J. D. Milner of the 
National Portrait Gallery. 


as has been mentioned, at the National Portrait Gallery (No. 1468). 
It is a companion picture to the portrait of Anthony Hamilton 
and was bought in the same conditions. 

There are several portraits of Madame de Gramont. The best- 
known of these is the Hampton Court Lely, 1 painted about 
1662, mentioned by her brother in the Memoirs as being one 
of Lely's happiest creations. The National Portrait Gallery 
possesses another portrait by Lely (No. 509), formerly in the 
possession of the Walrond family, Dulford House, Devon. The 
date assigned to this portrait is about 1669, when the countess 
was twenty-eight, but one would be inclined to choose a some- 
what later date, for it is hard to believe that she should have 
changed so much to her disadvantage in seven years. 2 There 
is also at the Portrait Gallery a portrait of Madame de Gramont 
in her youth, a copy after Lely by Eccardt (No. 20). Two 
miniatures of her are in the Jones collection, South Kensington, 
and two at Montague House. 8 

Mr. Forde, of Seaforde, Co. Down, also possesses a portrait of 
Margaret Hamilton (who married Mathew Forde), believed to 
be by Lely, and one of the Comte de Gramont by an unknown 

An ' Irish correspondent ' quoted in Pinkerton's Walpoliana 
II, p. 10, speaks of the Hamilton portraits he saw at Lord 
Kingsland's house, Turvey, Co. Dublin. (Mary Hamilton, 
George Hamilton's third daughter, had married a Viscount 
Kingsland in 1688.) " I particularly recollect the portraits of 
Count Hamilton and his brother Anthony and two of Madame 
Grammont, one taken in her youth, the other in an advanced 
age." The Kingsland property eventually passed into the hands 
of the Trimlestown family, but Lord Trimlestown, who kindly 
replied to my letter of inquiry, was unable to tell me what had 
become of these portraits. 

A portrait of James Hamilton was formerly at the Marquis of 
Abercorn's at Stanmore, but was sold. 4 

1 Cf. Catalogue of Engraved British Portraits at the British Museum, 
II, p. 367 ; Catalogue . . . Departement des Estampes de la Bibliotheque 
Nationale, IV, p. 243. 

* Moreover, if one may judge from the inscription on the frame, " she 
married in 1664 Philibert Comte de Gramont, with whom in 1669 she 
resided in France," the date has been based on information taken from a 
letter from Charles II to Madame, erroneously dated 1669 in Dalrymple's 

8 Allan Fea, Introduction to his edition of the Mcmoirts de Grammont, 
p. xx. 

4 Cunningham, Story of Nell Gwyn, p. 208. 




ONE copy was formerly in the possession of the Earl of Ash- 
burnham (cf. Hist. MSS. Comm., 8th Report, Appendix, Part III, 
p. 417), viz. Fragmens de la vie du comte de Grammont (par le 
Comte Antoine Hamilton) on Paper, 2 vols. Quarto. This 
copy was sold in May, 1899, ^Y Messrs. Sotheby, Wilkinson and 
Hodge to Mr. Tregaskis, 232 High Holborn. Mr. Tregaskis, 
who kindly replied to my inquiry, was not able to tell me into 
whose hands the manuscript had passed. Another copy which 
I was not able to see is at the Hanover archives. This is ob- 
viously the copy sent by Madame to the duchess of Hanover 
(cf. Madame, Lettres II, p. 178 n.) 

One copy is preserved at the Bibliotheque Mazarine, viz. 
manuscrit 2190, Fragmens de la vie du comte de Gramont. 
Papier. 176 et 244 pages ; haut. 233, larg. 178 millim., XVII 6 
[should be XVIII 6 ] sicle. Copie du temps de 1'auteur. 

An imperfect copy is preserved at the Bibliotheque Natio- 
nale, viz. nouvelles acquisitions franaises 1972. Fragmens 
de la vie du Comte de Gramont. Chapitre I a IX seulement. 
Dix-huitime sicle. Papier. 367 pages. 210 sur 158 milli- 
metres, rel. veau gr. This fragment corresponds to Part I of the 
copy at the Bibliotheque Mazarine. 

These two last texts derive from the same copy and I shall 
speak of them as A x (B. Mazarine) and A 2 (B. Nationale). They 
agree very closely ; in fact there are practically no variants. 
That they were not, however, directly copied the one from the 
other is proved, inter alia, by the difference in their orthography, 
e.g. A! differents, talents, evenements, A 2 differens, talens, evene- 
mens, etc. A 2 is a more careless work with poor spelling and bad 
punctuation. They seem both to have been dictated or to 
derive from a copy that was dictated, cf. e.g. Laon (A x A 2 ) for 
Lens, Oudancourt (A x ) and Oudancour (A 2 ) for Houdancourt, 
Amilton (A 2 ) for Hamilton, Momorency (A 2 ) for Montmorency, 
s'estoit (Aj) for c'estoit, etc. The most interesting thing that we 
learn from A! A 2 is perhaps the fact that there were two addi- 
tional chapters in the first draft of the Memoirs which, for some 
reason or other, have not come down to us (cf. p. 206 supra). 

Aj A 2 differ considerably from the first printed edition of the 
Memoirs, viz. the 1713 edition, which shows not a few omissions, 
and in the following notes almost all the variants are given. 


The Me"moires de Grammont are not a work of sufficient import- 
ance to warrant a list of all the variants ; quite unessential ones 
have therefore been omitted, as well as obvious errors of A! A,. 
The 1713 edition differs most widely from A t A, at the end of 
Chapter IV, which has been changed to leave no trace of the 
missing chapters, and at the end of Chapter VI and at the be- 
ginning of Chapter VII where, for no very obvious reasons 
nothing is gained by the remaniement certain paragraphs have 
been transposed. This edition may have been printed from a 
later manuscript copy in which the changes were made by Hamil- 
ton, but they are far more likely the work of the editor who 
published the Memoirs, certainly without any authorization, 
from a manuscript copy which, he said, he had received from 

The text here given is that of 1713 ; the variants are in 
parenthesis. Unless otherwise stated the variants are found in 
both A! and A,. With the fewest of exceptions the variants 
Aj A, are to be preferred to the 1713 readings. 


p. 2. II fait entrer le pauvre Marc Antoine par compassion 
(comparaison) pour toutes ses faiblesses. 


p. 7. par consequent (mais aussi) les sieges e*toient d'une 
longueur raisonnable. 


p. 21. II me demanda si je voulois acheter des chevaux (add, 

d'artillerie ; Aj only). 

p. 23. Le tout (add, du tout) en fut. Cf. Littre*, le tout du 
tout, la partie qui se joue, apres que la meme personne 
a perdu partie, revanche et le tout, et dans laquelle on 
joue autant d 'argent qu'on a joue* dans les trois parties 

p. 26. Que dira Madame ? (add, quelle nouvelle pour madame !) 
p. 27. Je le prierai de souper. . . . Et ou ? dit Matta. (A 

souper, dit Matta, et ou ?) 

[The longer answer is more in the manner of Matta. One 
wonders why in all modern editions another, very characteristic, 
remark of Matta's has been similarly shortened, viz. in Chapter 
VI. The 1713 text reads as follows, p. 63 : 


Rien n'est plus honnete, disoit Malta. 

Mais, pourquoi n'en aurois-je aucune Inquietude ? 

Oh, ma foi, je n'en sais rien, dit Matt a. 

Voici pourquoi, reprit-il. 

Most subsequent editions adopt the following text : 

Rien n'est plus honnete, disait Matta, mais pourquoi, n'en 
avoir aucune inquietude ? 

Voici pourquoi, reprit-il. 

Matta was not the person to wonder why M. de Senantes should 
be uneasy on any subject.] 
p. 30. Came'ran ayant ete trois ou quatre fois de reste 


p. 31. Vous avez beau tempeter (temporiser) ; tant que vous 
jouerez, vous perdrez. 


p. 61. II fallut done se passer de Madame, pour aller trouver 
(pour tenir parole a, Aj ; pour aller a, A 2 ) Monsieur. 

p. 71. il gronderoit bien sa femme de son impertinente (im- 

prudente) tendresse. 

ib. il mouroit d'envie de se revoir (de reboire) avec le cher 

p. 75. il vit trotter (toutes, A! only) les santez a la ronde. 

p. 76. Quoi qu'il en soit, persuade (insert, comme il est encore) 

qu'en amour. . . . 

ib. Mais, il est terns que nous le tirions de la Cour de Savoie, 
pour le voir briller dans celle de France. (Add, C'est 1& 
que d'illustres matieres s'offrant aux differents talents 
dont la nature 1'avoit pourveu nous 1'allons voir dans 
les intrigues de la cour, dans les evenements du jeu, 
dans la temerite des entreprises et dans la prosperite du 
succez, toujours singulier, toujours inimitable et toujours 

Dans 1'une de ces scenes, on verra son activity, sa 
prevoyance, et son industrie dans 1'enlevement de 
M lle de Bouteville. Dans 1'autre sa penetration, ses 
conjectures et ses conseils malheureusement negligez 
avant remprisonnement des Princes, son precede 
genereux apres et dans quelques conjectures moins 
eclatantes nous parlerons de ses Fortunes, de ses Incon- 
stances et de ses Tracasseries. 




p. 77. Le Chevalier de Gram- 
mont de retour en France, 
y soutint merveilleusement 
la Reputation qu'il avoit 
acquise ailleurs. 

ib. Attache* d' Inclination a 
Monsieur le Prince, Te*moin, 
et si on ose le dire, Com- 
pagnon de la Gloire qu'il 
avoit acquise aux fameuses 
Journe*es de Lens, de Nor- 
lingues et de Fribourg, les 
Recits qu'il en a si souvent 
faits, n'ont rien diminue* de 
leur e"clat. 

ib. II 1'a suivi dans la 
premiere Disgrace de sa For- 
tune, d'une Constance dont 
on voit peu d'Exemples. 

A! A, Chapter VII (Ch.V and 
VI are missing). 

Dans les chapitres precedents 
on a veu le Chevalier de Gram- 
ont soutenii partout son 

Que d'exemples on en a veus 
dans les Campagnes de Laon 
[sic], de Nordlingue et de Fri- 
bourg. Attache" d'inclination a 
M. le Prince, te*moin de la 
gloire qu'il avoit acquise a ces 
fameuses journe*es, les re*cits 
qu'il en a si souvent faits n'ont 
rien diminue* de leur e*clat. 
Mais s'U 1'a veu triompher en 
tant de lieux differents tandis 
qu'il suivoit la parti le plus 
juste, son attachement ne 
s'est point dementy, lorsqu'une 
fatale ne*cessite* 1'a force* de 
quitter ce party pour en pren- 
dre un autre. 

Dans les premieres disgraces 
de sa fortune il 1'a suivi d'une 
Constance dont on ne voit 
gueres d'exemples. 

p. 85. lorsque tu montrois a danser les Triolets (tricolets). 
Should be ' tricotets.' Cf. Littre*, tricotets, ancienne 
danse, tres vive ; . . . cette danse est ainsi nomme'e 
parce que le mouvement du pied y est aussi prompt que 
Test celui de la main en tricotant. 

P- 93- J e va is bient6t passer (pousser) a toute bride. 

p. 95. de se voir traine* en Chemise par (panni, A,) les Vaincus. 

p. 96. n'e"tant pas presse* de porter une mauvaise (mechante ; 

Aj) nouvelle. 
p. 103. qu'on voulut 1* (s') assujettir. 


p. 107. quelques Beautez cache*es (retirees). 

p. no. Son pere, des lors Minis tre (chancelier) de 1'Angleterre. 

p. in. plein d'esprit et de feu (et fou). 

p. 112. si vrai (net) dans tous ses Proce'dez. 



p. 115. cette meme Comtesse de Castelmaine, depuis Duchesse 

(Dame, AJ de Cleveland. 

p. 1 1 6. la Comtesse de Panetra (Penalva, A x ; Penatra, A 2 ) ; 
Cf. Clarendon, Continuation (Oxford, 1761, 3rd ed.), 
II, p. 340, the countess of Penalva. 

ib. un certain Taurauvedez (Taureau-cideur) . Cf. Littre 
tauricider, terme vieilli, combattre et tuer les taureaux 
dans les courses de taureaux. 
ib. y ajouta (ayant reduit tous ces noms a) celui de Pierre 

du Bois. 
p. 117. Le Chevalier de Grammont 

qu'a faire connaissance. 
p. 123. Sans prix (paix) pour elle. 
p. 131. Cette Beaute . . . mettoit son plus grand Merite a etre 

plus semillante (accueillante) que les autres. 
p. 134. II etoit sur le point de Aj A 2 

travailler a la Desolation de II etoit sur le point de 
la pauvre Midleton. travailler a la desolation de la 

p. 135. lorsqu'il vit par hazard 

n'eut (insert, plus) 

Mademoiselle d'Hamilton. 
Des ce moment, plus de 
Ressentiment centre la 
Midleton ; plus d'Empresse- 
mens pour la Warmestre ; 
plus d'Inconstance ; plus de 
Vceux flottans. Cet Ob jet les 
fixa tous ; et de ses an- 
ciennes Habitudes, il ne lui 
resta que 1' Inquietude et la 

Ses premiers Soins furent 
de plaire ; mais, il vit bien 
qu'il falloit, pour reussir, 
s'y prendre tout autrement 
qu'il n'avoit fait jusqu'alors. 

La Famille de Mademoi- 
selle d'Hamilton, assez nom- 
breuse, occupoit une Maison 
grande et commode prs de 
la Cour. Celle du Due 
d'Ormond n'en bougeoit. Ce 
qu'il y avoit de plus distin- 
gue dans Londres s'y trou- 
voit tous les jours. Le 
Chevalier de Grammont y 
fut recu selon son Merite et 

pauvre Midleton, lorsqu'elle 
fut sauvee par 1'avanture qu'on 
verra dans le chapitre qui suit 
(suivant, A 2 ). 


Le Chevalier de Gramont, 
peu content du progres de ses 
galanteries, se voyant heureux 
sans etre aime, devint jaloux 
sans etre amoureux. La 
Midleton, comme on 1'a dit 
alloit eprouver, comme il s'y 
prenoit pour tourmenter, apres 
avoir e'prouve' ce qu'il savoit 
pour plaire. 

II fut la chercher chez 
la reine, ou il y avoit bal. 
Elle y etoit ; mais, par bon- 
heur pour elle, Mademoiselle 
d'Hamilton y etoit aussi. Le 
hazard avoit fait que de toutes 
les belles personnes de la cour, 
c'etoit celle qu'il avoit la moins 
vue et celle qu'on lui avoit la 
plus vante*e. II la vit done 
pour la premiere fois de pres et 
s'apperut qu'il n'avoit rien 



sa Qualit6. II s'e*tonna 
d'avoir emploie tant de terns 
ailleurs ; mais aprds avoir 
fait cette Connoissance, il 
n'en chercha plus. 

Tout le monde convenoit 
que Mademoiselle d'Hamil- 
ton e*toit digne de 1'Attache- 
ment le plus sincere et le 
plus se"rieux. Rien n'e*toit 
meilleur que sa Naissance ; 
et rien de plus charmant qui 
sa personne. 


Le Chevalier de Gram- 
mont, peu content de ses 
Galanteries, se voiant heur- 
eux sans etre aime*, devint 
jaloux sans etre amoureux. 
La Midleton, comme on a 
dit, alloit e*prouver comme 
il s'y prenoit pour tourmen- 
ter, apres avoir e*prouve* ce 
qu'il savoit pour plaire. 

II fut la chercher chez la 
Reine, ou il y avoit Bal. 
Elle y e"toit ; mais, par bon- 
heur pour eLle, Mademoiselle 
d'Hamilton y e*toit aussi. 
Le Hazard avoit fait que 
de toutes les Belles Per- 
sonnes, c'e*toit celle qu'il avoit 
le moins vue et celle qu'on lui 
avoit le plus vante*e. II la 
vit done pour la premiere fois 
de pres, et s'appercut qu'il 
n' avoit rien vu dans la Cour 
avant ce moment. II 1'en- 
tretint, elle lui parla. Tant 
qu'elle dansa, ses yeux 
furent sur elle ; et, des ce 
moment, plus de Ressenti- 
ment centre la Midleton. 
Elle e*toit dans cet heureux 
age, etc. 

vu dans la cour avant ce 
moment. II 1'entretint ; elle 
lui parla. Tant qu'elle dansa, 
ses yeux furent sur elle ; et 
des ce moment, plus de ressenti- 
ment centre la Midleton, plus 
d'empressements pour la War- 
mestre" ; plus d'inconstance ; 
plus de voeux flottants. Cet 
objet les fixa tous ; et de ses 
anciennes habitudes, il ne lui 
resta que 1'inquietude et la 

Ses premiers Soins furent de 
plaire ; mais, il vit bien qu'il 
falloit, pour re*ussir, s'y prendre 
tout autrement qu'il n'avoit 
fait jusqu'alors. 

La famille de Mademoiselle 
d'Hamilton, assez nombreuse, 
occupoit une maison grande et 
commode pres de la cour. 
Celle du due d'Ormond n'en 
bougeait. Ce qu'il y avoit de 
plus distingue* dans Londres s'y 
trouvoit tous les jours. Le 
chevalier de Gramont y fut recu 
selon son me*rite et sa qualite*. 
II s'e*tonna d'avoir employe* 
tant de temps ailleurs ; mais 
aprds avoir fait cette con- 
noissance il n'en chercha plus. 

Tout le monde convenoit 
que mademoiselle d'Hamilton 
e*toit digne de I'attachement le 
plus sincere et le plus seYieux. 
Rien n'e*toit meilleur que sa 
naissance et rien de plus char- 
mant que sa personne. Elle 
e*toit dans cet heureux age, etc. 


The 1713 remaniement contains the sentence " des ce moment, 
plus de ressentiment centre la Middleton " twice, as will have 
been noticed, viz. on p. 135 and p. 136. 
p. 137. de quoi former des (de ces) Prejuges avantageux sur 

tout le reste. 
p. 140. Elle avoit la Taille de toutes (insert, les bossues) sans 

1'etre. From the 1760 edition onwards, all editions 

give this passage as " elle avait la taille d'une femme 

grosse sans 1'etre." 

p. 143. sans egard aux Defenses de son Mari (epoux). 
p. 145. Milord Janet (Jaret). Jaret is intended for Gerard. 

Cf. Modern Language Review, Vol. x, p. 59. 
p. 146. Je serai mieux e*clairci de mon sort par le Present que 

je vous envoie (add, car si je ne vous suis pas odieux). 
p. 147. Elle paroissoit fort affairee (insert, L'autre commensait 

a deviner le sujet de cette visite) L'heure (1'envie de 

rire) commengoit a la gagner. 
p. 150. une bagatelle comme cela (celle-la). 
p. 155. Les Filles de la Reine et celle de la Duchesse furent 

menees par ceux qui (insert, n') etoient (insert, pas) de 

la mascarade. Aj only. 
p. 161. et (insert, paree) de vos presents vous souffrez qu'elle 

vous creve les yeux. 
p. 165. Le Due de Boukingham . . . pour se mettre (remettre) 

bien dans 1'Esprit du Roi. 
p. 172. Mademoiselle Stewart le retint tout pour elle. (add, 

Mille festes galantes marquoient la passion du Roy pour 

p. 179. Non, Madame (insert, poursuivit-il), je ne compte pour 

rien, etc. Ce n'etait pas apparemment un pretre (add, 

dit-elle). Pardonnez-moi, Madame, dit-il (omit, dit-il). 
A 8 breaks off with this chapter. 

CHAPTER VIII (Chapter X, A t ). 

p. 182. pour rendre compte a Madrid (a son maitre) de sa Con- 


p. 191. Elle e"toit fine (fiere) et delicate sur le Mepris. 
p. 198. Le comte d'Arran . . . deposa, que dans la Gallerie de 

Hons-laer-dyk ou (insert, la Princesse Roy ale, le Roi) la 

Comtesse d'Ossery, etc. 

p. 200. Temoins du Bonheur de bien d'autres (de quelque autre). 
p. 202. Quand elle se promettent (permettent) le plaisir de la 



p. 205. Southask . . . remonta (insert, tout doucement) dans 
son (en) carosse. 

p. 209. Sous pretexte de vouloir etre de toutes ces Parties 

p. 210. II n'y pardonnait . . . ni aux Maris jaloux, ni a 1'Epouse 

(add, facile). 
p. 218. Le Roi soutint qu'il n'y en avoit point (insert, de plus 

belle au monde qu'en Angleterre et qu'en Angleterre il 

n'y en avoit point) de si belle que celle de Mademoiselle 

p. 220. (add, Les plaintes), les reproches, 1'aigreur, etc. 

CHAPTER IX. (Chapter XI, A t ). 

p. 235. Cacher ce qu'on fait (sent) de plus doux. 

ib. On prend (perd) cent plaisirs. 

p. 253. voila une petite Migraine (mignonne) bien pare*e. 
p. 272. s'e*tant denotement mis a (insert, deux) genoux. 
p. 274. certain Air d'Incertitude (ineptitude), 
p. 275. Elle e*toit d'une Famille Roy ale (loyaliste). Corrected 

in subsequent editions to ' royaliste.' 
p. 291. diffe*rente en cela, comme en bien d'autres choses 

p. 295. II cut recours aux Invectives et meme aux Charmes 


CHAPTER X. (Chapter XII, A,) 

p. 319. la nouvelle (dernire) cour de la Reine. 

p. 330. la Delicatesse de celui de leurs (insert, trs) tendres et 

tres magnifiques Moiti^s. 
ib. a se reVolter centre (insert, la pluralite* des) les Maitresses 

du Roi. 

ib. que c'e'toit bien assez d'une (insert, jeune) femme. 
ib. des Garnemens . . . comme Sidney (Sidley). Sidley 

(a form of Sedley) is much more appropriate, 
p. 331. soit par trop (insert, peu) de complaisance pour elles- 

p. 356. il . . . 1'enveloppa (insert, d'un pan) de son Justau- 


p. 370. La Duchesse y voulut voir courre des Levriers (lievres). 
ib. C'e'toit la Creature du monde la plus paresseuse (peur- 




p. 376. pour n'etre pas (insert, cruellement) arrache de ce lieu, 
p. 381. II etoit a deux genoux devant moi, pour 1'acheter (add, 

Pourquoi, dis-je en moi-meme ne le pas vendre a cet 

animal au profit de mon maitre). 
p. 383. Combien avez-vous mis (insert, de temps) a venir de 

Londres ici ? 

p. 385. II fut voir Mademoiselle (la Marechale) de I'Hopital. 
p. 386. Ses Affaires finies, il partit (Des qu'il eut mis quelque 

ordre aux affaires qui le retenoient, il n'en attendit pas 

un second pour partir.) 
p. 389. Les anciens Engagemens en etoient partout reveilles 

et de nouveaux (insert, commerces) s'etablissoient. 
p. 391. eternellement rebattu des Descriptions du Merite (insert, 

cache) de M me de Shrewsbury. 
p. 394. Shrewsbury, trop honnete Homme pour s'en plaindre 

(prendre) a Madame, 
p. 400. gagner quatre ou cinq (trois ou quatre) Guinees par 

ib. Celui qui tient le Dez a ce Jeu en a tout 1'Avantage 


p. 402. Avec Mademoiselle Stewart ? (add, ou chez elle, dit-il). 
p. 405. louer quelque femme de la cour pour de beaux Bras, 

une belle Jambe (de beaux bras, de belles jambes, la 

gorge ou les epaules). 
p. 406. Les Juppes de Mademoiselle Stewart . . . effraierent 

son Cheval (insert, il I'emportoit, elle m'appela, tout le 

monde suivit le roy d'un autre cote, j'arretay son cheval) 

parce qu'il vouloit bien attendre celui que je montois. 
p. 413. Elle s'etoit dechainee sans reserve, depuis sa Disgrace, 

centre (insert, 1'impertinence de) Mademoiselle Stewart 

qu'elle en accusoit par son Impertinence (omit, par son 

impertinence) et centre 1'Imbecilite du Roi qui, pour 

une Idiote revetue (insert, de ses depouilles) la traitoit 

avec tant d'Indignite. 
p. 415. Babinai (Bab-May) dont Madame de Cleveland avoit 

fait la fortune. 

[Bab May or Baptist May, 1629-1698, keeper of the privy 
purse to Charles II. Cf. Clarendon, Life and Continuation, III, 
p. 642. " The lady . . . procured round sums of money out of the 
privy purse (where she had placed Mr. May)], 
p. 419. Le Cceur de la Reine se tourna tout d'un coup (add, 

vers elle). 


p. 422. Germain se pr^senta (declara) tout des premiers sans 
songer que le (insert, seul) Pretexte de sa Convalescence- 

p. 425. il ne fut pas le seul qui se ressentit de cette Bizarerie 
(bizarre influence). 

p. 426. Le Chevalier de Grammont . . . se vit enfin Possesseur 
de Mademoiselle d'Hamilton (add, Ce sera dans la 
troisime partie de ces memoires qu'on fera voir de 
quelle maniere arriverent ces differentes avantures). 


REPONSE de Madame la Mare*challe de Barwick a M r le Cure* de 
Cour Dimanche, par Hamilton 1 (an unpublished poem which 
may serve as a specimen of his vers de societe*). 

Bonjour messire le pasteur, 

Bon jour messire et bonne anne. 

Les vers dont mav6s etrennee, 

Plaisent a cause de 1'auteur, 

Mais je m'en vis fort 6tonn6e, 

Car de r^pondre a tel docteur, 

De tout le monde abandoned, 

Je n'eus ny 1'espoir ny le coeur. 

Si done ma reponse est tardive, 

Pay 6s vous de cette raison, 

Ce n'est pas icy le valon, 

Ou du Permesse sur la rive, 

Chant ent les e"lus d'Apollon. 

Craintifs comme oiseaux sur la branche, 

Chacun e"vitoit cet employ, 

Quoy, J6crirois disoient-ils moy, 

A cet illustre Cour Dimanche 

Qui tient les neuf sceurs dans sa manche, 

Et le dieu des vers sous sa Loy, 

Encore passe pour Palaprat, 

A qui s'il nous falloit ecrire, 

Nous enverrions des vers pour rire, 

Quoy qu'Apollon en fasse estat, 

Et semble lui prester sa Lyre 

Dans les forSts de Bellebat, 

Nous voyons done que la muse 

Du plus Renomm6 Rimailleur 

Au lieu de se piquer d'honneur 

Trs humblement fesoit Excuse. 

1 Bibliothque de Bordeaux, Manuscrit 693, p. 612. 


Je dis prenons la plume en main, 

Faisons voir a Sa Reverence, 

Qu'on peut manquer a St. Germain, 

D'esprit non de Reconnaissance. 

Adieu done encore une fois, 

A vous 1'honneur de Cour Dimanche, 

Puisse votre vigne estre franche, 

De tous les frimats de ce mois, 

Qu'a Jamais glace noire ou blanche, 

Fasse grace aux vins gatinois, 

Et que jamais on ne retranche, 

Ny cave ny cellier sur un (?) cure" fransois 

Et comme au temps jadis qu'il ait tou jours ses droits 

Sur son menage et sur 1'Eclanche. 


Fragmens de la vie du comte de Gramont. Bibliotheque 
Mazarine, manuscrit 2190. Papier, 176 et 244 pages, haut. 233. 
larg. 178 millim. XVIIIe siecle. Copie du temps de 1'auteur. Cf . 
Appendix p. 301 et seq. 

Fragmens de la vie du comte de Gramont. Chapitres I a IX 
seulement. Bibliotheque Rationale, nouvelles acquisitions fran- 
caises 1972. XVIII 6 siecle, Papier, 367 pages, 210 sur 158 
millimetres. Rel veau gr. Cf. Appendix, p. 301 et seq. 

Fragmens de la vie du comte de Gramont. Archives of 
Hanover. Calemb. Orig. Archiv. Des. 63 VI, Fach No. i. Fol. 
(cf. Madame, Lettres, II, p. 178, note). 

Trait detache de I'histoire amoureuse de la Cour d'Angleterre 
sous le regne de Charles Deux (the Bretby episode), in Recueil 
d'historiettes et avantures curieuses. Part II. Bibliotheque 
Mazarine, manuscrit 3939. 

Les Antiquites de Pontalie. Le Belier, conte a Mademoiselle, 
par Antoine Hamilton. Bibliotheque de Caen, manuscrit 252, 
XVIII 6 siecle. Papier, 120 feuillets, 310 sur 200 millim. Relie 
veau aux armes du marechal de Harcourt. 

Reponse de la marechale de Berwick a M. le cure de Courdi- 
manche, par Hamilton. Bibliotheque de Bordeaux, manuscrit 693, 
p. 612. Cf. Appendix, pp. 310, 311. 

A letter to Ruvigny, dated Dublin, April I3th, 1675 (in 
French). Archives du Ministere de la Guerre, Vol. 440, No. 109. 
Another copy is in Vol. 467, No. 92. Cf. Appendix, pp. 281, 282. 


An autograph letter from Hamilton to Captain George Mathew, 
Dublin [1681], in the collection of Lord Ormonde. Cf. Hist. 
MSS. Comm. Seventh Report, Appendix, p. 8253.. Through the 
kindness of Lord Ormonde I obtained a copy of this letter. It 
is not of sufficient importance to warrant reproduction. 

An autograph letter (English) to Tyrry, herald of the English 
court at Saint -Germain. BibliothSque Nationale, manuscrit 
francais 32964, No. 90. Of no importance. 

Two letters to Madame de Caylus, ib. Nos. 357 and 358, 
printed in Du Boscq de Beaumont et M. Bernos. La cour des 
Stuarts & St. Germain en Laye. 

The Isographie des hommes celebres (Paris, 1828-30), Vol. II, 

gives a facsimile of the letter to entered in A. W. Thibau- 

deau's Catalogue of the Morrison Manuscripts, Vol. II, p. 229. 

A letter to - - is quoted in part in Etienne Charavay, Lettres 
autographes composant la collection de M. Alfred Bovet (Paris, 



I 749- [Paris], 1749. 6 vols. I2mo. (B.M. and B. Nat.) 

Memoires du Comte de Grammont, I e Partie. 

Memoires du Comte de Grammont, II e Partie. 

Le Belier (and Poesies). 

Fleur d'Epine (and Chansons). 

Les Quatre Facardins (and Poesies). 

CEuvres melees en prose et en vers (contains Zeneyde). 

No collective title. 
1762. Reprinted with the collective title (Euvres du comte 

Antoine Hamilton. (B. Nat. and the University Library, 


According to A. A. Renouard (Preface to his edition of 
Hamilton's Works, 1812, I, p. ix) this edition was reprinted in 

1 Cf. Querard, France Litteraire and La Literature Francaise Contem- 
poraine ; Brunet, Manuel du Libraire and Supplement ; G. Drunet, Preface 
to his edition of the Memoires (1859); Lorenz, Catalogue General de la 
Librairie Francaise ; Vicaire, Manuel de V Amateur du Livre ; Catalogue 
de la Bibliotheque Imperiale, Catalogue de I'Histoire de France, Vol. IX, 
pp. 618-619 ; Lowndes, The Bibliographer's Manual of English Literature ; 
The English Catalogue of Books, The General Catalogue of Printed Books at 
the British Museum ; Heinsius, Allgemeines Bucher Lexicon ; Kayser, 
Vollstandiges Bucher Lexicon; W. Kissenberth, Ant. d* Hamilton, sein 
Leben und seine Werke. 

M. Kissenberth in his thesis has given a fairly complete bibliography 
of the French editions of Hamilton's works. The English and German 
editions have not, to the best of my knowledge, been yet enumerated. 
M. Kissenberth's bibliography is far from being as accurate as it might be. 
M. Brunet's edition of the Memoirs (1859) is entered twice, so is the edition 
published by Miller in 1811-12. The same honour is accorded to Renouard' s 
edition of Hamilton's works (1813, 5 vols., i8mo.), and to the edition of 
the tales published for the Comte d'Artois, Les Quatre Facardins, which 
belongs to the 1749 edition of Hamilton's works is entered as a separate 
edition of that tale, the same remark applies to the (Euvres melees of that 
edition. (As a matter of fact there is a similar error in the Catalogue of the 
British Museum.) These remarks might be multiplied. 



1770, but I have never come across this reprint, either in a 
library or in another bibliography. 

1776. Reprinted with the collective title CEuvres du comte 
Antoine Hamilton, Nouvelle Edition, Corrige'e et aug- 
mente*e d'un volume, A Londres, 1776. (B.M. and B. 

The collective title does not appear in Vols. V and VI, 
the Memoires du Comte de Grammont. The title-page 
of Vol. VII gives some additional information, viz. 
A Londres, Et se trouve a Paris chez Le Jay, Libraire 
rue S. Jacques, au grand Corneille. MDCCLXXVI. 

1777. Reprinted, also 7 vols., with the collective title (Euvres 
mele*es En Prose et en Vers du Comte Antoine Hamilton. 
(B. Nat.) Renouard (loc. cit.) says that this reprint 
appeared at Bouillon, but Vol. VII has this colophon, 
De I'lmprimerie de F. J. Desoer, Libraire a Li6ge et a 

A reprint also appeared that year at Berlin, Rottmann 

1805. (Euvres completes D'Hamilton, Nouvelle Edition, Revue, 
Corrige'e, pre*ce*de*e d'une notice historique et litteYaire, 
disposed dans un meilleur ordre, et augmente*e de plusieurs 
pieces en prose et en vers ; avec 3 portraits ; Paris, 
Comet, 1805, 8vo. 

1812. (Euvres du comte Antoine Hamilton, Paris, chez Antoine 
Augustin Renouard, 1812, 3 vols., 8vo. With a Notice 
sur la vie et les ouvrages d'Hamilton by L. S. Auger, 
and a continuation of the unfinished tales which has a 
separate title-page, Suite des Quatre Facardins et de 
Zeneyde, Contes d'Hamilton, terminus par M. de Levis. 
Paris, chez Antoine-Augustin Renouard, 1813. The 
Suite is usually, but not always, bound with Vol. Ill of 
the (Euvres. With 8 portraits and 4 other engravings. 

1813. The same, but in 5 vols., i8mo. The different parts of 
this edition, the Memoires, Contes, and (Euvres di verses, 
were sold separately and are frequently given separate 
entries by bibliographers. 

1818. (Euvres completes, Paris, Belin, 1818, i vol., 8vo. Col- 
lection des Prosateurs francais. With a Notice signed 
D. (Depping). 

1825. (Euvres completes, prece'dees d'une notice par J. B. J. 
Champagnac et augmentees d'une suite des Quatre 
Facardins et de Ze*neide ; Paris, Salmon, 1825, 2 vols., 
8vo. With a portrait. 



1731. (Euvres melees en Prose et en vers. Par M. le comte 
Antoine Hamilton. Paris, chez Je. Fr. Tosse, 1731 
I2mo. (B. Nat.) 

Also in 2 vols., I2mo, with the same pagination, but 
different title-pages. To the above title-page has been 
added Tome Premier, Contenant les Poesies et les 
Lettres et Epitres, and Tome Second, Contenant les 
Chansons et 1'histoire de Zeneyde. (B. Nat.) 
1731. (Euvres du Comte d'Hamilton, Auteur des Me*moires du 
Comte de Grammont. A Utrecht chez Etienne Neaulme, 
I 73 I > 5 vols., i2mo. (B. Nat.) 

Vol.1. LeBelier. 

Vol. II. Fleur d'Epine. 

Vol. III. Les Quatre Facardins. 

Vol. IV. (Euvres melees and part of Zeneyde. 

Vol. V. Id. 

In Vol. I there is a note. " E. Neaulme debite aussi 
les Memoires de la vie du Comte de Grammont, in 12." 
The B.M. has a copy of Neaulme's edition of the Memoirs 
dated 1732, but I have never come across a copy dated 

1830. (Euvres choisies d'Ant. Hamilton, Paris, A. Gobin, 1830, 
8vo. Edited by Lon Thiesse. With a notice historique 
by L. S. Auger. Contains the Memoires de Grammont. 
The edition entered in the Catalogue of the British Museum 
as " (Euvres diverses du Comte Antoine Hamilton, A Londres. 
1776. I2mo," and noticed by the writer on the article Hamilton 
in the Dictionary of National Biography, is really Vol. I of the 
1776 edition of Hamilton's Collected Works, but the page pre- 
ceding the title-page proper and which should read (Euvres du 
comte Antoine Hamilton, Tome I. Nouvelle Edition, Corrigee 
et augmentee d'un volume, has visibly been cut out. 


(" I take up a work of European celebrity and reflect awhile 
on its bibliographic peculiarities which may almost pass for 
romance. It is a Scottish work with regard to the family con- 
nexion of the author : it is an Irish work with regard to the 
place of his nativity. It is an English work as to the scenes 
which it represents ; a French work as to the language in which 
it was written ; a Dutch work as to the country in which it 
came to light. It was formerly printed for public sale : it has 
been twice printed for private circulation. It was formerly 


classed as fiction : it is now believed to be history." Notes 
and Queries, Vol. IX, First Series, 1854, P- 3-) 

1713. Memoires | De La Vie | Du Comte j De Grammont ; | 
Contenant Particulierement | L'Histoire Amoureuse I De 
la Cour d'Angleterre, | Sous le Regne | De Charles II. | 
A Cologne, | Chez Pierre Marteau. | MDCCXIII | l (B.M. 
and B. Nat.). I2mo. 

1714. The Same. Seconde Edition. A Cologne chez Pierre 
Marteau, MDCCXIV. i2mo. (B. Nat.). 

1715. The Same. A Cologne chez Pierre Marteau, MDCCXV- 
I2mo. (B.M.) 

1716. The Same. Troisime Edition. Rotterdam, chez la 
veuve de Nicolas Bos, 1716. I2mo. Dedicated to 
Monsieur Johan van Grimpen, Conseiller et President 
des e'chevins de la ville de Schiedam. (B.M.) 

[1717 ?. A Contributor in Notes and Queries, Vol. IX, First 
Series, 1854, p. 3, mentions an edition printed at Amster- 
dam in 1717, and gives as his authority Catalogue de 
Lamy, No. 3918. This is the only mention I have ever 
seen of that edition.] 

1731. The Same. Nouvelle Edition corrige*e et augmented d'une 
Epitre de*dicatoire et d'un Abre'ge' de la Vie de M. 
Hamilton, Auteur de ces Me*moires. La Haye, P. Gosse, 
1731. I2mo. (B. Nat.) 

1732. The Same. Par Mr le Comte Antoine Hamilton. Nouvelle 
Edition, augmented d'un discours preliminaire du meme 
Auteur. Utrecht, chez Etienne Neaulme, 1732. I2mo. 

[1737?. M. Kissenberth mentions in his bibliography an edition 
published in 1737 at La Haye, chez Jean Neaulme. 
32mo. This edition is not noticed by any bibliographer, 
nor is it at the B.M. or in any of the libraries of 

1741. Memoires du comte de Grammont par M. le C te Ant- 
Hamilton. Nouvelle Edition, corrige'e et augmented d'un 
Discours preliminaire du meme Auteur. La Haye, 
P. Gosse et J. Neaulme, 1741. I2mo. (B. Nat.) 

1 Gordon de Percel (The Abbe Lenglet Dufresnoy) mentions editions 
printed in 1711 and 1712 at Rotterdam (De I' Usage des Romans, II, p. 95). 
But if the Memoirs had been published as early as 1 7 1 1 there would have 
been an English translation before 1714. 

For descriptions of various copies of the 1713 ed. see Brunet, SuppU- 
ment, p. 590 ; A. Claudin, Catalogue de la Bibliotheque de Rochebiliere (1884), 
H. P- 333 I Jules Le Petit, Bibliographic des principals editions originales 
d ecrivains fran fais du XV C au XVIII C siecle (1888), p. 478 (gives a repro- 
duction of the title-page) ; Intermediare des Chercheurs, 1884, Vol. XVII, 
p. 491. The Intermediare notices four different copies. 



1746. The same, par M. le comte Antoine Hamilton. Nouvelle 
edition, augment ee d'un discours preliminaire mele de 
prose et de vers, par le meme auteur, et d'un avertisse- 
ment contenant quelques anecdotes de la vie du comte 
Hamilton. A Paris, chez la veuve Pissot, Quay de Conti, 
a la croix d'or. 1746. I2mo. (B.M.) 

1749. Memoires de la Vie du Comte de Grammont, par M. le 
Comte Antoine Hamilton. Nouvelle edition, Corrigee et 
augmentee d'un Discours preliminaire du meme Auteur. 
La Haye et & Geneve, chez les Fr. Cramer & Cl. Philibert. 
1749. I2mo. Bibliotheque de Campagne, Vol. VI. 

1760. Memoires du Comte de Grammont, par le C. Antoine 
Hamilton. 1760. 2 vols. I2mo. Vol. II has the 
colophon, De rimprimerie de Didot, rue Pavee, 1760. 
(B.M. The entry in the catalogue includes ' [Amster- 
dam ?] '. One wonders whether this is the edition 
referred to by the writer on the article Hamilton in the 
Dictionary of National Biography, viz. Memoires du 
Compte (sic) de Grammont. Amsterdam (?) 1760. 

1772. The same, par M. le comte Antoine Hamilton. Nouvelle 
edition, augmentee de notes et d'eclaircissemens neces- 
saires par M. Horace Walpole. Imprimee a Strawberry 
Hill. 1772. 4to. With three portraits. Dedicated to 
Madame du Deffand. One hundred copies only were 
printed. (B.M. and B. Nat.) 

1783. Reprinted by Dodsley, London. 

[1776. Memoires du Comte de Grammont, par le C. Antoine 
Hamilton, A Londres, 1776. 2 vols. I2mo. This 
edition is really Vol. V and Vol. VI of the J 776 edition of 
Hamilton's collected works. The collective title was 
purposely omitted from these two volumes. The title- 
page of the second volume reads, in addition to the 
above, Tome Second. Nouvelle edition corrigee et 
augmentee d'un volume, which, of course, refers, not to 
the Memoirs, but to the Collected Works.] 

1781. The same. Londres (Paris, Cazin), 1781. 2 vols. i8mo. 

1781. The same. Par ordre De Monseigneur le Comte d'Artois. 
A Paris. De rimprimerie de Didot 1'Aine. 1781. 3 vols. 
i8mo. Three copies were printed on vellum, of which 
one is preserved at the B.M. and one at the B. Nat. 

1793. The same. Nouvelle edition ornee de 72 (78) portraits 
graves d'apres les tableaux originaux. Londres, Edwards 
[1793]. 4to. Most copies contain the Notes et Eclair- 
cissements which have a separate pagination (pp. 77). 


1794. Reprinted, with an additional portrait of the 
author. Contains an Avertissement sur cette nouvelle 

1802. The same, Paris, J. B. Fournier pere et fils. 2 vols. 
36mo. Bibliothdque portative du voyageur. 

1811. The same. Nouvelle Edition . . . prce*de*e d'une notice 
biographique sur le Comte Hamilton et enrichie de 
soixante-quatre portraits grave's par E. Scriven. Londres 
(Miller) 1811. 2 vols. 8vo. Que*rard also mentions a 
4to edition. The above edition has been revised by 
Bertrand de Moleville, who also translated the notes 
from the 1811 English edition. 

1812. The same, Paris, A. A. Renouard, 1812, 2 vols. i8mo. 

1816. Reprinted. (Bibliotheque de la Sorbonne.) 
1815. The same. Paris, Ledoux et Tenre* ; 2 vols. I2mo- 
With illustrations. 

1818. Reprinted. 

1815. The same. Paris, P. Didot, 1815. 3 vols. i6mo. With 
a Notice by L. S. Auger. Collection de*die*e Madame 
la Duchesse d'Angouleme. 

1819. The same. Paris, Me*nard et De*senne fils, 1819. 2 vols. 
i8mo. With 8 illustrations. Bibliotheque fran9aise. 

1820. The same, Paris, Lebegue, 1820, 2 vols. I2mo. 

Bibliotheque d'une maison de campagne. 
1823. The same, Paris, Delongchamps, 1823, 2 vols. 32mo. 
With 2 illustrations. 

1825. The same, Paris, Salmon, 1825. 8vo. With a portrait. 

1826. The same. Paris, L. de Sure. 1826. 2 vols. 32mo. 

Classiques fran9ais ou Bibliotheque portative de 
1' amateur. 

1826. The same. Paris, Werdet. 1826. 2 vols. 32mo. With 
notes and an introduction by A. Lesourd. One portrait. 

Collection des meilleurs romans fran$ais decline aux 

1827. The same. Paris, Dauthereau. 2 vols. 32010. 

1828. The same. Paris, Baudoin freres, 1828. 8vo. With a 
Notice by L. S. Auger. Collection des meilleurs ouvrages 
de la langue francaise en vers et en prose. 

1829. The same. Paris, Guiraudet, 1829. 32mo. With a 
Notice by L. S. Auger. Bibliotheque choisie. 

1830. The same. Paris, Hiard, 1830. 2 vols. i8mo. 

1831. The same. Paris, Pourtrat freres. 1831. 8vo. With a 
Notice by L. S. Auger. Collection des meilleurs auteurs 
de la langue francaise. 


1847. The same. Paris, Paulin, 1847. i6mo. 

1851. Memoires du Chevalier de Grammont, precedes d'une 
notice sur la vie et les ouvrages d' Hamilton par M. Auger 
. . . suivis d'un choix de ses epitres en vers et de sa 
correspondance. Paris, Didot freres, 1851. i8mo. This 
edition also contains the voyage de Chapelle et Bachau- 

Reprinted 1857, l8 6i, etc. 

1859. The same, accompagnes d'un appendice contenant des 
extraits du journal de S. Pepys et de celui de J. Evelyn 
. . . des depeches du Comte de Comminges . . . d'une 
introduction, de commentaires, et d'un index par G. 
Brunet. Paris, Charpentier, 1859. izmo. 
Reprinted 1864, ^73, 1883, etc. 

1862. Memoires de Grammont et contes. Paris, Furne et Cie, 
1862, 8vo. With a notice by L. S. Auger. 

1866. Memoires du comte de Gramont, precedes d'une notice 
sur 1'auteur par Sainte-Beuve. Paris, Gamier freres, 

1874. Memoires du chevalier de Gramont, Paris, Librairie de la 
Bibliotheque Nationale, 1872. 2 vols. 32mo. (Vols. 
184 and 185 of the Bibliotheque Nationale.) 

1876. Memoires du comte de Grammont, Histoire amoureuse 
de la Cour d'Angleterre sous Charles II, R&mpression 
conforme a 1'edition princeps (1713). Preface et notes 
par Benjamin Pifteau. Frontispiece, Six eaux-fortes, 
par J. Chauvet. Lettres, fleurons et culs-de-lampe, par 
Leon Lemaire. Paris, Bonnassies, 1876, 8vo. 

1876. Memoires du Chevalier de Grammont . . . publics avec 
une introduction et des notes par M. de Lescure. Paris, 
Jouaust, 1876. I2mo. 

Nouvelle Bibliotheque Classique. 

1877. Memoires du comte de Grammont. Avec notice, variantes 
et index par Henri Motheau. Paris, Lemerre, 1877. 

Petite Bibliotheque Litteraire, Auteurs Anciens. 

1882. Histoire amoureuse de la cour d'Angleterre. (Memoires 
du chevalier de Grammont). Nouvelle edition avec 
notice et notes. Paris, Dentu, 1882. i6mo. 

Bibliotheque choisie des chefs d'oeuvre franais et 
e*tr angers. 

1888. Memoires du chevalier de Grammont, Paris, Marpou et 
Flammarion, 1888, i6mo. Auteurs celebres, Vol. 68. 


1888. Me*moires du Comte de Grammont. Un portrait de A. 
Hamilton et trente-trois compositions de C. Delort 
graves au burin et a 1'eau-forte par L. Boisson. Preface 
de H. Gausseron. Paris, L. Conquet. 1888. 8vo. 

(All the old editions are at the B.M. and the B. Nat.) 

1730. Le Belier, | Conte. | Par M. le Comte Antoine | Hamilton. | 
A Paris Rue S. Jacques ; | Chez Jean Fr. Josse, Libr. 
Impr. ord. | de S. M. Cath. la Reine d'Esp. seconde | 
Douairiere, a la Fleur de Lys d'Or | MDCCXXX. | Avec 
approbation & Privilege du Roy. | 

Histoire | de | Fleur d'Epine, | Conte. | 

The rest of the title-page is the same as the above, 
except for the vignette. 
Les Quatre | Facardins, | Conte. | 

The rest of the title-page is the same as that for le 
Belier, except for the vignette. 

1749. Histoire de Fleur d'Epine, Conte, par le Comte D'Hamil- 
ton. Les Quatre Facardins, Conte, par M. le Comte 
Antoine Hamilton. Le Belier, Conte; par Antoine 

Bibliotheque de Campagne ou Amusemens de 1'Esprit 

et du Coeur. Tome VII, A La Haye, et se dbite a 

Geneve, Chez les Fr. Cramer & Cl. Philibert. 1749. i2mo. 

1781. Contes D'Hamilton. Par ordre de Monseigneur le Comte 

d'Artois. A Paris. De rimprimerie de Didot 1'aine". 

1781. 3 vols. i8mo. Only 3 copies printed on vellum ; 

one is preserved at the B.M. and another at the B. Nat. 

1785. Le Belier, Fleur d'Epine, les Quatre Facardins in Le 

Cabinet des F6es. Tome XX, Amsterdam, 1785. 8vo. 

Reprinted 1786. A GenSve chez Barde, Manget & 
Compagnie, 1786. (Boston Public Library.) 
1787. L'Enchanteur Faustus, Conte, in Voyages imaginaires, 
songes, romans cabalistiques, Tome XXXV, Amsterdam, 
1787. 8vo. 

1815. Contes d'Hamilton, Paris, P. Didot, 1815, 3 vols. i6mo. 
Collection des meilleurs ouvrages de la langue franaise 
de*die*e aux Dames. 
1826. The same. Paris, L. Debure, 1826, 2 vols. 32mo. 

Collection de Classiques fransais. 
1828. The same. Paris, Dauthereau, 1828, 2 vols. 32mo. 

Collection des meilleurs romans fran^ais et Strangers. 


1860. Contes des fees ; par Perrault, Madame d'Aulnoy, 

Hamilton et Madame Leprince de Beaumont, Paris, 

Gamier freres, 1860, 8vo. 
1862. Histoire de Fleur d'Epine, suivie de fragments choisis 

des Memoires du Chevalier de Grammont. Avignon, 

Chaillot. 1862. i8mo. 
1868. Contes des fees, Le Belier, Histoire de Fleur d'Epine, 

L'Enchanteur Faustus, Les Quatre Facardins, completes 

par le Grand Jacques. Paris, Librairie du Petit Journal, 

1868. 4 vols, 32mo. With illustrations. 
1873. Le Belier, Fleur d'Epine, les Quatre Facardins, Zeneyde, 

Paris, Librairie des Bibliophiles, 1873. 4 vols. i6mo. 

With introductions by M. de Lescure. Les Petits Chefs 

1883. Fleur d'Epine in Le Monde enchante, Paris, Mesnil, 1883, 

1883. Le Conte des Quatre Facardins. Premiere Partie. Con- 

tinuee par M***. Toulouse, Privat, 1883. I2rno. 
1892. Histoire de Fleur d'Epine. Avec illustrations de Ch. 

Meunier. Paris, Gedalge, 1892. 8vo. 
1898. L'Enchanteur Faustus in Alexander Tille's Faustsplitter 

in der Literatur des sechzehnten bis achtzehnten Jahr- 

hunderts, Weimar, 1898. 



(All the old editions, except where the contrary is stated, are to be 
found at the BM.) 

1714. Memoirs of the Life of Count de Grammont : Containing, 
in Particular, the Amorous Intrigues of the Court of 
England in the Reign of King Charles II. Translated 
from the French by Mr. Boyer. London : Printed, and 
are to be sold by J. Round in Exchange Alley, W. Taylor 
at the ship in Paternoster-row, J. Brown, near Temple- 
Bar, W. Lewis in Russel-Street, Covent-Garden, and 
J. Graves next White's Chocolate-House in St. James's- 
Street, 1714. 8vo. 

1719. Memoirs of the English Court During the Reigns of King 
Charles II and King James II, Containing in Particular 
the Amorous Intrigues of K.C. and K.J. Dutchesses of 
York, Orleans, Portsmouth, Cleveland, Richmond, Ladies 


Shrewsbury, Middleton, Chesterfield, Mrs. Jennings, Mrs. 
Churchill, Mrs. Ballandin, Mrs. Hamilton, etc., the Dukes 
of Buckingham, Ormond, Dover, Montague, Earls of 
Rochester, Arran, Lumley, Carlingford, Lords Churchill, 
Cornwallis, etc. Written Originally in French by the 
Count de Grammont. Translated into English by Mr. 
Boyer. The Second Edition : To which is added a 
Compleat Key. London : Printed for J. Graves in St. 
James's Street, J. Harbin at the New Exchange, and 
J. Harrison at the Corner of the Royal Exchange in 
Cornhill, 1719. 8vo. 
The key has a separate title-page. A Key to Count Gram- 

mont's Memoirs. London : Printed for J. Baker, at the Black- 
Boy in Pater-Noster Row, 1715. Price 2d. 8vo. 

1753. Memoirs of the Life of Count Grammont, London, 1753. 
I2mo. (Lowndes II, p. 986.) 

1760. The same. London, Thomas Payne, 1760, I2mo. 

1793. Memoirs of Count Grammont by Count A. Hamilton. 
A new translation with Notes and Illustrations. Em- 
bellished with 76 Portraits of the principal Characters 
mentioned in the Work. London, Harding [1793]. 4to. 
(The British Critic, 1794, Vol. IV, p. 275.) 

Brunet (Manuel) says that the translation is by 
Maddison, and according to the British Critic the notes 
were written by a Mr. Reid. They were translated for 
the French 4to edition which appeared at the same time. 

1809. The same. Second Edition. London : J. White, etc., 
1809. 3 vols. 8vo. With 40 portraits. A reprint of the 
Quarto edition. (The London Library.) 

1811. The same. A new edition ; to which are prefixed, a 
biographical Sketch of Count Hamilton and a Transla- 
tion of the Epistle to Count Grammont. London, Miller, 
1811. 8vo. 2 vols. with 64 portraits by Scriven. This 
edition has nearly 100 pages of valuable notes and illus- 
trations from the pen of Sir Walter Scott. (Lowndes, 
II, p. 986.) 

1818. The same. Translated with notes and illustrations. A 
new edition revised, London : Printed for Lackington, 
Hughes, etc., 1818. 2 vols. I2mo. With two portraits. 

1828. The same. London, W. H. Reid, 1828. 2 vols. 8vo. 
With portraits. 

1846. Memoirs of the Court of Charles the Second by Count 
Grammont, with numerous additions and illustrations as 
edited by Sir Walter Scott. London, 1846, Bohn's 
Extra Volume. 8vo. 
1859, 1891, Revised editions. 


1876. Memoirs of Count Grammont, London, Chatto and 
Windus, 1876. 8vo. 

1884. Memoirs of Count Grammont, London, Bickers, 1884, 
2 vols. 8vo. 

1889. The same. Edited with notes by Sir Walter Scott. 
With . . . etchings . . . from original compositions by 
C. Delort. London, J. C. Nimmo, 1889. 8vo. 
Reprinted 1896 and 1902. 

1889. Memoirs of the Count de Gramont. Illustrated with . . . 
etchings and . . . portraits. Edited by H. Vizetelly. 
London, Vizetelly & Co., 1889. 2 vols. 8vo. 

1890. Memoirs of the Count de Grammont. . . . Translated with 
notes by Horace Walpole and with additional notes . . . 
by Sir W. Scott and Mrs. Jameson. London, Sonnen- 
schein & Co. (1890), 8vo. 

1902. The same, London and New York, the Unit Library, 
1902, I2mo. 

1903. Memoirs of Count Grammont. Edited by Gordon Good- 
win. With Portraits. London, A. H. Bullen, 1903. 
2 vols. 8vo. 

1908. The same, Edinburgh, John Grant, 1908. 

1905. The same. Edited with notes by Sir Walter Scott. 
London, George Routledge & Sons, 1905, 8vo. With and 
without etchings. 

1906. Memoirs of the Count de Grammont, London, Hutchinson, 
1906. 8vo. With a frontispiece portrait of the author. 

Hutchinson's Popular Classics. 

1906. Memoirs of Count Grammont. London, Sisley (1906). 
I2mo. Panel Books. 

1906. Memoirs of the Count Grammont Edited by Allan Fea. 

Illustrated with over one hundred portraits from original 
paintings. London, Bickers & Son ; New York, Charles 
Scribner's Sons, 1906. 8vo. 

1907. Memoirs of Count Grammont, London, Sisley, 1907, 
I2mo. Sisley Books. 

1908. The Memoirs of Count Grammont. London, York Press, 
1908. 8vo. 


1760. Select Tales of Count Hamilton. . . . Translated from the 
French. London, J. Burd, 1760. I2mo. (B.M.) 

(The Ram. The History of the Thorn Flower. The 
History of the Four Facardins. The History of Zeneyde.) 

1793. The History of May Flower. A Circassian Tale, London, 
1793, 8vo. 


This edition was at one time in the Public Library, 

1796. Second Edition. Salisbury, 1796. I2mo. 
With a portrait. (B.M.) 

1808. The four Facardins, in Vols. II and III of Romantic 
Tales by M. G. Lewis, London. Printed ... for Longman, 
Hurst, Rees and Orme, Paternoster Row, 1808, 4 vols. 


1822. The Enchanter Faustus and Queen Elizabeth. Anecdote 
extracted from the Doctor's unpublished Memoirs. 
Blackwood's Magazine, August, 1822. No mention is 
made of Hamilton. 

1858. Reprinted in Tales from Blackwood, First 
Series, Vol. II. 

1849. Fairy Tales and Romances. Translated from the French 
by M. Lewis, H. T. Ryde and C. Kenney. London, Bohn, 
1849, 8vo. 

Bonn's Extra Volume. 

(The Four Facardins, Zeneyda, The Story of May- 
flower, The Ram, The Enchanter Faustus.) 

1899. The four Facardins. . . . Translated by M. G. Lewis, with 
continuations by M. G. Lewis and the Duke de LeVis. 
Printed for the Lutetian Society. London, 1899. 8vo. 


1836. Memoirs of Count Grammont, Philadelphia. Carey & 

Hart, 1836. 8vo. 
1888. Memoirs of Count Grammont, Philadelphia. Gebbie & 

Co., 1888. 8vo. 
1901. The Court of Charles II. Classic Memoirs, Vol. II. New 

York, 1901. 8vo. 
1910. Memoirs of the Court of Charles II. New York. F. P. 

Collier & Son [1910]. (Memoirs of the Courts of Europe. 

Vol. IV.) 



1 806. Auserlesene Schriften . . . ubersetzt v. Fr. Jacobs. Zurich, 
Gessner, 1806, 2 parts. Contains Denkwiirdigkeiten des 
Grafen von Grammont. 



1745. Begebenheiten des Grafen von Grammont, Stockholm 
(Leipzig, Gleditsch), 1745. 

1780. Memoiren des Grafen Grammont. Aus Hamilton's 
Brieftasche. Mit einer Vorrede herausgegeben von 
Herrn Bibliothekar Reichard. Leipzig, Weygand, 1780. 
2 vols. 8vo. (B.M.) 

1806. See Selections. 

1853. Memoiren des Grafen Grammont. ... In deutscher 
Ubertragung nebst geschichtlichen Erlauterungen nach 
Englischen Quellen von A. Heller. Leipzig, Costenoble, 
1853, 8vo and i6mo. 

1911. Der Chevalier von Gramont, Hamiltons Memorien und 
die Geschichte . . . von Karl Federn, Miinchen, Georg 
Muller, 1911, 2 vols. 8vo. A new translation. 

n.d. Memoiren des Grafen von Gramont, aufgezeichnet von 
L. Hamilton. Illustriert von F. von Bayros. Die 
Ubersetzung besorgte Paul Friedrich. Berlin, Felix 
Lehmann, 8vo. 


Before 1777, Namur, a translation of Fleur d'Epine (cf. the 
Preface to the Memoiren des Grafen Grammont, 1780.) 

1777. Drei hiibsche kurzweil. Mahrlein, dargestellt u. beschrie- 
ben vom Grafen Antoine Hamilton Nunmehro aber ihrer 
sonderbaren Lieblichkeit wegen aus dem Franzschen ins 
Deutsche gedolmetscht durch Gorg Bider (W. C. S. 
Mylius) Halle, Hendel, 1777. (Harvard Library.) 

1778. Doktor Faust, Erzahlung von Hamilton in Bibliothek der 
Romane. Zweyter Band, Berlin, bey Christian Friedrich 
Himburg, 1778, 8vo. 

1787. Pertharite und Ferrandine (an Episode of le Belier). 
Alboflede (an episode of Zeneyde) translated and adapted 
by Wieland in Dschinnistan oder auserlesene Feen und 
Geister Mahrchen. . . . Zweyter Band, Winterthur, bey 
Heinrich Steiner und Compagnie. 1787. 8vo. (B.M.) 

1790. Feen Mahrchen (Der Widder, Dornroschen, Die vier 
Facardine) in Die blaue Bibliothek aller Nationen. 
Zweyter Band, Gotha, Ettinger, and Weimar, Lit. 
Industr. Compt., 1790, 8vo. (B.M.) 

1861. Elisabeth und Faust in Lustiger Volkskalender fur 
1861, Leipzig, Schafer. Slightly adapted by Adolph 


1898. Doktor Faust, the 1778 translation, reprinted in Alexander 
Tille, Die Faustsplitter in der Literatur des sechzehnten 
bis achtzehnten Jahrhunderts. Weimar, 1898. 8vo. 


1814. Memorie Del Conte Di Grammont, Scritte in lingua 
Francese da Antonio Hamilton ora per la prima volta 
recate in Italiano. Milano. Per Sonzogno e Compagnie, 
2 vols. i8mo. (Harvard University Library.) 



Public Record Office : 

State Papers Domestic : Ireland, Vols. 351-354. 
State Papers Foreign : France, Vols. 123-143. 
British Museum : 

Add. MSS., 18, 966. Letters from Mary of Modena to 

Richard Hamilton. 
Stowe MSS., 204, f. 28. Warrant to raise troops in Ireland 

for the French service, 1674. 

f. 88. Letter from George Hamilton to Lord Essex. 
207, ff. 70, 176. Letters from George Hamilton to Lord 


Royal Irish Academy, Dublin : 

M.S 24, G. i. Twenty-two letters from James II to Richard 

Archives du Ministere des Affaires Etrangeres : 
Correspondance politique, Angleterre. 
Memoires et Documents, Angleterre. 

Archives du Ministere de la Guerre : 

Correspondence, Minutes, etc., of the years 1667-1679 and 

Bibliotheque Nationale : 

Manuscrit francais 12618 Chansonnier dit de Maurepas, 

Vol. III. 
Manuscrit francais 12690 Chansonnier dit de Clairambault, 

Vol. V. 

Cabinet des Titres, Vol. 345 dossier bleu Hamilton. 
Cabinet des Titres, Pieces originales Vols. 162 and 1472. 

Bibliotheque Mazarine : 

Manuscrit 2298. Correspondance du Sieur Fumeron avec 
Louvois 1689-1691. 

Bibliotheque Sainte-Genevieve : 

Manuscrit 3208. L'aventure du Chevalier de Grammont. 




Abbotsford Club Publications. Letters and State Papers of the 

Reign of James VI, Edinburgh, 1838. 
Arlington, Henry Bennet, Earl of. Letters to Sir William 

Temple, 2 vols. London, 1701. 
Avaux, Comte de. Negotiations en Irlande. Privately printed, 


Berwick, Duke of. Me*moires. Collection Michaud et Poujoulat. 

Paris, 1839. 
Burnet, Gilbert. History of My Own Time. Part I. Reign of 

Charles II, ed. by O. Airy. 2 vols. Oxford, 1897-1900. ~ 

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Abbadie, Jacques, 115 

Abercorn branch of the Hamilton 
family settled in Ireland, i 

Aberdeen, Lord, see Gordon 

Achery, Dom Luc d', 237 n. i 

Ah. Quel Conte ! 234 . i, 255 

Aix-la-Chapelle, Treaty of, 42 

Albemarle, Duchess of, see Audebert 

Albemarle, Earl of, see Keppel 

Alboftede, 261 

Albret, Hotel de, 181 

Alegre, d', translator, 240 

Alincourt, Marquis de, 73 

Alsopp, Mr., the King's brewer, 14 

Altenheim, battle of, 59 

Amadis, der neue, 262 

Amadis romances, 172, 177, 244 n.2, 
249, 262 n. 3 

Ambassadors : entries of, 15; 
Austrian, see L'Isola ; Dutch, 55, 
66, see also Van Beuninghen ; 
English, in Paris, see Holies, 
Montagu, Sunderland (under 
Spencer) ; French, see Avaux, 
Barillon, Colbert de Croissy, Com- 
inges, Courtin, Ruvigny ' Mus- 
covite,' 215, 216, 263 n. i ; 
Spanish, 15, 66, see also Molina, 
Cond6 de Swedish, 1 5 

Amileton, Amilthon, Amilton, 93 
n. 5 

Amours de Gregoire VII, 196 

Amours des Dames illustres, 198 

Anecdotes de la Cour de France, 272 

Anne, Queen, 125, 284 

Anne d'Autriche, wife of Louis XIII, 

Antrim, see MacDonnell 

A rabian Nights, ridiculed by Hamil- 
ton, 233, 234, 241, 247-8, 250-2 
Galland's translation, 239, 240, 
241, 247 n. i, 250 n. 3, 251 n. 2 ; 
linked with Hamilton's tales, 246, 
2 5! 2 53 .' framework, 250 ; end- 
ing, 251 n. 2 ; satirised by Wai- 
pole, 259 ; Galland translated 
into German, 261 

Argyle, Earl of, see Campbell 

Arlaud, Jacques Antoine, painter, 

Arlington, see Bennet 

Arlo, see Arlaud 

Armancour, see Perrault 

Army, English : Catholics serving 
in, 29, 30, 32-3, 45 
Regiments : 5x11 DRAGOON 
28, 29, 31 

Army, French : English, Irish and 
Scottish regiments serving in, 
2 9-35 4 2 ~3 ; gi ve satisfaction, 
50; not recalled in 1674, 51 ; 
with Turenne, 53 ; Parliament 
desires recall, 55, 59-62 ; re- 
ported to have surrendered, 63 ; 
recruiting, 65 ; with Crequy, 66 ; 
officers to return from recruiting, 
66 recalled to England by Par- 
liament, 66-7 ; distrusted in 
France, 68 ; cashiered, except 


French officers in Ireland, dis- 
liked by Irish soldiers, 86-7 ; 
find the Irish unsatisfactory, 
92 M.I, 99, 100-101, 103, re- 
turn, 107 

French troops, sent to Ireland, 
85 arrive, 97, 99, return, 103 

Regiments, English : CHURCHILL, 
53, 54, 58 ; GENDARMES AN- 
GLAIS, 44, 45 ; raised, 29-32 ; 
departure for France, 32 ; uni- 
form, 34 n. 3, n. 5 ; satis- 
factory, 35 ; in Flanders, 63 ; 
sold, 63, 64 disbanded, 63 
n. 7 ; JONES, 42 and n. 2 ; 
42, 43, 53, 54, 58, 66, 68 ; 
horse, 42, 68, 80 

Regiments, French : ANJOU, 54 ; 
NONS, 34 n. 4 ; GENDARMES 




FLAMANDS, 34 n. 4 ; HAMIL- 
TON (second regiment, for- 
merly NAVAILLES), 70, 72 ; 

Regiments, Irish : DONGAN, see 
regiment), 6, 42, 93, 98 ; raised, 
43-5 ; articles of capitulation, 
43, 277 ; joins French army, 45 ; 
at Utrecht, 46 ; stationed at 
Zutphen, 47 ; difficulties, 47 ; 
recruits from the regiment de 
ROSCOMMON, 47 ; commended, 
48 ; with Turenne, 48 ; re- 
cruits raised in Ireland, 52 ; 
at Sinzheim, 53 ; at Enzheim, 
54 ; recruiting in Ireland, 55-7; 
with Turenne in 1675, 57 ; at 
Altenheim, 59 ; commended, 
59 n. 5 ; stationed in Toul, 62 ; 
recruiting in Ireland, 62 ; with 
Luxembourg's army, 63 ; at 
Saverne, 63 ; given to Dongan, 
64 ; known by his name, 65 ; 
recruits, 65 ; stationed at 
Vitry and St. Dizier, 66 ; 
criticized, 66 ; at Fribourg, 66 \ 
favoured while English and 
Scottish regiments are dis- 
trusted, 68 ; given to Richard 
Hamilton, 69 ; at Aix, 69 ; in 
Roussillon, 69 ; disbanded, 
69, 70. ROSCOMMON, 42, 43, 


Regiments, Scottish : DOUGLAS, 
30, 31,42, 53, 5 8, 60 n. 4, 66, 68; 


34 ; HEPBURN, 30 

Army, Irish: 76-8, 97, 100-1, 
1 06 ; soldiers dislike French 
officers in Ireland, 86, 87 ; Irish 
officers threatened by Rosen, 89 ; 
soldiers considered unsatisfactory 
by French, 92 n. i, 99, 100-1, 
103 ; brigade sent to France, 85, 
97, 98, 125 ; troops come with 
Sarsfield, 107 

Regiments : BOFIN, 288 ; BUT- 
LER, 79, 288 ; CLANCARTY, 
Earl of, 288 ; CLIFFORD 
(dragoons), 295 ; CREAGH, 288; 
DUNCAN (dragoons), 288, 294 ; 
FITZGERALD, Sir John (foot), 
288 ; FITZJAMES, Henry, 293, 
295 ; GALMOY (horse), 288 ; 
GRACE, 288, 293 ; HAMILTON, 

Anthony, 78,80,81 ; HAMILTON, 
John (formerly MOUNTJOY), 
85, 97 ; HAMILTON, Richard 
(dragoons), 74, 79, 80 ; HAMIL- 
TON, Richard (horse), 79, 80, 
8 1 ; LORD MAYOR, 293 ; LORD 
TRELL (horse), 288, 295 ; MAC- 
MAHON, 295 ; MOUNTJOY, 74, 
8 5. 93 ' NEWCOMEN, Sir 
Thomas, 74, 77 ; NUGENT, 293, 
295 ; O'NEAL, Gordon, 295 ; 
PURCELL (dragoons), 288 ; 
RUSSELL, 77 ; SLANEY (foot), 
295 ; SUTHERLAND (horse), 
295 ; TYRCONNEL, 74, 295 ; 
WESTMEATH (formerly Tool), 

Arnauld, Antoine, 120 
Arran, see Butler, Richard 
Artagnan, Comtesse d', 134 
Arthur, Marquise, 139 
Artois, Comte de (Charles X), 264 

M. 2 

Arundel, Henry, third Baron 

Arundel, 36 
Assigny, Henriette de Bordes d', 

204 n. i 
Astree, 233 

Athcncptim, The, quoted, 264 
Athlone, capture of, 107 
Audebert, Marie Gabrielle d', wife 

of Henry Fitzjames, Duke of 

Albcmarle, 134-5, 139 
Auffroy, d', General, 287 
Aughrim, battle of, 107 
Aulnoy, Marie, Comtesse d', 192, 

193 n. 3, and n. 6, 194, 195, 196 ; 

historical novels, 197 ; Memoires 

de la Cour d'Anglcterre, 199-202 ; 

fairy tales, 231, 233, 234 
Aumont, Louis Marie Victor, Due d', 

Auneuil, Madame d', writer, 231, 


Avaux, Comte, 92 n. i ; arrival, 
84 ; his advice useless, 84 ; 
blames Richard Hamilton, 85 ; 
begins negotiations for exchange 
of troops, 85 ; accuses Richard 
Hamilton of caballing against the 
French, 87 ; considers him unfit, 
88 ; doubts his loyalty, 91 ; 
criticizes Anthony Hamilton, 95 ; 
on the Hamiltons, 96 ; involved 
in intrigues, 96 ; to return to 
France, 97 ; to bring no Hamil- 
tons with the Irish brigade, 98 ; 
leaves Ireland, 98 



Avaux, Negotiations, 84*2.4. 277 

n. i 

Aventures d'Abdalla, fils d'Anif, 240 
Aylesbury, Lord, 81 

B., Mademoiselle, see Bulkeley, 

Bachaumont, Francois Le Coigneux 

de, 267 

Bachelier de Salamanque, Ic, 180 
Bagot, Mary, afterwards wife of 
Sir Charles Berkeley, Lady Fal- 
mouth, 210, 217 

Balzac, Jean Louis Guez de, 180 
Barbin, Claude, the publisher, 247 
Bardou, Mademoiselle, maid of 

honour, 218, 225 

Barillon, Paul d'Amoncourt, am- 
bassador, 67, 284 

Barnewall, Mary (Hamilton), Vis- 
countess Kingsland, 96, 300 
Barnewall, Nicholas, third Viscount 

Kingsland, 300 

Baudot de Juilly, Nicolas, 192, 195 
Bayle, Pierre, 175, 1 80, 184 ; on the 
new historical novels, 191, 192, 
195. 196 ' n Courtilz de Sandras, 
194; on Hattige, 200 n. i 
Beaujer, ,128 
Beaulieu, Dr., 298 
Beaulieu, Lord, of Ditton Park, 299 
Beaumarchais, Pierre Augustin 

Caron, de, 225 n. 5 
Beauvilliers, Duchesse de, daughter 

of Colbert, 115, 118 
Beckford, William, influenced by 
Anthony Hamilton, 257-8 ; his 
Vathek, 259 

Bedingfield, Elizabeth, afterwards 
wife of Thomas Wetenhall, men- 
tioned in the Memoirs, 28, 185, 
209, 213, 224 

Belier, le, 255, 260 ; written for 
Henrietta Bulkeley, 140, 163, 
232 n. 4 ; negligences, 171 n. 2 ; 
founded on a ' medieval docu- 
ment/ 172, 237 ; said to have 
furnished suggestions to Goethe, 
230 n. 2 ; date, 232 n. 4 ; satiri- 
cal intentions, 233, 237-8, 241, 
250 ; summary, 235-7 ; allusions 
238-9, 253 ; used by Wieland, 
261, 262 ; printed, 263 ; trans- 
lated, 264 ; manuscript copy,, 311 
Bellasis or Belasyse, Lord, 41 n. 3 
Belief onds, Marechal de, 37 
Bellegarde, Abbe, quoted, 239 
Bellenden, Miss, maid of honour, 

Bennet, Henry, first Earl of Arling- 
ton, 27, 31, 35, 44, 50, 109; in 
Madrid, 9, 10 ; ridiculed by 
Anthony Hamilton, 10, 211, 217, 
224^; displeased at James Hamil- 
ton's influence over Madame, 14 ; 
demands declaration of war at 
Madame's death, 37 ; traite 
simule, 38 . 3 ; incident with 
Gramont, 39 ; letter from 
Gramont, 40-1 ; on George 
Hamilton, 45 

Benserade, Isaac de, 172 n. 3, 177, 

Bentinck, William, Earl of Port- 
land, 127 

Bentley, Richard, bookseller, 201 w. 

Berger extravagant, 233 

Bergerac, Cyrano de, 255 

Berkeley, Charles, Lord Fitzhard- 
ing, afterwards Earl of Falmouth, 
and the Memoires de Grammont, 
21, 209, 213 n. i, 217 

Bernard, Catherine, writer, 192 

Berry, Charles, Due de, 140, 147 

Berry, Lieut. -Col. William, 94 

Bersot, Ernest, 183 

Berwick, Duchess of, see Bul- 
keley, Ann 

Berwick, Duke of, see Fitzjames, 

Bethune, siege of, 298 

Bibliotheque des Romans, 193 w. I 

Bidle, Mrs., 139 

Bignon, Jean Paul, Abbe, 240 

Biographical Memoirs of Extra- 
ordinary Painters, 258 

Blagge, Henrietta Maria, 185, 218 
n. i, 263 n. i 

Blagge, Margaret, afterwards Mrs. 
Godolphin, 218 . i 

Bofin, regiment, 288 

Bonn, Henry George, 218, 251 n. i 

Boileau-Despreaux, 180, 182 ; and 
Anthony Hamilton, 147, 148, 177, 
178, 202 ; influence on the French 
novel, 191 

Boislile, M. A. de, 17 n. 3, 22 n. 4, 
165 n. i 

Boisseleau, French officer in Ire- 
land, 100-1, 103 

Booth, Charles, groom of the Bed- 
chamber, 157, 296 

Bossuet, Jacques Benigne, 177, 182 

Boufflers, Louis Franois, Chevalier 
de, afterwards Due de, 59, 130 

Boufflers, Catherine Stanislas Jean, 
Chevalier de, 254 

Bougeant, Pere, 250 w. 2, 255, 257 



Bouillon, Cardinal de, (Emmanuel 

Theodose de la Tour d'Auvergne), 

129, 130 
Bouillon, Marie Anne Mancini, 

Madame de, 132 
Bouillons, the, 181 
Bourgogne, Louis, Due de. Dau- 
phin, 117, 156, 178, 234 
Bourgogne, Marie Adelaide, 

Duchesse de, 122, 254 
Bournonville, General, 53, 54 
Boursault, Edme, 193 n. 2 
Bouteville, Mademoiselle de (An- 

gelique de Montmorency), 206, 

Boyd, Marion, wife of James, first 

Earl of Abercorn, 2 
Boyd, Sir Thomas, i 
Boyer, Abel, translator of the 

Memoires de Grammont, 207 n. I. 

213 n. i, 227 

Boyle, Roger, Earl of Orrery, 57 
Boyne, Viscount, see Hamilton, 


Boyne, battle of the, 72, 99-102 
Brandenburg, Grand Elector of, 48 
Brantome, Pierre de Bourdeille, de, 

198, 209 

Br6mond, Gabriel de, 194, 200-201 n . 
Brice, Dom Gregorio, 187, 224 
Brinon, attendant of the chevalier 

de Gramont, 186, 209, 224 
Brisacier, Marquis de, 185 
Brook, Margaret, afterwards Lady 

Denham, 213, 216, 218 
Brounker, Henry, third Viscount, 

218, 219 
Browne, Frances, wife of Sir John 

Reresby, 21 n. 2 
Brunetidre, Ferdinand, 249 . i 
Buchan, Thomas, Major-Gen., 294, 

Buckingham, Duke of, see Villiers, 

Buckinghamshire, Duchess of, sec 

Darnley, Lady Catherine 
Bulkeley, Ann, Duchess of Berwick, 

139, 140, 179, 204, 267, 310; 

Hamilton describes her life in her 

husband's absence, 141-4 
Bulkeley, Charlotte, Viscountess 

Clare, I38n. 2, 139, 140, 146, 

162 n. 3, 204 
Bulkeley, Henrietta, 133, 138*1. 2, 

139, 142, 178, 204, 232 n. 4, 239 ; 

Hamilton writes verses with her, 

140 ; relations with Anthony 

Hamilton, 144 6 ; his letters to 

her, 268 

Bulkeley, Laura, 139, 140, 141, 204 

Bulkeley, Lady Sophia, 139, 141, 
204, 213 

Burgh, Anne de, Lady Clanricarde, 

Burgh, Ulick de, fifth Earl of 
Clanricarde, 9 

Burnet, Gilbert, Bishop, 81, 101, 
213, 217; History of his Own 
Times, 221 

Burton, , an engineer, 292 

Burton, Sir Richard Francis, 241 

Bussy-Rabutin, Roger, Comte de, 
Son. 2, 70*1.7, ii in. 5, 115, 
203, 205 ; on Gramont, 151 ; 
Hamilton is of his school, 197-8 

Butler, Miss, at St. Germain, cousin 
of the Hamiltons, 1 38 n. 2 

Butler, Dorothy, Countess of Arran, 

Butler, Elizabeth, Duchess of Or- 
monde, 6, 7, 49 

Butler, Elizabeth, Lady Thurles, 7 

Butler, Elizabeth, wife of Lord 
Chesterfield, mentioned in the 
Memoires. 209, 213, 215, 216, 219 

Butler, Emilia de Beverwaert, 
Countess of Ossory, 307 

Butler, James, first Duke of Or- 
monde, 3, 4, 5 and n. 2, 12, 109, 
113, 172 ; at Caen, 7 ; kindness 
to relatives, 8 ; hides in Lady 
Hamilton's apartments, 10 ; 
friend of James Hamilton, 15, 16, 
1 7 ; kindness to Anthony Hamil- 
ton, 7 1 ; figures in the Memoires 
de la Cour d'Angleterre, 201 ; 
mentioned in Hamilton's 
Memoires, 216, 305, 306; letter 
from Gramont, 283 

Butler, Lord John, 44, 79 

Butler, the Hon. Mary, see Hamil- 
ton, Lady Mary 

Butler, Pierce, Viscount Galmoy, 
108, 155 n. 2 

Butler, Richard, Earl of Arran, 8, 
24, 71, 80, 8 1, 20 1 ; mentioned in 
Hamilton's Memoires. 13, 209, 
213, 217, 307 

Butler, Richard, of St. Germain, 
cousin of the Hamiltons, 165 

Butler, Thomas, Earl of Ossory, 8, 

Butler, regiment, 79, 288 

Butlers, the, 104, 124 

Byng, Admiral, 256 

Byron, Lord, 218, 260 

Cabal Ministry, 36, 50 


Cambridge History of English Litera- 
ture, 22 n. 4, 190, 218 n. i 

Cameran, M. de, 209, 222, 303 

Campana de Cavelli, Marchesa, 

Campbell, Archibald, ninth Earl of 
Argyle, 75 

Campistron, Jean Galbert de, 
dramatist, 132, 269 

Candide, 256 

Capel, Arthur, Earl of Essex, Lord 
Lieutenant of Ireland, to permit 
George Hamilton to raise re- 
cruits, 52 ; again to facilitate 
raising of recruits, 56 ; obliged 
to take steps against, 57, 282 ; to 
allow recruiting, 65 

Carignan, Prince Thomas de, 18 n. i 

Carnegie, Anne, Lady Southesk, 
187, 213 

Carnegie, Robert, Earl of Southesk, 

Carol, , Jacobite officer in Ire- 
land, 106 n. 2 

Carte, Thomas, quoted, 4 

Caryll, John, titular Baron Caryll, 

134, 138 

Caryll, John, the younger, 139 
Casaubon, Isaac de, 172 n. i 
Cassandre, 177, 233 
Castlemaine, Lady, see Villiers, 

Cat heart, Captain, Orange officer, 


Catherine of Braganza, wife of 
Charles II, 284 ; mentioned in 
Hamilton's Memoires, 183, 209, 
213, 217, 215 n. 4, 223, 306-9 

Catholics, see Roman Catholics 

Cavendish, William, first Duke of 
Devonshire, 200 . i, 201 

Cavoie, Louis d'Oger, Marquis de, 

III, 120 

Cayet, Pierre Victor Palma, 229 
Caylus, Anne Claude Philippe, 
Comte de, and the fairy tale, 231, 
234, 235, 239 n. 6, 240 n. 4, 255, 


Caylus, Marthe Marguerite, Com- 
tesse de, 181, 209 ; on Madame 
de Gramont, 114, 116 ; her con- 
version, 118 n. i ; relations with 
Hamilton, 130, 147, 178 ; her 
portraits, 224 

Cerise, M., the host, 209, 224 

Certain, Marie Francoise, harpsi- 
chord player, 132 

Cervantes, 232 

Challes, Gregoire de, 192 

Chamfort, Nicolas Sebastien Roch 
de, 226 

Chamillart, Michel, n8n. 4, 156, 
2 53 

Champagnac, J. B., 265 

Chapelle, Claude Emmanuel Luil- 
lier, 267 

Charlanne, M. Louis, 211 

Charles II, 74, 300^.2, 131, 199, 
210, 212 ; in France, 8-10 > re- 
wards Sir George Hamilton, 12 ; 
favours James Hamilton, 14 ; is 
led by a few intimates, according 
to Pepys, 14 ; attitude to prece- 
dence of ambassadors, 15, 16 ; 
likes Gramont, 20 ; tries to find 
him a wife, 21, 22 ; wedding 
present, 24 ; Lady Castlemaine's 
conversion, 24 n. i ; recom- 
mends the Gramonts to Madame, 
25 ; asks that they may be 
lodged in her palace, 26 ; letters 
to Madame, 14 n. 3, 21, 22 n. i, 
25 and n. 3, 300 n. 2 ; attitude to 
Catholicism, 29 ; to men entering 
French service, 30-2 ; pension 
to George Hamilton, 35 ; Triple 
Alliance, 35 ; Treaty of Dover, 
36, 42 ; present to Gramont, 36 ; 
Gramont's estimate of him, 39 ; 
considered to be in Gramont's 
debt, 40, 41 ; asks Louis XIV 
to be relieved of obligations, 43 ; 
authorizes raising of the regiment 
d'Hamilton, 43-5 ; compelled to 
peace with United Provinces, 5 1 ; 
but does not withdraw regiments 
from French army, 51 ; directs 
Essex to let Geoipfe Hamilton 
raise recruits, 52 ; again 
authorizes recruiting, 5 5 ; evades 
recall of regiments in France, 
60-2 ; defensive agreement with 
Louis XIV, 62 ; treats Gramont 
as Duke Mazarin's envoy, 62 ; 
regrets George Hamilton's death, 
63 ; desires regiment to be given 
to Lieut. -Col. Dongan, 64 ; had 
wanted G. Hamilton's wife to be 
Dame du Palais, 64 n. 5 ; titles 
for Lady Hamilton, 65 ; char- 
acteristic reply to Courtin, 65 ; 
directs Essex to allow recruiting, 
65 ; forced to recall regiments 
from France, 67 ; displeased at 
their dismissal, 68 ; writes in 
favour of Richard Hamilton, 71 ; 
considered to have wronged the 
Hamiltons, 109 ; mentioned in 



Hamilton's Memoires, 186, 190, 
198 n. 4, 202, 203, 209, 213, 214 
n. i, 216-19, 221, 223, 227 . i, 
307-9 ; hero of Br6mond's Hat- 
tie e, 200 and n. i ; his court 
described in various memoirs, 22 1 

Charles VII of France, 33 

Charron, Pierre, 179, 180 

Chateaubriand, Francois Rene, 
Vicomte de, 259 

Chatelicr, Mademoiselle du, 180 

Chatenay, ffete de, 134-6, 268 

Chaulieu, Guillaume Amfrye, Ably- 
de, 139, 140, 161. 202, 270; 
at the Temple and Sceaux, 131-3, 
1 80, 182 ; in Bulwer Lytton's 
Devereux, 184 

Chesterfield, Lord, see Stanhope 

Chesterfield, Lady, see Butler, 

Chevalier de St. George, see James 
Francis Edward Stuart 

Chevalier franfais a Londres, It, 225 

Chevalier franfais a Turin, le t 22$ 

Chevrcusc, Jeanne Marie, Duchesse 
de, daughter of Colbert. 115, 118 

Chichester, Sir Arthur, Lord Deputy 
of Ireland, 2 

Churchill, Arabella, mentioned in 
the Memoires, 161, 204. 209, 213 

Churchill, John, first Duke of Marl- 
borough, 157; presented to 
Louis XIV, 26 ; at Enzheim, 54 ; 
joins William of Orange, 80 ; on 
the Chevalier de St. George, 
1 56 ; figures in Hattize, 200 . i ; 
in Hamilton's Memoires, 204, 215, 
227 n. i 

Churchill, Sarah, Duchess of Marl- 
borough, 28 

Churchill, regiment, 53, 54, 58 

Citizen of the World, 257 

Clancarty, Earl of (first creation), 
see MacCarthy, Donogh 

Clancarty, Earl of (second creation), 
see Trench 

Clancarty, regiment, 288 

Clanricarde, see Burgh 

Clare, Viscount, see O'Brien 

Clarendon, see Hyde 

CUlie. 174 

Clement XI, Pope, 158 

Cleodate, 48 

Cleveland, Duchess of, sec Villiers, 

Clifford, Thomas, first Baron Clif- 
ford, letter to, 46 n. 3 

Clifford's Dragoons, 295 

Coaslin, Due de, 1 34 

Colbert, Charles, Marquis de 
Croissy, ambassador, 51, 2 1 <> ; 
on Buckingham, 37 ; incident 
with Gramont, 38-41 

Colbert, Jean Baptiste, lives of, 192, 


Colbert, Jean Baptiste, Marquis de 
Seignelay, 89, 1 1 1 

Colbert, Jean Baptiste, Marquis de 
Torcy, and Richard Hamilton's 
dismissal, 159, 160 

Colepeper, Elizabeth, wife of James 
Hamilton, 16, 17, 50 

Colepeper, Sir John, 16 

Coligny, Gaspard IV de, 206 

Colvill, Sir Robert. 82 

Cominges, Gaston Jean Baptiste de, 
ambassador, resents James Ham* 
ilton's interference in French 
affairs, 15-16 ; on the animosity 
roused by the question of Holies' 
entry, 15 ; on Gramont, 19, 20, 
24 n. i ; on Elizabeth Hamilton, 
21 n. 3, 22 ; his letters, 22 n. 2, 


Conant, Dr. Martha, 257 

Conde, le grand, 50, 178, 226; 
Gramont his ecuyer, 18 and n. 2 ; 
Gramont aids him in the abduc- 
tion of Mile de Bouteville, 206 ; 
complains of the Gendarmes 
Anglais, 35 n. i ; crosses the 
Rhine, 45, 46 n. 3 ; at Utrecht, 
48 ; at Seneffe, 53 ; campaign of 
1675, 57 ; commands Turenne's 
army, 59 ; retires, 62 ; ridiculed 
by St. Evremond, 1 76 ; men- 
tioned in Hamilton's Memoires, 
1 86, 187, 209, 304 

Condc, Louis Henri de Bourbon. 
Prince de, grandson of the above, 
130, 134, 135 

Conner, Col., 80 

Contes de ma Mere FOye, 231 

Contes Moraux. 260 

Conti, Armand de Bourbon, Prince 
de, 206 

Conti, Marie Anne de Bourbon, 
Princesse de, 72, 73, 239, 254 

Conversation du Marechal d'Hoc- 
quincourt, 1 76 

Cornbury, Lord, see Hyde 

Corneille, Pierre, 48, 175 

Cornwallis, Charles, third Lord. 

Coulanges, Madame de, 231 n. 3 

Coulanges, Philippe Emmanuel de, 
130, 148, 161, 203 

Courdimanche, M. le cure de, 310-1 1 



Courtin, Honore, ambassador, urged 
by Charles IT to procure pension 
for George Hamilton's widow, 
64 ; on English etiquette, 65 
n. i ; asks Charles II to authorize 
recruiting, 65 ; on Gramont, 

212 M. 2 

Cousin, Victor, 239 
Creagh, regiment, 288 
Crebillon, Claude Prosper Jolyot de 

(Crebillon fils), 234, 255 ; trans- 
lations of his tales, 257 ; his 
Schah Baham, 259 ; admired 
by Wieland, 261 ; story of 
Hamilton's papers, 264 . 2 

Crequy, Marcchal de, 66 

Cromwell, Oliver, campaign in 
Ireland, 5 ; regard for Ormonde 
and Sir George Hamilton, 6 ; 
Gramont visits England in his 
lifetime, 19 ; portrait by Hamil- 
ton, 211 

Crosby, ,128 

Culpeper, sec Colepeper 

Cunningham, Peter, his Story of 
Nell Gwyn, 25 n. 3, 167 n. 5, 212, 

213 n. i 

Dalrymple, Sir John, 101, 212, 300 
n. 2 

Daly, Dennis, Judge, 106 

Damnable Life and Deserved Death 
of Dr. John Faustus, 229 

Danby, see Osborne 

Danemark, Prince de, George, hus- 
band of Queen Anne, 284 

Danemark, Princesse de, see Anne 

Dangeau, Marquis de, 80, 107, 113, 
118, 140, 147, 155, 165 ; sent to 
convert Gramont, 149, 150; 
credited with St. Simon's sayings, 
153 n. i ; writes about the exiled 
court, 268 

Darnley, Lady Catherine, Duchess 
of Buckinghamshire, 160 

Dauphin, the (Louis, son of Louis 
XIV), 71, 132, 155 n. i 

Dauphine, the (Marie Anne Chris- 
tine), 71, 113, 166 

De la Verite de la Religion Chre- 
tienne, 115 

Decameron, the, 218 

Delorme, Marion, 19 n. i, 223 n. i 

Dempsey, Col., 82 

Denham, Sir John, 214 

Denham, Lady, see Brook 

Derry, see Londonderry 

Deshoulidres, Madame, 181 

Despreaux, see Boileau 

Devereux, Robert, second Earl of 
Essex, 171 n. 2, 229 

Devereux, 141 

Diable Boiteux, 223 

Dicconson, William, 142, 143 

Dictionary of National Biography, 
22 n. 4, 70 

Diderot, Denis, 179, 234 

Dillon, James, first Earl of Ros- 
common, 5 

Dillon, Frances (Hamilton), Vis- 
countess, 96 

Dillon, Wentworth, fourth Earl of 
Roscommon, 42 ; his regiment, 

43. 47 

Dillons, the, 104, 124 

Disraeli, Benjamin, Lord Beacons- 
field, satirical tales, 260, 261 

Divertissemens de Seaux, 162 n. 3, 
272 n. 3 

Dobson,Mr.Austin,22i n. 2,270%. 3 

Don des Fees, 234 

Don Quixote, 177 

Don Sylvio von Rosalva, 262 

Done, Major, 82 

Dongan, or Dungan, Thomas, 
second Earl of Limerick, Lieut. - 
Col. in the regiment d'Hamilton, 
47 ; the regiment given to him, 
64, 109 ; raises recruits, 65 ; 
again in Ireland, but recalled to 
France, 66 ; dismissed, 69 

Dongan, or Dungan, Lord Walter, 
100, 101 

Dongan, or Dungan, William, first 
Earl of Limerick, 47 n. 5, 86 

Dorat, Claude Joseph, 225 

Dorrington, General, 107, 155 w. 2 

Dorset Lord, see Sackville, Charles 

Douglas, Lord George, Earl of 
Dumbarton, his regiment returns 
to France, 30, 42 ; difficulties in 
raising recruits, 65, 66 ; accom- 
panies James II to Rochester, 81 

Douglas, regiment de, 30, 31, 4 2 . 53. 
58, 60, 66, 68 

Dover, Lord, see Jermyn 

Dover, Treaty of, 36, 37, 4 2 

Dreux, Comtesse de, 134 

Drummond, James, fourth Earl and 
first Duke of Perth, governor to 
the ' Prince of Wales,' 124 ; ex- 
pedition of 1708, 155 ; death, 161 

Drummond, Jean (Gordon), ' Coun- 
tess ' Drummond, wife of James, 
second Duke of Perth, 139, MO 

Drummond, John, Earl of Melfort 
22 n 4, 84 ; letters to Richard 
Hamilton, 88, 90, 91 I written for 



James II to Hamilton, 285-95 ; 
condemns Rosen, 90 ; on the 
Hamiltons, 95 ; intrigues, 96 ; 
retires to France, 96 ; blames the 
Hamiltons, 97 ; position at St. 
Germain, 124 ; heads the ' non- 

compounders,' 128 ; his daugh- 
ters, 139 
Drummond, Mary (Gordon), wife of 

James, fourth Earl of Perth, 139 
Dryden, age of, 190 ; translation of 

Ovid, 215 
Dschinnistan, 261 
Dublin, Parliament of, 93 
Du Channel, Comte de, in, 115, 

1 20 

Duclos, Charles Pineau, 148 
Du Deffand, Marie de Vichi Cham- 

rond, Marquise, 174; on the 

Memoires, 222 ; on Cr6billon and 

Hamilton, 255 

Du Fosse, Pierre Thomas, 120 
Dulon, Jacques, 165 n. 1 
Du Lude, Duchesse, 115 
Du Maine, Louis Auguste de 

Bourbon, Due, 133, 135, 208 n. 2 
Du Maine, Louise Bcnedicte de 

Bourbon-Cond6, Duchesse, 130, 

270; her society, 132-7. 181 ; 

preciosite, 132; dislikes fairy 

tales, 232 

Dumas, Alexandre, pre, 192 
Dumbarton, Earl of, see Douglas 
Dungan, see Dongan 
Dungan's dragoons, 288, 394 
Du Resnel, Abbe, 271 
Durand-B6dacier, Madame, writer, 

Durfort, Jacques Henri de, Mar6- 

chal de Lorges, 54, 58, 59 

Eccardt, John Giles, painter, 300 

Ecole des Femmes, 174 

Efl&at, Antoine Ruz, Marquis d', 

Elbeuf, Due d', 58 

Elizabeth, Queen of England, 171 
n. 2, 229, 230 

Ellis, Sir William, 82 

Emperor, the, sec Leopold 

Enchanteur Faustus, written for 
Margaret Hamilton, 1 39 ; negli- 
gences, 171 . 2 ; said to be from 
Memoirs of Sir Philip Sidney, 1 72; 
discussed, 229-30 ; furnished 
suggestions to Goethe, 230 ; 
printed, 263 ; translated, 264 

Encyclopedia Britannic a, article 
Hamilton, 167 n. 5 

Encyclopedic, 235 

Enghien, Due de, see Cond6 

Enghien, Mademoiselle de (Marie 
Anne de Bourbon-Conde), 134 

English regiments in France, see 
Army, French 

Enniskillen, defence of, 81, 92-5 

Entries of Ambassadors, 1 5 s^. 

Entzheim, battle of, 54 

Esmond, 157 n. 4 

Essav on Criticism, translation, 148, 
266, 271 

Essex, Lord, favourite of Queen 
Elizabeth, see Devereux 

Essex, Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, 
see Capel 

Evelyn, John, 28, 33 n. 2, 41 n. 3, 
65, 190, 218 n. i ; confirms Ham- 
ilton in the main, 213; Diary, 
219, 221 

Exilez de la Cour d' Auguste, les, 
191 n. 2 

F., Countess, 139, 140 

Fagon, Gui Crescent, surgeon, 298 

Fairy Tales in France, 231-5 

Fal mouth, Earl of, see Berkeley 

Falmouth, Lady, see Bagot 

Famechon, French officer in Ire- 
land, 100 

Faust, 230 

Federn, Dr. Karl, 212 

Felix de Tassy, Charles Francois, 
surgeon-in-chief, 122, 123 

Fenelon, Francois de Salignac de 
La Mothe, 184, 203 ; Madame 
de Gramont's director, 109, no. 
116-19, 121 ', onGramont. 150-1; 
preciosite, 180-1 ; Tettmaque, 
203, 232, 234 

Feuquidres, Abbe de, 150 n. 5 

Fiesque, Madame de, 1891.5, 19 
n. i 

Fimarcon, M. de, 134 

Fire, the Great, 29 ; ignored by 
Hamilton, 33. 210 

Fitzgerald, Sir John, 76 ; his 
regiment, 288 

Fitzjames. Henry, Duke of Albe- 
marle, the Grand Prior, his regi- 
ment, 293, 295 

Fitzjames, James, first Duke of 
Berwick, 32 n. 6, 107 n. 2, 138 
w. 2, 178, 204, 267, 297 ; thinks 
Deny will surrender, 86 ; near 
Enniskillen, 93, 292, 293 ; to be 
informed of Mountcashel's de- 
feat, 294, 295 ; supposed to 
govern James, 96 ; and to be 



governed by the Hamiltons, 96 
at the Boyne, 100, 101 ; Com- 
mander-in-Chief, 103 ; his coun- 
sellors, 104 ; at Limerick, 105 
departure for France, 106 enter- 
tains Anthony Hamilton, 130, 
and n. 2 ; his second wife, 139 ; 
his correspondence with Hamil- 
ton, 141-4, 268 ; on Richard 
Hamilton, 159, 160 ; on Anthony 
Hamilton, 161 ; appointed 
governor of Guyenne, 161 
Fitzjames, James, second Duke of 

Berwick, 1 30 n. 2 
Flechier, Esprit, 180, 181, 186 
Fleur d'Epine, 163, 230*1.2, 255 ; 
written for a lady, 140 ; negli- 
gences, 171 n. 2 ; satirical inten- 
tions, 241, 247-9, 2 5i. 2 54 and 
n. 2 ; date, 242 ; summary, 
243-4 ; character of Fleur d' 
Epine, 249-50 ; allusions, 253-4 ; 
influence on Wieland, 263 ; 
printed, 263 ; translated, 264 ; 
dramatized, 225 n. 5 
Fontaines, Madame de, writer, 

Fontenelle, Bernard le Bovier de, 
133, 270 ; publication of the 
Memoires de Grammont, 148-9 ; 
preciosite, 180, 181 ; his anec- 
dote about Hamilton's papers, 
264 n. 2 

Forbin, Claude de, 155, 156 

Ford, Matthew, of Coolgreny, 3, 

Forde, Mr., of Seaforde, 299, 300 

Fox, Sir Stephen, 204 

France, M. Anatole, 246 n. I 

France Galante, 198 

Francion, 241 n. 3 

French officers and troops sent to 
Ireland, see Army, French 

Furetidre, Antoine, 237 

Galland, Antoine, translation of 
Arabian Nights, 239-42, passim, 
247, 250 n. 3, 251 n. 2 ; trans- 
lated into German, 261 

Galmoy, see Butler, Pierce 

Galmoy's horse, 288 

Galmoys, the, 124 

Gamman, Dr., 298 

Gargantua and Pantagruel, 218 

Gaultier, Abbe, French envoy, and 
Richard Hamilton's dismissal, 

158, IS9 

Gazette de France, 66, 266 
Gendarmes, Anglais, Bourguignons, 

Ecossais, Flamands, see Army, 
Genest, Charles Claude, Abbe, 133, 

138, 139, 269 
' Genre mixte/ 267, 268 
Gentleman's Magazine, 257 
George I, 271 
George IV, 260 
Gerard, Charles, Earl of Maccles- 

field, 307 

Gessner, Salomon, 262 
Gil Bias, 1 80, 191, 218 n. 2 
Gilbert, Mr. George David, 199 
Ginkel, Godert de, Earl of Athlone, 


Girardin, see Lery 
Gloucester, Duke of, see Henry 
Godeau, Antoine, 181 
Godolphin, Sidney, 46 n. 3 
Godolphin, Mrs. Margaret, see 


Goethe, his Faust, 230 
Goldsmith, Oliver, 257, 259 
Gomez, Madame de, writer, 192 
Goodwin, Mr. Gordon, 212 
Gordon, Sir Arthur Hamilton, after- 
wards Lord Stanmore, 84 n. 4 
Gordon, George Hamilton, fourth 

Earl of Aberdeen, 84 n. 4 
Gordon, Lady Jean, wife of Claud 

Hamilton, 4 

Grace, regiment, 288, 293 
Grammont (where there is no refer- 
ence to the Memoires), Grand- 
mont, see Gramont 
Grammont, Memoires de, see M6m- 

oires de Grammont 
Gramont, Antoine, Marechal de, 

25, 40 

Gramont, Armand, Comte de 
Guiche, 45, 280 ; relations with 
Madame, 25, 26, 197 

Gramont, Claude Charlotte, after- 
wards Lady Stafford, 25 n. i, 
H2 a. 2, 113, n6ft. 5, 140, 271 
n. 3 ; life, 166-8 

Gramont, Elisabeth, Comtesse de, 
see Hamilton, Elizabeth 

Gramont, Marie Elisabeth, Abbess 
of Poussay, 25 n. i, 112 n. 2, 113 
andn. 3, 119, 130, 160, 162, 166-8 

Gramont, Philibert, Chevalier, after- 
wards Comte de, 16, 50 n. 2, 109, 
147, 162 . 3, 185-7, 2 39, 253; 
life before his exile to England, 
17-19 I relations with Louis XIV, 
18 n. 3, 19, 35, 39, 40, 122, 1 50-3 ; 
exiled to England, 19 popu- 
larity, 20 ; marriage, 21-4; visits 



France, 24 ; birth of son, 25 ; 
return to France, 25 ; disliked 
by Monsieur, 26 ; presents 
Churchill to Louis XIV, 26 ; 
partisan of the English, 27 ; 
accompanies Madame to Dover, 
36 ; accompanies Buckingham 
to Paris and back as his ' gou- 
verneur,' 37-40 ; on Charles II, 
39 ; letter to Arlington desiring 
Charles's assistance, 40, 41 ; re- 
turns to England, 41 ; with the 
French army, 45, 46 and n. I ', 
visit to England, 62 ; contempt 
for Louvois, 7091.7, 15291.1; 
in England with secret instruc- 
tions, 79, 80, 284, 285 ; retort to 
Madame de Soissons, 1 10 ; hates 
all ministers, in n. 4 ; wasteful, 
112 n. 2; despised by St. -Simon, 
113; had lost money in England, 
11391.3; ill health, 1 1 8 ; ques- 
tioned on the Auaustinus. 122 ; 
finds Pontalie costly, 123 ; liked 
by Mary of Modena. 129 ; 
Anthony Hamilton writes for him 
140, 147 ; his religion, 149 ; 
death, 1 50 ; character, 1 50-3 ; 
described by Lord Stafford, 167 ; 
links Hamilton to St.-Evremond, 
175-7 ; letter to Ormonde, 283 ; 
letters, 283 n. i ; portrait, 300 ; 
hero of the Memoires de Gram- 
mont, [q.v.1, 202-27, 302-10 
Grand Cyrus, le, 174, 232, 233, 239 
Grand Dictionnaire des Precieuses, 

18. 173 
Cresset, Jean Baptiste Louis, 265, 

Grignan, Francois Adh6mar de 

Monteil, Comte de, 69 
Grignan, Fran9oise Marguerite de 

Sevign6, 148 
Grimm, Friedrich Melchior, 264 n. 

2. 266 

Gueullette, Thomas Simon, 240 
Guiche, see Gramont, Armand, 
Guirlande de Julie, 173 
Guizot, Francois Pierre Guillaume, 

his copy of Avaux, 84 n. 4 
Gulistan, 240 
Gulliver's Travels, 260 
Gwyn, Nell, 186, 201, 214 
Gwynn, Mr. Stephen, 220 N.I, 

268 n. 2 

Habit du Chevalier de Grammont, /', 

Hallam, Henry, 188 

Hamilton, Anthony, ancestry, 1-2 ; 
birth, i, 4, 7 ; parentage, 2-3 ; 
brothers and sisters, 3 ; goes to 
France, 5 ; in France, 7 ; educa- 
tion, 8 ; remembers rejoicings at 
King's return, 1 1 ; mentions his 
brothers in the Mtmoires, 13, 17 ; 
like Elizabeth in character, 13, 
117; influenced by Saint-Evre- 
mond, 19, see also 174-7; his 
reason for Gramont's popularity, 
20 ; goes to France, 32 ; act of 
gallantry, 44 ; serves in the 
regiment d'Hamilton, 44, 47, 49 ; 
raises recruits in Ireland, 52 ; 
wounded at Enzheim, 54 ; in 
England, 55 ; unsuccessful in 
raising recruits, 56-7 ; with 
Turenne in 1675, 57 ; possibly in 
Toul, 62 ; possibly left regiment 
when given to Dongan, 65, 66 ; 
established in Ireland, 71 ; less of 
a courtier than Richard, 72 ; 
Lieut.-Col. in Sir Thomas New- 
comen's regiment, 74 ; royal 
bounty, 74 ; Governor of 
Limerick, 75 ; liked by Claren- 
don, 76-7 ; questions Tyrconnel's 
reforms, 76 ; in England, 77 ; 
colonel and Privy Councillor, 78 ; 
accompanies Tyrconnel, 79 ; his 
regiment brought to England, 
80 ; disbanded, 8 1 ; brigadier. 
84 ; liked by Tyrconnel, 85 ; 
sent against Enniskillcn, 92 ; 
major-general, 93 ; flight at 
Lisnaskca and Newton Butler, 
94, 95 ; court-martialled, 96 ; 
in Dublin, 97 ; receives French 
troops at Cork, 99 ; at the 
Boyne, 100-102 ; at Limerick, 
102 ; sent to France, 103 ; 
blamed by the Luttrells, 105 ; 
outlawed, 106 ; lives at Saint- 
Germain, 1 24 ; describes exiled 
court, 126-7, 128 ; dislikes piety, 
127 ; French friends, 1303 ; 
describes fete de Chatenay, 134-5; 
writes for Madame du Maine, 
1 36 ; exchanges compliments 
with Malezieu, 137 ; friends at 
Saint -Germain, 138-40; relations 
with the Royal Family, 140 ; 
with the Bulkeleys and Berwicks, 
141-6 ; becomes known as 
writer, 147-8 ; not in the ex- 
pedition of 1708, 155 ; age and 
infirmities, 161 ; last letter to 
Berwick, 161 ; writes rarely, 162; 



described by Saint -Simon, 163 ; 
latter day piety, 163-4 ; death, 
165 ; character, 1656 ; por- 
traits, 33, 165, 299, 300 ; title, 
32 n. 6 ; nieces, 166-8 ; copy of 
a letter to Ruvigny, 281-2 ; un- 
published poem, 310-311 ; MS. 
copies of works and letters, 311 
12 ; not a professional writer, 
171 ; characteristics, 172 ; 
English origin, 172-3 ; literary 
position, 173-4; influenced by 
Saint - Evremond, 19, 174-7 ; 
literary background, 178 ; in- 
fluenced by Voiture, 178-9 ; 
connexion with Sceaux and the 
Temple, 181-2 ; attitude to 
preciosite, 182 ; scepticism, 183 ; 
irony, 184; vocabulary and 
style, 184-9 ; Epttre a Monsieur 
le Comte de Grammont, 148, 202, 
267 ; Memoir es de Grammont 
[q.v.], 190-227 ; Zeneyde [q.v.], 
228-9 ' L'Enchanteur Faustus 
[q.v.], 229-30 ; Fairy tales and 
Oriental tales, spirit of, 183 ; 
style, 1 88 ; translations, 257, 
264 ; influence, 254-61 ; on 
Wieland, 261-3 ' printed, 263 ; 
Le Belier [q.v.], 235-9 ; Fleur 
d'Epine [q.v.], 241-4, 247-54 ; 
Les Quatre Facardins [q.v.], 
244-54 ; La Pyr amide et le 
Cheval d'Or (q.v!] 254 ; minor 
works, 266-72 ; letters, 167, 268 ; 
various Relations, 130*1.4, 176, 
259, 266, 267 ; poems, 269, 270 ; 
translation of Essay on Criticism, 
271 ; Reflexions, 164 ; Del' Usage 
de la Vie dans la Vieillesse, 

Hamilton, Sir Claud, brother of 
James, first Earl of Abercorn, 

If 2 

Hamilton, Claud, fourth Earl of 
Abercorn, 93 

Hamilton, Claud, Baron Paisley, 2 

Hamilton, Claud, second Lord 
Strabane, son of James, first 
Earl, 4, 93 n. 2 

Hamilton, Elizabeth, Comtesse de 
Gramont, Anthony Hamilton's 
sister, 12 n. 4, 64, 72, 144, 147, 
155, 162 n. 3, 163, 173, 180, 184, 
239 ; birth, 3 ; sent to Port 
Royal, 8 ; like Anthony in 
character, 13, 117; courted by 
Gramont and others, 20, 21 ; 
marriage, 21-4 ; children, 25 and 

n. i ; goes to France, 25 ; ad- 
mitted to Madame's intimacy, 
25, 40 ; acts for de Guiche, 25-6 ; 
dame du palais, 26 ; English 
visitors, 26 ; exerts herself for 
her brothers, 35, 50, 70, 109 ; 
accompanies Madame to Dover, 
36 ; reconciles Gramont and 
Buckingham, 40 ; grief at James 
Hamilton's death, 50 ; quarrel 
with Louvois, 70 ; visit from 
Richard, 108 ; had obtained his 
release, 109 ; accuses James II 
of indifference, 1 10 ; her pride, 
no ; friendships, in ; liked by 
Louis XIV, 112-15 ; mentioned 
in connexion with the Affaire des 
Poisons, 112; character by St. 
Simon, 113, 114; disliked by 
Madame de Maintenon, 114; 
conversion, 115, 116 ; is aided by 
Fenelon, 117, 118 ; relations with 
Port Royal, 118-22 ; temporary 
disgrace, 121; restored to favour, 
122 ; gift from Louis XIV, 122-3 ; 
liked by Mary of Modena, 
1 29 ; English court visits Pontalie, 
140 ; tries to convert her hus- 
band, 149 ; his death, 150 ; her 
relations with him, 153 ; ill- 
health and death, 1 54, 296 ; 
portraits, 300 ; figures in the 
Memoir es, 21, 183, 185, 209, 
215-18,224, 305-6, 310 

Hamilton, Elizabeth, wife of James 
Hamilton, see Colepeper 

Hamilton, Elizabeth, Viscountess 
Ross, daughter of George Hamil- 
ton, 96, 113 

Hamilton, Frances, Viscountess 
Dillon, daughter of George Hamil- 
ton, 96 

Hamilton, Sir George, the elder, 
brother of James, first Earl of 
Abercorn, 1-4, passim 

Hamilton, Sir George, father of 
Anthony Hamilton, his father's 
death, 2 ; marriage and children, 

3 ; title, 3 andn. 5 ; character, 

4 ; life during Irish Rebellion 
4 sq. ', silver mines, 4, 7, 12 
governor of Nenagh Castle, 4 
Receiver-General of Revenues of 
Ireland, 5 ; takes family to 
France, 5 ; letter to Lauderdale 
quoted, 5 n. 2 ; financial losses, 
7, 8 ; travels in King's interests, 
8-10 ; brings family to England, 
12 ; royal favours, 12 ; continu- 


ous financial difficulties, 12 ; 
death, 71 

Hamilton, Sir George, of Bynning, 

Hamilton, George, Anthony Hamil- 
ton's brother, 33, 36, 49, 50, 65, 
66, 98, 109, 130, 217, 218, 237 
n. i ; birthi, 3 ; page to Charles II 
in France, 8, 10 ; life at Restora- 
tion Court, 13 ; character, 28 ; 
marriage, 28 ; turned out of 
army, 29 ; preparations to enter 
French army, 30-2 ; sails to 
Ostend, 32 ; title, 32 and n. 6 ; 
arrival in France and naturaliza- 
tion, 34-; royal favours, 3 5 and n./3 ; 
raises the regiment d' Hamilton, 
42-5 ; proceeds to Utrecht, 46 ; 
stationed at Zutphen, 47 ; regi- 
ment commended, 48 ; with 
Turenne, 48 ; raises recruits, 52 ; 
joins Turenne, 53 ; at Sinzheim, 
53 ; wounded at Entzheim, 54 ; 
praised by Turenne, 54 ; obtains 
permission from Charles II to 
raise recruits, 55 ; returns to 
France, 56 ; brigadier, 58 ; wit- 
nesses Turenne's death, 58 ; 
commands rearguard, 59 ; at 
Altenheim, 59 ; to raise recruits, 
59 ; in England and Ireland, 62 ; 
returns to France, 62 ; Marechal 
du Camp, 63 ; death, 63 ; had 
requested that his wife be dame 
du palais, 64 ; portrait, 299-300 ; 
figures in the Mtmoives, 1 3, 209 ; 
copy of Capitulation signed by 
him, 277-8 ; letter to Williamson, 

Hamilton, George, son of James 
Hamilton, 50 . 3 

Hamilton, George, Earl of Orkney, 

Hamilton, George, fourth Lord 

Strabane, 93 n. 2 
Hamilton, Gustavus, Viscount 

Boyne, serves in the regiment 

d'Hamilton, 44, 47, 64, 93 ; 

governor of Enniskillen, 92 ; in 

Mountjoy's regiment, 93 
Hamilton, James, first Earl of 

Abercorn, Anthony Hamilton's 

grandfather, settles in Ireland, 

i, 2 
Hamilton, James, second Earl of 

Abercorn, 2 
Hamilton, James, sixth Earl of 

Abercorn, son of James Hamilton, 

3 n. 5, 50 n. 3, 93 

Hamilton, James, Anthony Hamil- 
ton's brother, 28, 33, 75 n. i, 93, 
109 ; birth, 3 ; with the exiled 
court, 8, 10 ; life at Restoration 
Court, 13 ; character, 14 ; royal 
favours, 14 ; royal messenger, 14 
and n. 3, 36 ; enemies, 14 ; in- 
fluence over Madame, 15 ; inter- 
feres in the question of the Eng- 
lish ambassador's entry, 15, 16 ; 
marriage, 16 ; Lord Commis- 
sioner of Prizes, 49 ; death, 49 ; 
great grandfather of Beckford, 
257 ; portrait, 300 ; figures in 
the M6moires, 13, 209, 219 

Hamilton, John, Anthony Hamil- 
ton's brother, 22 n. 4, 44, no, 
264 n. 2, 299 ; birth, 3, 7 ; 
Mountjoy's regiment, 74, 85, 93 ; 
to France and back, 84 ; briga- 
dier, 97 ; at the Boyne, 100-102 ; 
at Limerick, 103 ; one of Ber- 
wick's ' directors,' 104 ; letters, 
105 ; accused of treason, 107 ; 
killed, 107 ; family, 107 n. 5, 
1 68 

Hamilton, Col, John, 5 n. 2 

Hamilton, Lucia, Anthony Hamil- 
ton's sister, 3 

Hamilton, Margaret, Anthony 
Hamilton's sister, 3, 7, 300 

Hamilton, Margaret, daughter of 
John Hamilton, 107 n. 5, 139, 
168, 264 n. 2, 271 

Hamilton, Lady Mary, Anthony 
Hamilton's mother, marriage, 3 ; 
narrowly escapes death, 4 ; lonely 
life, 6 ; in France, 6-10 : dis- 
tressed by James Hamilton's 
change of religion, 16, 17 ; death, 


Hamilton, Mary, Viscountess Kings- 
land, daughter of George Hamil- 
ton, 96, 300 

Hamilton, Richard, Anthony 
Hamilton's brother, 22 n. 4, 28, 
32 n. 6, 49. 138 n. 2, 146, 165; 
birth, 3 ; serves in the rdgiment 
d' Hamilton, 44 ; raises recruits, 
56 ; with Turenne, 57 ; possibly 
in Toul, 62 ; remains with regi- 
ment when given to Dongan, 65 ; 
little known about his service, 66 ; 
regiment transferred to him, 69 ; 
regiment de Navailles given him, 
70 ; letter in his favour from 
Charles II, 71, 109; dances in 
ballet, 71 ; quarrels with Lou vois, 
72 ; dismissed, 72 ; favoured by 



Princesse de Conti, 73 ; colonel of 
dragoons, 74 ; royal bounty, 74 ; 
Irish Privy Councillor, 75 ; briga- 
dier, 75 ; disliked by Clarendon, 
76 ; discharges Protestants, 77 ; 
misrepresents Clarendon, 78 ; 
regiment of horse, 79 ; sent to 
Ipswich, 80 ; major-general, 80 ; 
accompanies James II to Roches- 
ter, 8 1 ; to negotiate peace in 
Ireland, 81-3 ; lieut. -general, 84 ; 
repulsed at Coleraine, 84 ; blamed, 

85 ; letters from Tyrconnel, 85, 

86 ; besieges Londonderry, 86- 
92, 285-95; blamed, 95, 96; 
poor health, 97 ; Louvois does 
not want him in French service, 
98 ; at the Boyne, 100-102 ; 
blamed by the Luttrells, 105 ; 
imprisoned, 107 ; released, 108 ; 
through Madame de Gramont's 
exertions, 109, no ; at St. Ger- 
main, 124 ; to command Jacobite 
rising, 129 ; friends, 130 ; expedi- 
tion of 1708, 155 ; accompanies 
the Chevalier de St. George in 
his campaigns, 156-7, 296-8 ; 
dismissed, 158-60; back at St. 
Germain, 161 ; lives with niece, 
162 ; death, 162 ; described by 
St. Simon, 163 ; letters to him 
from James II, 285-95 portrait, 

Hamilton, Thomas, Anthony 
Hamilton's brother, 49, 299 ; 
birth, 3 ; enters navy, 33 ; royal 
bounty, 74 ; services rendered, 
75 andn. i, 93 

Hamilton, William, son of James 
Hamilton, 50 n. 3 

Hamilton, regiment d', first regi- 
ment, see under Army, French, 
Irish regiments ; second regi- 
ment, see under Army, French, 
French regiments 

Hamilton, regiments, various, in 
Ireland, see under Army, Irish 

Hamilton Place, 14 n. 4 

Hamilton Street, 14 n. 4 

Hamiltons, the, and Roman Catholi- 
cism, 2, 3, 5, 16, 17, 28, 29, 32, 
75-77, 83 ; considered as much 
French as English, 6 ; not liked 
by Louvois, 70, 98 ; some for 
James II, some for William, 93 ; 
considered New Interest men, 

Hampton Court, portrait of Eliza- 
beth Hamilton, 21, 113, 300 

Hanover, Duchess of, and the 
Memories, 203, 207 n. i, 301 

Harcourt, Comte de, 134 

Harcourt, Comtesse de, 134 

Harcourt, Princesse de, 115 

Harcourt, Henri, Due et Marechal 
de, 154 

Harlay, Frai^ois de, Archbishop of 
Paris, 119, 121, 126 n. i 

Harley, Robert, first Earl of Oxford, 

Hattige, ou les Amours du Roy de 
Tameran, 200, 201 

Hazlitt, William, 222 

Henault, Charles Jean Fra^ois, 
President, 133, 181 

Henri IV, 17 

Henrietta, sister of Charles II, 
Duchess of Orleans, ' Madame/ 
27, 109, in, 197 ; James Hamil- 
ton sent to her, 14 ; letters writ- 
ten to her by Charles, 14 n. 3, 21, 
22 n. i, 25, 300 n. 2 ; audience 
of Lord Holies takes place, 
thanks to her, '16 ; likes Madame 
de Gramont, 25, 40 ; relations 
with Guiche, 25-6; on Gramont, 
27 ; negotiates treaty of Dover, 
36 ; death, 36-7 

Henry, Duke of Gloucester, 9 

Hepburn, Sir John, his regiment, 30 

Heptameron, the, 218 

Hieroglyphic Tales, 259 

Histoire amour euse des Gaules, 194, 
197-8, 203 

Histoire de la Princesse Zulkais, 259 

Histoire de la Sultane de Perse, 240 

Histoire de Madame Henriette d' 
Angleterre, 194 

Histoire du Comte de Warwick 193 
n. 6, 199 n. 3 

Histoire prodigieuse et lamentable 
de Jean Fauste, 229 

Histoire secrette de Catherine de 
Bourbon, 191 

Hobart, Miss, maid of honour, 225 

Hocquincourt, French officer in 
Ireland, 101 

Holies, Denzil, first Baron Holies, 
ambassador, 15, 16 

Hope, Sir Roger, his Company of 
Foot, 3 

Howard, Henry, sixth Duke of 
Norfolk, 21 

Howard, Thomas, brother to the 
Earl of Carlisle, 213 

Hughes, Margaret, mistress of 
Prince Rupert, 204 

Hugo, Victor, 225 



Humieres, Marechal de, 283 

Hurly, Lieutenant, 52 n. 3 

Hyde, Anne, Duchess of York, 28 ; 
figures in the Memoires, 209, 213, 
214, 217, 256, 304, 307 

Hyde, Edward, first Earl of Claren- 
don, 10, 1 6 ; and his daughter's 
accusers, 217 ; figures in the 
Mtmoires, 2 1 7, 304 ; his Life, 
213, 221 

Hyde, Henry, second Earl of 
Clarendon, 74 ; on Anthony 
Hamilton, 76-7 ; misrepresented 
by Richard Hamilton, 78 ; re- 
called, 79 

Hyde, Henry, Viscount Cornbury, 
213 n. i 

Hyde, Laurence, first Earl of 
Rochester, 77 

Idris, 262 

Infernal Marriage, 260 

Influence franfaise en Anqleterre au 

Dix-septieme Siecle, 211 
Innes, Father Lewis, 159, 160 
Intrigues amoureuses de la Cour de 

France, 198 

Irish Army, see Army, Irish 
Irish regiments serving in the 

French Army, see Army, French 
Ixion in Heaven, 260 

Jacques, le grand (pseud.), 265 

James I, and Ulster, i, 2 

James II, 22 n. 4, 67, 82, 1 10, 131, 
163 ; dances in ballet, 19 ; 
admires Elizabeth Hamilton, 2 1 ; 
Spanish ambassador complains 
to him, 31 ; conversion, 48 ; 
second marriage, 50 ; suggests 
port of departure for Irish re- 
cruits, 56 ; regrets George Hamil- 
ton's death, 63 ; asks regiment 
d'Hamilton to be given to Don- 
gan, 64 ; accession, 72 ; ap- 
points Richard Hamilton colonel 
of dragoons, 74 ; Gramont to 
discover whether he realizes 
peril, 79, 2845 '> h* s indifference, 
80 ; but brings forces from Ire- 
land, 80 ; escapes to France, 8 1 ; 
Mount joy and Rice sent to him, 
83 ; brings French officers to 
Ireland, 84 ; unsuccessful ex- 
pedition to Londonderry, 84, 86 ; 
parsimonious, 87 ; again sends 
Rosen to Derry, 88 ; condemns 
his barbarity, 90 ; Avaux sees 
him about Richard Hamilton, 

91 ; reluctant to raise siege of 
Derry, 91 ; does not wish har- 
bour spoiled, 92 ; friction among 
his counsellors, 96 ; sends Irish 
regiments to France, 97 ; Avaux 
to see him about the Hamiltons, 
98 ; sends officers to Cork to 
receive French, 99 ; at the 
Boyne, 100-102 ; returns to 
France, 102 ; French contempt, 
102 n. 4 ; Anthony Hamilton 
sent to him, 103 ; receives 
Luttrells and Purcell, 105 ; letters 
105 ; plans unsuccessful ex- 
pedition to England, 108 ; birth 
of daughter, 108 ; piety, 124 ; 
relations with the French, 125 j 
governed by priests, 127 ; 
apathy, 128 ; last attempt to 
re-establish him, 129; is dead, 
1 38 ; letters to Richard Hamil- 
ton, 285-95 ; figures in the 
Memoires de Grammont, 163, 187, 
204, 209, 213, 215-19, passim 
James Francis Edward Stuart, 
Prince of Wales, Chevalier de St. 
George, the old Pretender, 128, 
138, 204 ; birth, 79, 284 ; taken 
to France, 80 ; household, 1 26 ; 
relations with Anthony Hamilton 
140; expedition of 1708, 155-6; 
service in the French army, in 
1708, 156, 296; in 1709, 156; 
in 1710, 157, 296-8 ; life in 1 71 1, 
158; in 1712, 158; dismisses 
Richard Hamilton, 1 59-60 \ at 
Bar, 161 

Jansenism, see Port Royal 
Jansenius, Cornelius, 120, 122 
Jarze, Marquis de, 72 
Jennings, Frances, wife of George 
Hamilton, afterwards wife of the 
Duke of Tyrconnel, 36, 74, 113 
n. 41 marriage, 28 ; widowhood, 
63-5 ; not to be dame du palais, 
64 ; second marriage, 65 ; inter- 
feres in Ireland, 96 ; friend of 
the Hamiltons, 96, 97 ; position 
at St. Germain, 1 24 ; figures in 
the Mtmoires, 185, 204, 213, 214, 
Jermyn, Henry, first Earl of St. 

Albans, 8, 24, 38 n. 3 
Jermyn, Henry, first Baron Dover, 
'little' Jermyn, 13, 21, 210, 
225 ; receives French troops at 
Cork, 99 ; gets passport to 
Flanders, 99 n. i ; figures in the 
Mtmoires, 209, 213, 217, 219, 310 



Jesuits, in Ireland, 3 ; at St. Ger- 
main, 126, 127 
Jones, Sir Henry, 42 
Journal Amoureux, 191 n. 2 
Journal Litteraire, and Oriental 

Tales, 240 
Jusserand, M. J. J., 22 n. 2, 24 w. 3 

Karney, Sir Charles, 293 

Keith, Mary, wife of William, Earl 

Monachal, 139 
Kenney, C., 264 
Keppel, Arnold Joost van, Earl of 

Albemarle, 115 n. 5 
Keroualle, Louise de, Duchess of 

Portsmouth, 55 
Killegrew, or Killigrew, Thomas, in 

the Memoircs, 13, 187, 209, 213, 

King, William, Archbishop of 

Dublin, 83 
King, Sir William, Governor of 

Limerick, 75 
Kingsland, see Barnewall 
Kirk, Mary, 213 . i 
Kirke, Percy, 91, 93, 288 
Kissenberth, Wilhelm, 165 n. i, 

241 n. 3 

Klopstock, Friedrich, Gottlieb, 261 
Koerting, Heinrich, 233 
Kyrie Eleyson de Montauban, 177 

La Bruyere, Jean de, 150, 180, 189 
La Calprenede, Gauthier de Costes 

de, 228 

La Chapelle, Jean de, 132, 174, 270 
Lacy, Captain John, 52 n. 3, 69 n. 4 
La Fare, Marquis de, 131-3, 161, 

1 80, 182, 270 

La Fayette, Madame de, on the 

piety of the French Court, 115; 

her Princesse de Cleves, 192 ; 

Memoires de Madame Henriette, 

194 ; on the exiled court, 268-9 

La Ferte, Duchesse de, 1 34, 208 

La Feuillade, Marechal de, in, 192 

La Fontaine, Jeande, 177, 180, 189, 

255 ; on Londonderry, 90 n. 2 ; 

at the Temple, 131 ; le genre 

mixte, 267 ; Virelai sur les 

Hollandais, 270 ; on Voiture, 272 

La Force, Charlotte Rose de Cau- 

mont de, 127 n. 3, 132; fairy 

tales, 231 

La Garde, Mademoiselle de, after- 
wards Lady Sylvius, 204 n. 1,218 
La Guette, , George Hamilton's 
successor in the Gendarmes An- 
glais, 63 

La Harpe, Jean Francois de, 196 

n. 2, 234 n. i, 254 n.2 
La Hoguette, Marquis de, 99, 100 
La Motte, Antoine Houdart de, 133, 


Lambert, Madame de, 181 
Lanier, Sir John, 68, 80 
Lanson, M. Gustave, quoted, 188 

n. i and 3 

La Roche sur Yon, Prince de, 7 1 
La Rocheguilhelm, Mademoiselle 

de, writer, 192 
La Rue, Charles de, Pere, 202 
La Sabliere, Madame de, 131 
La Salle, Chevalier de, 142, 143 
Lassay, Armand Leon, Marquis de, 

134, 181 

La Tour, Pere de, 118 n. i 
La Tour Montfort, French officer 

in Ireland, 106 n. 2 
Lauderdale, see Maitland 
Launay, de, see, Staal 
Lauzun, Antonin Nompar de Cau- 

mont, Due de, marriage, 41 ; 

speaks against Avaux, 96 ; 

arrives in Ireland with French 

regiment, 97 ; complains of Lord 

Dover, 99 ; in Dublin, 99 ; at 

the Boyne, 100, 102 ; opinion of 

Limerick, 103 ; glad to leave 

Ireland, 103 
Lauzun, Armand Louis de Gontaut, 

Due de Biron and de Lauzun, 


La Valliere, Marquise de, 64 n. 5 
La Vallidre, Louise Fran9oise, Made- 
moiselle de, 64 n. 5, 112 
La Vieuville, Madame de, 134 
Lavallin, Captain, Jacobite officer, 

94. 96 

Lees, the, 124 

Lely, Sir Peter, 21, 113, 300 
Le Maistre de Sacy, Isaac Louis, 

1 20 
Lenclos, Ninon de, 115^.5, 132, 

150, 181 
Lenglet Dufresnoy, Abbe, 193 n. i, 

198 n. i 

Leopold I, Emperor, 48 
Le Poer, Mr., friend of Anthony 

Hamilton, 264 n. 2 
Leprince de Beaumont, Madame 

de, writer, 235 
Lery-Girardin, French officer in 

Ireland, 86, 100 
Le Sage, accomplice of la Voisin, 

Le Sage, Alain Rene, 211, 223, 233 ; 

attacks the precieux, 1 80 ; col- 



laborator of Petis de la Croix, 

242 n. 2 

Lesconvel, Pierre de, 195, 231 
Lescure, M. de, 24 n. i, 222, 234 n. I 
L'Estrange, Sir Roger, 201 . 
Lettres galantes, 268 
Lettres persanes, 173, 184 
Lettres portugaises, 194 
Levis, Due de, 241 n. 3, 265, 271 
Lewis, Matthew, ' Monk ' Lewis, 

259, 264, 265 
L'Heritier, Mademoiselle de, writer, 

192 ; fairy tales, 231 
L'Hopital, Marechale de, 309 
Life Guards, the King's, 28, 29, 31 
Light to the Blind, 87-8 
Ligne, Prince de, 171, 226 
Limerick, Earl of, see Dongan 
Limerick, sieges of, 103-7 
Lindsey, , at St. Germain, 142 
Lingendes, Jean de, 172 n. 3, 248 
Lintot, Madame de, writer, 234 
Lionne, Hugues de, Foreign Secre- 
tary to Louis XIV, 38 ; letters 
to him, 15, 37, 153 
Lisnaskea, fight near, 94 
L'Isola, Baron de, Austrian am- 
bassador, 30, 31 
Litchfield, Lord, 81 
London, Treaty of, 51, 55, 60 
Londonderry, siege of, 81, 85-92, 


Longueville, Anne Genevieve de 

Bourbon-Conde, Duchesse de, 119 

Longueville, Henri II, Prince de, 


Lord Mayor's regiment, 293 
Lord Prior's regiment, 295 
Lorges, Marechal de, see Durfort 
L'Orme, Marion de, see. Delorme 
Lorraine, Charles IV, Duke of, 53, 


Louis IX, 33 

Louis XIII, 195, 211, 224 
Louis XIV, 20, 22, 33, 41, 45, 50, 65, 
71. 9L 96, 105, 132, 174, 180, 196, 
210, 264 M. 2, 282 ; attitude with 
regard to precedence of ambassa- 
dors, 1 5 : receives Churchill, 26 ; 
at war with Spain, 30, 32 ; gives 
money and ships for English regi- 
ments to enter French army, 30; 
names new regiment Gendarmes 
Anglais, 31 ; gift to George 
Hamilton, 32 ; captain of the 
Gendarmes Ecossais and Anglais, 
34 ; significance, n. 4 ; peace 
made with spain, 35 ; Treaty of 
Dover, 36 ; receives Bucking- 

ham, 39 ; prepares for war with 
the United Provinces, 42 ; sets 
Charles free from obligations, 43 ; 
has the regiment d'Hamilton 
raised, 43 ; invasion of the 
United Provinces, 45-6 ; life 
with the army, 46 n. 3 ; answer 
to Corneille, 48 ; commends the 
regiment d'Hamilton, 48 ; at 
Maestricht, 48, 152 n. i ; sends 
ships for recruits to Waterford, 
52 ; takes the Franche Comte, 
53 ; Duchess of Portsmouth 
sends him her portrait, 55 ; in 
Flanders, 57 ; defensive agree- 
ment with Charles, 62 ; in 
Flanders, 62 ; regrets George 
Hamilton's death, 63 ; requested 
to give the regiment to Dongan, 
64 ; does not want Hamilton's 
widow as dame du palais, 64 n. 5 ; 
conquests in Flanders, 66 ; stops 
recruiting of English regiments, 

67 ; refuses to let them go, 67 ; 
cashiers them, except Dongan, 

68 ; gives the regiment Dongan 
to Richard Hamilton, 69 ; dis- 
bands it, 69 ; dismisses Hamil- 
ton, 72-3 ; sends Gramont to 
England, 79, 284-5 ' aware of 
peril, 80 ; wishes no Hamiltons 
in Irish Brigade, 98 ; sends Mme. 
de Gramont Irish news, 109; 
does not like ' les amoureux,' 1 1 1 ; 
friendship with Mme, de Gra- 
mont, 112, 113; dislikes Port 
Royal, 119; angry with Mme. 
de Gramont, 121 ; reconciled, 
122 ; gives her a property, 122 ; 
kindness to Jacobite exiles, 125 ; 
sends Dangeau to convert 
Gramont, 149 ; harshness to 
courtiers, 152 n. i ; will not hear 
of Mme. de Gramont's retiring, 
1 54 ; disapproves of Marie Eliza- 
beth de Gramont, 167 ; dis- 
approves of the expedition of 
1708, 155 ; admits the Chevalier 
de St. George to the army, 1 56 ; 
message to Mary of Modena, 298 ; 
death, 161 ; relations with 
Gramont, 18 n. 3, 19, 35, 39, 40, 
122, 150-3 ; age of, in literature, 
180-2, passim ; historiographers, 

Louville, Charles Auguste, Marquis 

de, 1 20 
Louvois, Fransois Michel Letellier, 

Marquis de, 65, 69, 253 ; and 



English entering French service, 
31, 32 ; preparation for war with 
United Provinces, 42 ; preju- 
dices the King against the cour- 
tiers, 152 n. i ; criticizes the 
regiment d'Hamilton, 47 ; ar- 
rangements for shipping Irish 
recruits, 56 ; directs George 
Hamilton to raise recruits, 59 ; 
criticizes the regiment Hamilton- 
Dongan, 66 ; recruits to be 
raised for English forces, 66 ; 
orders return of officers to 
France, 66 ; explains cashiering 
of English regiments, 68 ; dis- 
approves of Dongan, 68 ; dislikes 
the Hamiltons, 70 ; reproached 
by Mme. de Gramont, 70, 109 ; 
quarrels with Richard Hamilton, 
72 ; letters from Avaux, 85, 87 ; 
from Rosen, 89 ; suggests raising 
of Londonderry siege, 91 ; letter 
from Rosen, 92 w. i ; hears com- 
plaints against Hamiltons, 96 ; 
will have no Hamiltons in the 
Brigade, 98 ; letter from Sars- 
field, 105-6 ; from Tyrconnel, 
107 ; is dead, 108 

Lowestoft, victory off, 27 

Lulli, Jean Baptiste de, i$on. 5 

Lussan, Madame de, 134 

Lussan, Mademoiselle de, writer, 


Luttrell, Henry, 104-5 
Luttrell, Simon, 104-5 
Luttrell's Horse, 288, 295 
Luxembourg, Marechal de, 46 
Luynes, Madame de, 185 
Lyttleton, Sir Charles, 204, 2 1 7 
Lyttleton, Lady, see Temple, Anne 
Lytton, Edward George Bulwer, 

141, 184 

Mabillon, Dom Jean, 123, 237 and 

n. i 
Macan, Elizabeth, wife of John 

Hamilton, 107 n. 5 
Macarice Excidium, 97 and n. 4, 104, 

106 n. i 
Macaulay, Thomas Babington, 

Baron, 70, 221 ; description of 

St. Germain, 126 
MacCarthy, Callaghan, 8 n. 5 
MacCarthy, Charles, Viscount Mus- 

kerry, 214 n. 2 
MacCarthy, Donogh, Lord Mus- 

kerry, afterwards Earl of Clan- 

carty, 9, 10 

2 A 

MacCarthy, Eleanor, Lady Mus- 
kerry, afterwards Clancarty, 8 

MacCarthy, Helen, daughter of 
Lady Muskerry, 8 

MacCarthy, or Macarthy, Justin, 
Viscount Mountcashell, major- 
gen., 75 ; misrepresents Claren- 
don, 78-9 ; lieut.-gen., 93 ; 
defeated, 94-5, 294-5 escapes, 

MacCarthy, Margaret, Lady Mus- 
kerry, wife of Charles Mac- 
Carthy, la Princesse de Babylon, 
13, 187, 215 n. 2 

Macdonnel, Col. Alexander, 106 

MacDonnell, Randal, second Earl 
of Antrim, 15 

M'Guinesses, the, 104 

Macmahan, , officer in the regi- 
ment d'Hamilton, 52 n. 2 

Macmahon, regiment, 295 

M'Mahons, the, 104 

Macnamara, Captain David, 52 n. 3 

Madame, first wife of Philip, Duke 
of Orleans (died 1670), see 

Madame, second wife, see Orleans 

Mademoiselle, la grande, see Mont- 

Mademoiselle Hamilton, 225 

Maestricht, siege of, 48, 152 n. i 

Maguires, the, 104 

Maid Marian, 260 

Mailly, Jean Baptiste, 192 

Maintenon, Franoise d'Aubigne, 
Marquise de, in, 208 n. 2 ; 
jealous of Mme. de Gramont, 114 
and n. 3 ; on the piety of the 
French court, 115; on Mme. de 
Caylus' conversion, 118 n. i ', 
helps English nuns, n8n. 4; 
hopes Mme. de Gramont's rela- 
tions with Port Royal will end 
the King's friendship, 120-2 ; 
displeasure at renewed friend- 
ship, 123 ; disapproves of Mme. 
du Maine, 133 ; knows Hamil- 
ton's style, 147 ; on Mme. de 
Gramont after her husband's 
death, 154 ; on fairy tales, 232 ; 
writes about the exiled court, 268 ; 
letter to Mary of Modena, 298 

Maitland, John, first Duke of 
Lauderdale, 64 n. 5 i letter sent 
to him, 5 n. 2 ; influence over 
Charles, 14 

Malezieu, Nicolas de, 133, I35~9 
passim, 272 

Malherbe, Fra^ois de, 17$, 177 



Mallarme, St6phane, 258 

Malplaquet, battle of, 156 

Marais, Matthieu, 186 

Marechal, Georges, surgeon, 298 

Maria Theresa, Empress, n6n. 5 

Manage Ford, 22 n. 4 

Marie Louise, daughter of James II, 
138, 139, 15611. 6, 162 n. 3 ; 
birth, 108 ; subject of Hamilton's 
verse and letters, 139-41 ; death, 

Marie Th6rese, wife of Louis XIV, 
26, 30, no, 115 

Marion Delorme, 225 

Marischal, see Keith 

Marlborough, see Churchill 

Marlowe, Christopher, 229, 230 

Marmier, Comte de, 168 

Marmier, Mademoiselle de, 271 

Marmontel, Jean Francis, 260 

Marot, Clement, parodies of, 136, 
172, 177, 181 

Mary, Princess Royal of England, 
Princess of Orange, 307 

Mary of Modena, wife of James II, 
96, 1 10, 284 ; escapes to France, 
80 ; relations with the French, 
125; likes the Gramonts, 1 29 ; 
letters to Richard Hamilton, 1 56- 
8, 296-8 ; does not want Middle- 
ton dismissed, 1 59 ; poverty at 
St. Germain, 161 ; death, 164-5 
her letters, 269 

Massillon, Jean Baptiste, 180, 202 

Mat air, musician, 135 

Matta, 1 8, 183, 186, 209, 222, 302, 


Maumont, French officer in Ireland, 
84, 86, 87, 285 

Maxwell, Thomas, brigadier, 99 

May, Baptist, 309 

Mayercron, M., 135 

Mazarin, Cardinal, 176, 177, 208 ; 
and Gramont, 18 and n. 2, n. 3, 
212 ; nieces, 132, 181 

Mazarin, Due, 62 

Mazarin, Hortense, Duchesse, 62, 
79, 175, 194 

Melfort, Lord, see Drummond 

Memoires de Grammont, 13, 17, 18, 
20, 21, 22 n. 4, 25 n. 3, 71, 76 n. i, 
99n. i, 141, 153 andn.i, 164, 
176, 230, 257, 268, 300; two 
ways of considering them, 190 ; 
other writers of memoir-novels, 
192 ; other pseudo-memoirs, 192- 
4 ;f> historians and nouvellistes, 
195 ; relation of the Memoires 
de Grammont to earlier works, 

196-7; to the Histoire Amour- 
reuse des Gaules, 198 ; to the 
Mimoires de la Cour d'Angleterre, 
199-202 ; influence of Saint-Evre- 
mond, 177; composition, 172, 
202 ; publication, 148, 171, 203 ; 
unwelcome to Hamilton, 203-4 ; 
said to be dictated by Gramont, 
172, 203 n. i, 204-5, 214 ; scope 
205-6 ; possible object, 23 ; 
original draft, 206-7 ' ending, 
207 ; treatment of the hero, 153, 
207-9 second part of the 
Mimoires, 209-10 ; realism, 211; 
trustworthiness, 211-14; chron- 
ology, 214-16 ; treatment of the 
English court, 217-18; of Arling- 
ton, see also, 10, 38 n. 3, 21 1, 224 ; 
spirit, 182, 183; morality, 218- 
20 ; value, 221 ; literary merits, 
222-4; portraits, 21 andn.i, 
224 ; style, 184-8 ; ridicule 
preciosite, 182-3 ; influence, 225- 
6; admired by Beckford, 258 ; 
by Wieland, 263 ; translations, 
227 ; MS. copies, 301-10, 311 
Memoires de J. B. de La Fontaine, 
197 ; de la Cour d'Angleterre, 190, 
198-202 ; de la Cour d'Espagne, 
196, 199 ; de la Vie de Henrietta 
Sylvie de MoMre, 194 ; de la Vie 
du Comte D. t 193 . 5, 194 
de Madame la Comtesse * * *, 194; 
de Madame Marie Mancini, les 
ver liable s, 194 ; de Mademoisolle 
de Montpensier, 191 n. 4, 222 ; 
de M. d'Artagnan, 190, 195 ; de 
M. de Bouy, 192, 193 n. 6; 
dc M. L. D. M., 194 ; des avan- 
tures singulieres de la Cour de 
France, 193 n. 3 ; du Marechal 
de Montbrun, 194 n. 2 ; secrets 
de M. L. D. D. O., 197 
Memoirs of the Reign of George III, 


Memoirs, authentic, printed in the 
beginning of the eighteenth cen- 
tury, 191 n. 4 
Menage, Gilles, 181 
Merck, Johann Heinrich, 261 
Mercceur, Madame de, 19 n. i 
Mercure Galant, 147, 154*. 4, 202, 

Mesmes, Jean Antoine de, le 

President, 133, 134 
Mesnard, M. Paul, 22 n. 4 
Mi-zerai, Fra^ois Eudes de, 195 
Michelet, Jules, quoted, 210 
Mickiewicz, Adam, 233 



Middleton, Charles, second Earl of 
Middleton, 124, 128, 138 ; his 
part in the expedition of 1708, 
155-6 ; accompanies the Cheva- 
lier de St. George in 1709, 156 ; 
English Jacobites request his 
dismissal, 158-60 

Middleton, or Myddelton, Mrs. Jane, 
figures in the Mdmoires, 209, 212, 


Middleton, John, first Earl of 
Middleton, 9 

Middleton, Louise Marie, 139, 141 
n. 2 

Mille et un Jours, 240, 242 ; Mille 
et un Quarts d'heure, 240 j Mille 
et une Nuits, 240, 242, 252, see 
also Arabian Nights 

Milner, Mr. J. D., 299 w. 3 

Mirepoix, Madame de, 134, 167 

Mitford, Rev. John, 212 

Molidre, 22 n. 4, 177, 179, 180, 248, 
251 n. i 

Molina, Conde de, Spanish ambassa- 
dor, objects to Englishmen enter- 
ing French army, 30-1 ; objects 
to the regiment d' Hamilton, 44-5 

Moncnf, Fra^ois Auguste Paradis 
de, 234 

Monmouth, Duke of, see Scott, 

Monsieur, see Oleans, Philippe 

M. le Due, see Conde, Louis Henri 

M. le Prince, see Conde, le grand 

Montagu, Ralph, 15 

Montague, Lady Mary Wortley, 
167-8, 271 n. 3 

Montaigne, 175, 179, 180, 235 

Montauban, Comte de, 47 

Montaut, Marquis de, 70 

Montchevreuil, Marquise de, 115 

Montecuculi, Count of, general of 
the Imperial forces, 48, 50, 58 

Montegut, Emile, 234 n. i, 235 n. 2, 

Montespan, Fran9oise Athenais, 
Marquise de, 112, 113 

Montesquieu, Charles de Secondat 
de, 1 80, 184, 256 ; admires 
Arabian Nights, 240 n. 4 

Montesquieu, Pierre de, Comte d' 
Artagnan, 298 

Montpensier, Anne Marie Louise 
d'Orleans, Duchesse de, la grande 
Mademoiselle, 41, 222 

Moras, Mademoiselle de, 135 

Moras, Marquise de, 134 

Mouche, ordre de la, 134, 182 

Mount joy, Lord, see Stewart 

Mount joy, regiment, 74, 85, 93 

Mouscri, see Muskerry 

Mouton, le, 233 

Murat, Madame de, writer, 193 . 4, 

194, 198*1.1; fairy tales, 231, 


Musaeus, Johann Karl August, 261 
Musgrave, Sir William, 212 
Muskerry, see MacCarthy 
Muskerry, ,283 

Nagle, Sir Richard, 82, 124 
National Portrait Gallery, 33, 113, 


Navailles, Marquis de, 70 
Nee de La Rochelle, Jean, 192 
neue Amadis, der, 262 
Nevers, Philippe Jules Francis, 

Due de, 132, 134, 135 
Nevers, Duchesse de, 134 
Nevers, Mademoiselle de, 134, 173 

n. 3 

Nevers, the, 181 
Newcastle, Lord, see Pelham- 

Newcomen, Sir Thomas, and his 

regiment, 74, 76, 77, 79 n. i 
Newton Butler, fight at, 95 
Nicole, Pierre, 120 
Nimeguen, peace of, 69 
Ninon, see Lenclos 
Noailles, Anne- Jules, Due de, 147 
Noailles, Louis Antoine, Cardinal 

Archbishop of Paris, 118^.4, 

121, 130 n. 4 
Noailles, Marie Franoise, Duchesse 

de, 130 

Nodier, Charles, 200 >/ i 
Norfolk, Duke of, see Howard 
Nostradamus, Nostradame, Michel 

de, 181 
Nouvelles ou Mtmoires historiques, 

195 n. 2 
Novel, the, in France, during the 

second half of the seventeenth 

century, 190 sq. 

Novels, French, dealing with Eng- 
lish history, 199 n. 3 
Nugent, John, cousin of Anthony 

Hamilton, 165 
Nugent, Thomas, Lord Riverston, 

1 06 

Nugent, Major, 292 
Nugent, Mrs. 140, 146 
Nugent, the Misses, 139, 141 and 

n. 2 

Nugent, regiment, 293, 295 
Nugents, the, 104, 124 



O'Brien, Charles, fifth Viscount 

Clare, 139 
O'Brien, Sir Donogh, of Lemineagh, 


O'Brien de Clare, Laura, 140, 141 
and ft. 2 

O'Briens, the, 124 

O'Conor, M., quoted, 104 

O'Ferrals, the, 104 

Oiseau bleu, /', 232, 233 

O' Kelly, Charles, 105 

Oldenburg, Henry, 201 ft. 

Olonne, Madame de, 19 ft. i, 176 

O'Mahony, Daniel, Count, 162 ft. 3 

O'Neal, Charles. 128 

O'Neal, Col. Gordon. 295 ; his 
regiment, 295 

O'Neale, or O'Neill, Captain Con, 
52 . 3 

O'Neill, Sir Neill, 100 

O'Neill, Owen Roe, 4, 52 . 3 

O'Neill, Phelim. 4 

O'Neills, the, 104 

Orange, William, Prince of, see 
William, Prince of Orange, after- 
wards William III 

Oriental tale, in England, 257 ; in 
France, 239-42, 255 

Orleans, Charlotte Elisabeth, 
Duchesse de, 12 n. 14, 120; on 
the English at St. Germain, 128 
ft. 2 ; Hamilton sends her MSS., 
147 ; her story of Gramont's 
ignorance, 149 ; circulates the 
Memoires, 205, 207 w. i, 301 ; 
writes about the exiled court, 

Orleans, Gaston, Due de, 18 ft. 2 

Orleans, Henrietta, Duchess of, see 

Orleans, Philippe I, Due de, 37, 66 ; 
dislikes Gramont, 26 ; name 
linked with Mme. de Gramont's, 
in ; described by Prior, 125 . 4 

Orleans, Philippe II, Due de, the 
Regent, 182 

Ormonde, see Butler, James 

Orrery, Earl of, see Boyle 

Osborne, Sir Thomas, Earl of 
Danby, 50, 67 

Oudenarde, battle of, 156 

Oxford, Earl of (temp. Charles II), 
see Vere 

Oxford, Earl of (temp. Anne), see 

Palatinate, wasting of, 53 andn. 3 
Palatine, Princesse (Anne de Gon- 
zague), 1 9 ft. i 

Palmer, Lady Anne, 20 
Palmerin d' Olive, 177 
Panetra, Comtesse de, 305 
Paris, Gaston, quoted 269 . i 
Parliament, 63, 65 ; measures 

against Catholics, 29 ; relations 

with France, in 1667, 30 ; in 

1675, 60-2 ; in 1677-8, 66, 67 ; 

attitude to English forces in 

French service, in 1667, 31-2 ; 

in 1674, 51 ; in 1675, 55, 59-62 ; 

in 1677, 66, 67 ; dispute between 

Houses on right of appeal, 61 ; 

prorogued, 55, 60, 61 
Parnasse Francois, 269 
Pascal, Blaise, 176, 177 
Patin, Gui, opinion of English, 


Pavilion, Etienne, 180 
Peacock, Thomas Love, 260 
Pelham-Holles, Thomas, Duke of 

Newcastle, 160 

Pellison, Paul, historiographer, 63 
Penal va, Comtesse de, 305 
Pepys, Samuel, 10, 1 5, 24 ft. i, 190 ; 

regrets that the King is led by 

favourites, 14 ; on the immorality 

of the court, 210; his Diary, 221; 

confirms Hamilton, 213; differs 

from his statements, 21 5 ft. 4, 

216 ; contrasted with Hamilton, 

219, 220 
Perrault, Charles, 178, 180; fairy 

tales, 231, 233, 234 
Perrault d'Armancour, his son, 232 
Perth, Earl of, see Drummond, 


Pcrtharite und Ferrandine, 261 
Perwich, William, 45 
Petis de la Croix, Francois, 240, 

242' ft. 2 
Petit-Dunoyer, Madame, writer, 


Pharamond, 177, 228 
Philip IV, King of Spain, 9, 1 5 
Philip V, King of Spain, 120 
Pienne, Madame de, see Fiesque, 

Madame de 
Pinkerton, John, 300 
Plague, the, in London, ignored by 

Hamilton, 33, 210 
Ploydon, Countess, 138 ft. 2, 139 
Poe, Edgar Allan, 251 ft. 2 
Pointis, Marquis de, French officer 

in Ireland, 83, 86 . 5, 87, 89, 

92, 286 

Poisons, affaire des, 112 
Polexandre, 177, 233 
Polignac, Madame de, 112 



Pomponne, Simon Arnauld de, 
Foreign Secretary to Louis XIV, 
letters to, 55, 61, 65 n. i ; on 
Madame d'Hamilton as dame du 
palais, 64 w. i 

Pontchartrain, Louis Phelypeaux, 
Comte de, 156 

Popanilla, 260-1 

Pope, Alexander, translation of 
Essay on Criticism, 148, 266, 271, 
quoted, 171 

Popish plot, 52 n. 3, 112 

Port Royal, Elizabeth Hamilton 
educated there, 8 ; relations 
with her subsequently, 114, 116, 
118-22, 163 

Portland, Earl of, see Bentinck 

Portraits, of the Hamiltons, 299- 

Portsmouth, Madame de, see 

Pradon, Nicolas, 180 

Precieuses, Dictionnaire des, see 
Grand Dictionnaire, etc. 

Preciosite, after Les Precieuses 
Ridicules, 178-83 ; and the bur- 
lesque, 249 . i 

Preschac, de, writer, 231 

Price, Miss, maid of honour, 213 
n. i, 224 

Primi-Visconti, G. B., 113 n. 4, 153 

Prince de Condi, 193 w. 2, n. 6 

Princess Royal (Mary, eldest daugh- 
ter of Charles I), 307 

Princesse de Carizme, 242 n. 2 

Princesse de Cttves, 192 

Prior, Matthew, on the piety of the 
French court, 115 n. 5 ; on 
James II, 124 M.I; on the 
political atttude of the French 
court, 125 ; on Monsieur, 125 
n. 4 ; on the piety of St. Ger- 
main, 127; on factions at St. Ger- 
main, 128, 269 

Progers, Edward, 204 

Proposals made by Lieut.-Gen. 
Hamilton to the garrison of 
Londonderry, 162 n. 4 

Purcell, Col. 104-5 

Purcell's Dragoons, 288 

Pusignan, French officer in Ireland, 
84-7, passim 

Pyr amide et le Cheval d'Or, La, 140, 
242 n. 3, 254, 270 

Quatre Facardins, Les, 255 ; written 
for Countess F., 140 j negligences 
171 n. 2 ; conte licencieux, 234 ; 
satirical intentions, 241, 247-9, 

250-3 ; date, 242 ; summary, 
244-7 ; allusions, 253 ; used by 
Wieland, 262, 263, 2*65 ; printed, 
263 ; translated, 264 ; continua- 
tions, 264-5 

Quietisme, affaire du, 118 
Quinault, Philippe, 71, 180 
Quincy, Marquis de, military his- 
torian, on the English in the 
French army, 53 w. 3, 59 
Quintin, Duchesse de, 134 

Rabelais, 255 

Racan, Marquis de, 177 

Racine, Jean, 132, 177, 180, 182 ; 

and Port Royal, 120, 121 
Rambouillet, Angelique d'Angennes 

Mademoiselle de, 178 
Rambouillet, Catherine de Vivonne, 

Marquise de, 182 
Rambouillet, Hotel de, 133, 138, 

181, 268 

Rameau d'Or, 232, 233 
Ranee, Arnaud Jean, Abbe de, 120 
Rape of the Lock, 138 
Reed, Isaac, 212 

Regiments, various, see under Army 
Relation historique et galante de 

I' Invasion de I'Espagne, 191 n. i 
Relations, various, by Hamilton, see 

under Hamilton, Anthony 
Remond le Grec, 271 
Renouard, A. A., the publisher, 271 
Reresby, Sir John, 21 and n. 2, 190, 

213 ; his Memoirs, 221 
Retraite de M. le Due de Longueville, 


Rice, Sir Stephen, 83 
Rices, the, 104 
Richelieu, Marechal de, 226 
Richelieu, Hotel de, 181 
Richmond, Duke of, see Stuart 
Ricousse, Baron de, 134 
Riva, Louis, 142 
Riverstown, or Riverston, Lord, see 

Nugent, Thomas 
Robartes, Letitia Isabella, Lady, 


Robethon, John, 271 
Rochefort, Marechal de, 59 
Roches de Salisburi, 272 
Rochester, Earl of (temp. Charles 

II), see Wilmot 
Rochester, Earl of (temp. James II), 

see Hyde 

Roman bourgeois, 233, 241 n. 3 
Roman comique, 233, 241 n. 3 
Roman Catholics, settle in Ulster, 

3 ; condemn Ormonde, 5 ; in the 



English army, 29, 30, 32, 45 ; 
hostility of England towards, 50 ; 
Irish, in the French army, 52 
n. 3, 68 ; in Ireland, under 
James II, 74-7, passim ; wel- 
come Richard Hamilton to Ire- 
land, 83 

Romantic Tales, 259, 264 

Ronsard, Pierre de, 177 

Roscommon, see Dillon 

Rosen, Comte de, arrival, 84 ; at 
Londonderry, 86 ; returns to 
Dublin, 86 ; hated, 86 . 5 ; 
sent back to Londonderry, 88 
and n. 7 ; threatens Irish officers, 
89 ; threatens Londonderry, 89 ; 
his barbarity condemned, 90 ; 
complains of the Irish, 92*1.1^; 
presides over Anthony Hamilton's 
court-martial, 96 ; to return to 
France, 97 ; mentioned in 
James's letters, 288, 290-2 

Ross, Viscountess (Elizabeth 
Hamilton), 96 

Roth, Captain Michael, 83 

Rousseau, Jean Baptiste, 115, 132, 

Rousseau, Jean Jacques, 218*. 2 

Roxolana, actress, probably Eliza- 
beth Davenport, 199, 21311.2 

Roye, Comte de, 58 

Rupert, Prince, 8 n. 4, 49. 217 

Russell, Col. John, 21, 214 andn. 3, 

Russell, William, brother of Col. 
John Russell, 214*1. 3 

Russell, William, nephew of Col. 
John Russell, 21, 217, 224 

Russell's regiment, 77 

Ruvigny, Henri de Massue, Mar- 
quis de, ambassador, on the hos- 
tility caused by Reformed Guard 
entering French service, 30 ; 
reports steps taken by Dutch to 
secure men, 31 ; advises haste, 
31 ; on Gramont, 55 ; is asked 
to lend money to Anthony 
Hamilton, for regiment, 56-7, 
281-2 ; provided with grants 
for members of Parliament, 60 ; 
on possible recall of English 
forces, 60- 1 ; is promised no 
further proclamation will be 
issued, 61 ; repeatedly requested 
to ask that George Hamilton's 
wife be made dame du palais, 
64 n. 5 

Ryde, H. T., 264 

Ryswick, peace of, 125, 128 

Sackville, Charles, sixth Earl of 
Dorchester, 171 

Sacy, de, see Le Maistre de Sacy 

Saint Albans, Earl of, see Jermyn 

Saint- Amant, Marc Antoine de, 1 80 

Saint-Aulaire, Francois Joseph 
Marquis de, 133, 270 

Saint-Chaumont, Marquise de, 21, 
ii2 n. 2 

Saint-Dominique de Poissy, Sisters 
of, 140 

Saint-Evremond, Charles de Mar- 
guetel de Saint Denys de, rela- 
tions with Gramont, 17, 19, 20, 
22 n. 4, 140, 226 ; on Gramont's 
religion, 149-50 ; on the piety 
of the French court, 1 1 5 n. 5 ; 
indifferent to religion, 181 ; in- 
fluence on Hamilton, 174-7 ; in- 
fluence on Voltaire, 256-7 ; 
figures in the Mimoires, 209 ; 
uses the 'genre mixte,' 267 

Saint George, Chevalier de, see 
James Francis Edward Stuart 

Saint-Hilaire, the elder, 58 ; the 
younger, 58 

Saint-Maurice, Marquis de, no, 
in n. I 

Saint Pavin, Denys Sanguin de, 181 

Saint-Real, Cesar Vichard, Abbe 
de, 194, 195 

Saint-Ruth, French officer in Ire- 
land, 106, 107 

Saint-Simon, Louis de Rouvroy, 
Due de, 22 n. 4, 208 ; on Mme. 
de Gramont, 112-14; despises 
Gramont, 113; on Mme. de 
Gramont and Port Royal, 116, 
120-2 ; on the Hamiltons, 129, 
162, 163, 165, 166 ; on Chaulieu, 
131 ; on Gramont, 149, 151-3 ; 
reasons for hatred of Gramont, 
1 5 1 n. 4 ; on Gramont's daugh- 
ters, 166-7 ; on the Mimoires 
de Grammont, 204, 207 ; his por- 
traits, 224 ; writes about the 
exiled court, 268 

Saint-Victor, J. M. B. Bins de, 225 

Sainte Beuve, Charles Augustin, 
8 n. 5, 177; quoted, 182, 226 
n. 3, 265 n. i, 269 

Sainte-Marie de Chaillot, Sisters of, 

Saintsbury, Professor George, 242 
n. 2, 244, 260 

Sandras, Gatien Courtilz de, 53 n. 3 
190, 194 and n. 2, 195-7 

Sarasin, Jean Francois, 177 

Sarsfield, Patrick, Earl of Lucan, 



294 ; serves in the regiment d' 
Hamilton, 44, 93 ; at the Boyne, 
100 ; defence of Limerick, 103 ; 
to assist Berwick, 104 ; dislikes 
Tyrconnel, 104 ; suspects treason 
105 ; hates Tyrconnel but pro- 
tects him, 1 06 and n. 4 ; in 
France, 107 ; lieut.-gen, 108 
Savile, Henry, 36-7 
Sayous, Pierre Andre, 234 n. i 
Scaliger, Joseph Juste, 172 n. i 
Scarron, Paul, 233, 237, 249 n. i 
Schomberg, Frederick Herman, 

first Duke, 91, 97, 100, 293 
Schomberg, Meinhard, third Duke, 


Scotland, Privy Council of, 2 
Scott, Anne, Duchess of Buccleuch 

and Monmouth, 204, 214 
Scott, James, Duke of Buccleuch 
and Monmouth, his regiments in 
France, 42, 43, 53, 54, 58, 66, 68 ; 
his rising, 75 and n. i ; his 
marriage, 216 

Scott, Sir Walter, 25 n. 3, 164, 227 
Scottish regiments in the French 

army, see Army, French 
Scottish settlers in Ulster, 1-3 
Scudery, Madame de, 70 n. 7 
Scudery, Madeleine de, 180, 191 
Sedley, or Sidley, Sir Charles, 3 08 
Seignelay, see Colbert 
Senantes, Madame de, 183, 209 
Senantes, M. de, 186, 209, 222, 224 
Senece, Antoine Bauderon de, 270 
Serviez, Jacques Roergas de, 192 
Sevigne, Marie de Rabutin Chantal, 
Marquise de, 69, 208 ; on 
Turenne's death, 58 ; on the 
English soldiers, 59 ; on Mme. de 
Gramont, in, 113 ; onGramont, 
151 ; on fairy tales, 231 ; lan- 
guage, 188 ; her letters, 222, 268 ; 
portrait by Bussy, 198 n. 3 
Sganarelle, 22 n. 4 
Sheldon, Dominick, signs capitula- 
tion of Limerick, 106 n. 2 ; briga- 
dier in France, 108 ; accom- 
panies the Chevalier de St. 
George in the French army, 156, 

Sheldon, Mrs., 139 
Sheldons, the, 104, 124 
Sheridan, Thomas, 138 
Shore, Jane, 171 n. 2 
Shrewsbury, Lady, see Talbot, Anna 


Shrewsbury, Lord, see Talbot, 

Skelton, Anne, 139-41 

Skelton, Charles, Major-Gen., 155 

Sidney, or Sydney, Algernon, quoted 

25 n. 2 

Sidney, or Sydney, Henry, Earl of 
Romney, in the Memoires de 
Grammont, 209, 213, 214, 308 
Sidney, or Sydney, Sir Philip, in 
L'Enchanteur Faustus, 171 n. 2, 
172, 229 

Silhouette, Etienne de, 271 
Sinzheim, battle of, 53 
Slaney's Foot, 295 
Soissons, Marie Anne Mancini, 

Comtesse de, no 
Solms, Count, 91 
Sopha, le, 173, 255 
Sorel, Charles, 233, 241 n. 3 
Sotheby, Wilkinson and Hodge, 

Messrs., 301 

Soubise, Madame de, 115 
Soulavie, Jean Louis Giraud, 226 
Sourches, Marquis de, his Memoires 

quoted, 32 n. 6, 73, 124, 155 
Southesk, see Carnegie 
Southwold Bay, batttle of, 49 
Spain, King of, see Philip 
Spencer, Anne, Lady Sunderland, 

Spencer, Robert, second Earl of 

Sunderland, 26 
Spies, Johann, 229 
Spragge, Sir Edward, 29 
Staal de Launay, Marguerite, 

Baronne de, 132, 208 
Stafford-Howard, Henry, Earl of 

Stafford, 167 
Stafford, Lady, see Gramont, Claude 


Stanhope, Philip, second Earl of 
Chesterfield, figures in the 
Memoires, 204, 211, 213, 215, 216 
Staniers, Col. Henry, 30 
Stewart, Sir William, Viscount 
Mountjoy, 83, 105, 108-9 ; his 
regiment, 74, 85, 93 
Story, George, 101 
Strabane, Lord, see Hamilton, 

Claud ; Hamilton, George 
Strickland, Marie, 139, 141 
Stuart, Charles, Duke of Lennox 
and Richmond, 21 andn. 3, 215, 

Stuart, Frances Teresa, Duchess 
Lennox and Richmond, 13, 14. 
figures in the Mtmoires, 28, 139, 
1 86, 204, 209, 213, 215, 218, 263 

n. i, 307-9 
Sunderland, see Spencer 


Susane, General, quoted 34 n. 4 

Sutherland's Horse, 295 

Swift, Dean, 256 

Sydney, see Sidney 

Sylvius, Sir Gabriel 204 . I, 217, 

Symonds, Miss E. M., 167 n. 5 

Taaffe, Nicholas, second Earl of 
Carlingford, 188 

Talbot, Anna Maria, Countess of 
Shrewsbury, liaison with Buck- 
ingham, 38 n. 3 ; figures in the 
Mimoires de la Cour d'Angleterre, 
20 1 ; in the Mimoires de Gram- 
mont, 209, 215, 216, 309 

Talbot, Francis, eleventh Earl of 
Shrewsbury ; in the Mimoires 
de Grammont, 213, 215, 216, 309 

Talbot, Mark, 106 n. 2 

Talbot, Peter, 224 

Talbot, Richard, Earl of Tyrconnel, 
13. 21. 78. 93-5. 99-i; 
marriage, 65 ; regiment in Ire- 
land, 74, 295 ; lieut.-gen, 75 ; 
remodels Irish array, 76, 77 ; 
Lord-Lieutenant, 79 ; Richard 
Hamilton sent to him to negotiate 
peace, 81 ; resolves now to 
resist, 82-3 ; promotes officers, 

84 ; attached to the Hamiltons, 

85 ; letters to Richard Hamilton, 
85-7 ; the Hamiltons protected 
by him, 95, 96, 97 ; writes 
against Melfort, 96 ; at the 
Boyne, 100-2 ; at Gal way, 103 ; 
goes to France, 103 ; unpopular 
with native party, 104 ; his 
' creatures, 1 105 ; returns to 
Ireland, 106 ; disliked by Sars- 
field, 106 n. 4 ; death, 107 ; 
figures in the Mimoires, 209, 216, 

Talbots, the, 104 

Tambonneau, president de, 185 

Telimaque, 203, 232 

Temple, Anne, afterwards Lady 

Lyttleton, 204, 225 
Temple, John, suggests sending of 

Richard Hamilton to Ireland, 81 ; 

suicide, 83 

Temple, Sir William, 81, 139 
Temple du Gout, 132 
Termes, Gramont's valet, 186, 305, 

218, 223, 224 
Tesse, Chevalier de, French officer 

in Ireland, 106 n. 2 
Tetu, Abbe, 181 

Thackeray, William Makepeace, 

157 n. 4, 225 
ThSophile, see Viau 
Thianges, Marquise de, 115 
Thurles, Thomas, Viscount Thurles, 

Tilley, Mr. Arthur, i8ow. i 

Tilly, Pierre Alexandre de, 226 

Timandre et Bleuette, 234 

Tiran le Blanc, 177 

Titon du Tillet, Evrard, 269 

Torcy, see Colbert 

traite simuU, the, 37-40, 43 

Tregaskis, Mr., 301 

Trench, Richard Le Poer, second 
Earl of Clancarty, 264 n. 2 

Trimlestown, Lord, 300 

Triple Alliance, 35 

True Relation of the Action of the 
Inniskilling Men, 94 

Turenne, Henri de La Tour d' 
Auvergne, Vicomte de, 62, 130, 
192, 195. 198 n. 4, 209, 226 ; on 
the Yssel, 46 and n. 3 ; joined by 
the regiment d'Hamilton, 48 ; 
attempts to engage the Im- 
perialists in battle, 279 ; re- 
verses, 50 ; popularity with 
English, Irish and Scottish regi- 
ments. 50, 53, 59 ; quoted on 
Irish affairs, 52 n. 3 ; atSinzheim 
53 ; at Entzheim, 54 ; cam- 
paign of the Vosges, 54 ; Mul- 
house and Turckheim, 55 ; still 
in Alsace, 57 ; death, 58 ; suc- 
cessors, 59 

Tuscany, Grand Duke of, Cosmo 
the Third, 36 and n. 3, 1 13 n. 4 

Typhon, 248 

Tyrconnel, Duke of, see Talbot, 

Tyrconnel, Lady, see Jennings, 

Ulster, Scottish settlers in, 1-3 ; 

Roman Catholics in, 3, 52 n 3 ; 

holds out against James, 81 ; see 

also, Enniskillen, Londonderry 
Urfe, Honore d', 248 
Ursins, Marie Anne de laTremoille, 

Princesse des, 154*1. I and 3 
Usage des Romans, 193 n. i, 198 

n. i 
Usson, d', French officer in Ireland, 

io6n. 2 

Van Beuninghen, Dutch ambassa- 
dor, and Gramont, 38 
Vancl, , writer, 192, 195 



Varillas, Antoine, 195 

Vaubrun, Marquis de, 54 

Vaudry, Edward, 288 

Vendome, Louis Joseph, Due de, 
130-2, 182 

Vendome, Philippe, le Grand Prieur, 
130-3, 182 

Vere, Aubrey de, twentieth Earl of 
Oxford, in the Memoires de 
Grammont, 187, 213 n. i ; in the 
Memoires de la Cour d'Angleterre, 

Vergest, Marquis de, 41 n. 3 

Vergier, Jacques, 270 

Vertot, Rene Aubert, Abbe de, 195 

Viau, Theophile de, 180 

Vie de ] . B. Colbert, 192, 193 n. 6 

Villars, Claude Louis Hector, Mare- 
chal de, 142, 156, 157 

Villedieu, Madame de, writer, 192, 
193 w. 4, 194, 196 

Villeroy, Fra^ois de Neufville, 
Marechal de, 72 (?), 154 

Villiers, Abbe de, 193 n. 5, 232 

Villiers, Barbara, Lady Castle- 
maine, afterwards Duchess of 
Cleveland, 13 ; knows Gramont, 
20 ; conversion, 24 n. i ; her 
daughter, 26 ; in love with 
Jermyn, 210 ; figures in Hattigi, 

200 and n. i ; in the Memoir es 
de Grammont, 186, 209, 213, 214 
n. i, 215, 227 n. i, 305, 309 

Villiers, George, second Duke of 
Buckingham, Pepys deplores his 
influence, 14 ; dances in ballet, 
19 ; anger at Madame's death, 
37 ; promotes the traite simule 
with Gramont, 37-8, 62, 206 ; 
quarrels with him, 39, 40 ; figures 
in French novels, 199, 200 n. i, 

20 1 ; in the Memoires de Gram- 
mont, 209, 213, 215, 216, 307 

Virelai sur les Hollandais, 270 
Virgile Travesty, 248 
Vizetelly, Mr. Henry, 212, 227 
Voisenon, Claude Henri, Abbe de, 
225 n. 5, 226 ; oriental tales, 234 


Voisin, Catherine, ' la Voisin,' 112 

Voiture, Vincent, at the Hotel de 
Rambouillet, 138-9; influence 
on Hamilton, 146, 172 n. 3, 173, 
175, 178-9, 248, 268 ; admired 
at the end of the seventeenth 
century, 179-81 ; described by 
La Fontaine, 272 

Volksm&rchen, 261 

Voltaire, Fran9ois Marie Arouet de, 

165, 179, 189 ; on Hamilton's 
birthplace, 7 ; friend of the 
Vendomes, 131 ; of Hamilton, 
132 ; of Madame du Maine, 133 ; 
influenced by Hamilton, 176, 
255-6, 267 ; on the Memoires de 
Grammont, 207, 222, 224 ; poet 
of the Marechal de Richelieu, 
226 ; on Hamilton's tales, 233 ; 
his own tales, 234 ; compared 
with Hamilton's, 255-6; his 
tales translated, 257 ; praises 
Hamilton's poetry, 269 ; in- 
fluence on Beckford, 258-9 ; on 
Peacock and Disraeli, 260-1 

Volupti, la, 271-2 

Voss, Johann Heinrich, 261 

Voyage d'Espagne, 199 

Voyage, de Chapelle et Bachaumont, 

Voyage merveilleux du Prince Fan 
Firedin dans la Romancie, 250 

Waldegrave, Henry, first Baron 
Waldegrave, 95 

Wales, Prince of, see James Francis 
Edward Stuart 

Walker, George, 86, 89 

Walpole, Horace, fourth Earl of 
Orford, 171, 174 ; and the 
Memoires de Grammont, 71, 212, 
220, 225 ; his Hieroglyphic Tales, 
259-60 ; influenced by Hamil- 
ton's tales, 264 ; on Lady 
Stafford, 167 ; on Hamilton's 
portrait, 299 

Walpoliana, quoted, 300 

Walrond family of Dulford House, 

Warmestry, Miss, maid of honour, 
21, 188, 213 n. i, 305, 306 

Wauchope, John, 106 n. 2, 108 

Wharton, Philip, Duke of Wharton, 

Wells, Winifred, maid of honour, 
1 86 

Westmeath's regiment, 295 

Wetenhall, Mrs., see Bedingfield 

Wetenhall, Thomas, 185, 217 

Wetzel, Friedrich Gottlob, 225 

Wieland, Christoph Martin, prefers 
Part II of the Mtmoires, 210 
his Prince Biribinker, 220 n. 3 
on les Quatre Facardins, 234 w. i 
influenced by Hamilton, 261-4 

Willard, M., friend of Port Royal, 
1 20 



William of Orange, afterwards 
William III, war of 1672-8, 48, 
50, 51, 53, 57, 66, 67 ; prepara- 
tions for invasion, 79, 284 ; 
landing in England, 80 ; does 
not realize gravity of Irish 
resistance, 81 ; grants pass to 
Richard Hamilton, 82 ; war in 
Ireland, 83, 89, 105 ; at the 
Boyne, 99-102 ; acknowledged 
by Louis XIV, 125 ; plot against 
him discovered, 129 

Williamson, Sir Joseph, letters to, 
44, 279 ; takes steps against 
Hattigt, 200 . i ; send MS. to 
Dom Luc d'Achery, 237 n. i 

Wilmot, John, second Earl of 

"^Rochester, 150 ;' holiday writer,' 
171 ; figures in the Memoires, 
209, 213, 215, 225 

Witt, Cornelius de, 48 

Witt, John de. Grand Pensionary, 

Wood, Dr. physician to the Cheva- 
lier de St. George, 296-8 

Wurtzburg, Bishop of, 50, 279-80 

Yarborough, Sir Thomas, 263 . i 
York, Duchess of, see Hyde, Anne 
York, Duke of, see James II 

Zadig, 256 

Zalde, Zayde, 232 

Zeneyde, date, 126 n. i ; introduc- 
tion quoted, 1 26 ; pessimism of 
introduction, 138 ; written for 
Mme Ploydon, 139; discussed, 
227-9 ; used by Wieland, 261-2 j 
printed, 263 ; translated, 264 ; 
completed, 265 

Zurlauben, French officer in Ire* 
land, 102 

BINDING SL^r. JUL 3-1968 

Clark, Ruth 

Anthony Hamilton